You Shout out Loud That Christmas Is on 25Th Even If You Are an Atheist”
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Sounds of War and Peace: Soundscapes of European Cities in 1945
10 This book vividly evokes for the reader the sound world of a number of Eu- Renata Tańczuk / Sławomir Wieczorek (eds.) ropean cities in the last year of the Second World War. It allows the reader to “hear” elements of the soundscapes of Amsterdam, Dortmund, Lwów/Lviv, Warsaw and Breslau/Wrocław that are bound up with the traumatising experi- ences of violence, threats and death. Exploiting to the full methodologies and research tools developed in the fields of sound and soundscape studies, the Sounds of War and Peace authors analyse their reflections on autobiographical texts and art. The studies demonstrate the role urban sounds played in the inhabitants’ forging a sense of 1945 Soundscapes of European Cities in 1945 identity as they adapted to new living conditions. The chapters also shed light on the ideological forces at work in the creation of urban sound space. Sounds of War and Peace. War Sounds of Soundscapes of European Cities in Volume 10 Eastern European Studies in Musicology Edited by Maciej Gołąb Renata Tańczuk is a professor of Cultural Studies at the University of Wrocław, Poland. Sławomir Wieczorek is a faculty member of the Institute of Musicology at the University of Wrocław, Poland. Renata Tańczuk / Sławomir Wieczorek (eds.) · Wieczorek / Sławomir Tańczuk Renata ISBN 978-3-631-75336-1 EESM 10_275336_Wieczorek_SG_A5HC globalL.indd 1 16.04.18 14:11 10 This book vividly evokes for the reader the sound world of a number of Eu- Renata Tańczuk / Sławomir Wieczorek (eds.) ropean cities in the last year of the Second World War. It allows the reader to “hear” elements of the soundscapes of Amsterdam, Dortmund, Lwów/Lviv, Warsaw and Breslau/Wrocław that are bound up with the traumatising experi- ences of violence, threats and death. -
European Influences in Moldova Page 2
Master Thesis Human Geography Name : Marieke van Seeters Specialization : Europe; Borders, Governance and Identities University : Radboud University, Nijmegen Supervisor : Dr. M.M.E.M. Rutten Date : March 2010, Nijmegen Marieke van Seeters European influences in Moldova Page 2 Summary The past decades the European continent faced several major changes. Geographical changes but also political, economical and social-cultural shifts. One of the most debated topics is the European Union and its impact on and outside the continent. This thesis is about the external influence of the EU, on one of the countries which borders the EU directly; Moldova. Before its independency from the Soviet Union in 1991, it never existed as a sovereign state. Moldova was one of the countries which were carved out of history by the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact in 1940 as it became a Soviet State. The Soviet ideology was based on the creation of a separate Moldovan republic formed by an artificial Moldovan nation. Although the territory of the Moldovan Soviet Socialist Republic was a former part of the Romanian province Bessarabia, the Soviets emphasized the unique and distinct culture of the Moldovans. To underline this uniqueness they changed the Moldovan writing from Latin to Cyrillic to make Moldovans more distinct from Romanians. When Moldova became independent in 1991, the country struggled with questions about its national identity, including its continued existence as a separate nation. In the 1990s some Moldovan politicians focussed on the option of reintegration in a Greater Romania. However this did not work out as expected, or at least hoped for, because the many years under Soviet rule and delinkage from Romania had changed Moldovan society deeply. -
Moldova's National Minorities: Why Are They Euroskeptical?
Moldova’s National Minorities: Why are they Euroskeptical? Marcin Kosienkowski William Schreiber November 2014 Russia/NIS Center Ifri is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental and a non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. With offices in Paris and Brussels, Ifri stands out as one of the rare French think tanks to have positioned itself at the very heart of European debate. Using an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debates and research activities. The opinions expressed in this article are the authors’ alone and do not reflect the official views of their institutions. Russia/NIS Center © All rights reserved – Ifri – Paris, 2014 ISBN: 978-2-36567-330-3 IFRI IFRI-Bruxelles 27 RUE DE LA PROCESSION RUE MARIE-THERESE, 21 75740 PARIS CEDEX 15 – FRANCE 1000 BRUXELLES, BELGIQUE TEL. : 33 (0)1 40 61 60 00 TEL. : 32(2) 238 51 10 FAX : 33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 FAX : 32 (2) 238 51 15 E-MAIL : [email protected] E-MAIL : [email protected] WEBSITE : www.ifri.org Russie.Nei.Visions Russie.Nei.Visions is an online collection of articles dedicated to the study of Russia and other former Soviet states (Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova, Armenia, Georgia, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan). Written by leading experts, these policy-oriented papers deal with strategic, political and economic issues. -
Moldova: Background and U.S. Policy
Moldova: Background and U.S. Policy Steven Woehrel Specialist in European Affairs April 23, 2014 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RS21981 Moldova: Background and U.S. Policy Summary Although a small country, Moldova has been of interest to U.S. policy makers due to its position between NATO and EU member Romania and strategic Ukraine. In addition, some experts have expressed concern about Russian efforts to extend its hegemony over Moldova through various methods, including a troop presence, manipulation of Moldova’s relationship with its breakaway Transnistria region, and energy supplies and other economic links. Moldova’s political and economic weakness has made it a source of organized criminal activity of concern to U.S. policy makers, including trafficking in persons. U.S. and Moldovan experts have expressed concern about whether Russian President Putin’s annexation of Crimea and attempted destabilization of eastern Ukraine presages a similar effort toward Moldova, including Russian recognition of the independence of Transnistria. After July 2009 parliamentary elections, a group of opposition parties to the then-ruling Party of Communists of the Republic of Moldova (PCRM) formed a governing coalition that pledged to carry out reforms with the goal of closer integration with the European Union. There are few ideological differences among the governing parties, which are mainly vehicles for key political leaders and politically connected big businessmen. New parliamentary elections are expected to be held in November 2014. Moldova is Europe’s poorest country, according to the World Bank. Moldova’s GDP grew by a rapid 8.9% in 2013, spurred by strong consumer spending and a good agricultural harvest, rebounding from a drought the previous year. -
A/HRC/19/60/Add.2 General Assembly
United Nations A/HRC/19/60/Add.2 General Assembly Distr.: General 27 January 2012 Original: English Human Rights Council Nineteenth session Agenda item 3 Promotion and protection of all human rights, civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights, including the right to development Report of the Special Rapporteur on freedom of religion or belief, Heiner Bielefeldt Addendum Mission to the Republic of Moldova* Summary The present report contains the findings and recommendations of the Special Rapporteur on freedom of religion or belief on his mission to the Republic of Moldova, from 1 to 8 September 2011. In the report, the Special Rapporteur gives an overview of the international human rights standards, the domestic legal framework on freedom of religion or belief and the religious demography in the Republic of Moldova. Subsequently, he addresses issues of concern for his mandate relating to the general situation of freedom of religion or belief in the country, including the privileged status of the Moldovan Orthodox Church; manifestations of intolerance; freedom of religion or belief in public school education and conscientious objection to military service. In his conclusions and recommendations, the Special Rapporteur expresses his appreciation for the fact that the Moldovan society has been, and continues to be, in a process of rapid transformation, which includes, inter alia, the development of a sustainable human rights culture in the country. The implementation of human rights standards ranks high on the Government’s agenda, and significant progress has been made. This includes freedom of religion or belief, a human right by and large respected in the Republic of Moldova. -
The Soviet Experiment: Playing with Weeks
The Soviet Experiment: Playing with Weeks By eLaine Vornholt Laura Lee Vornholt-Jones oviet reform of the Gregorian calendar was very different from the French reform during the Revolution. While it did not set aside the Gregorian calendar year, the new reform S completely restructured the weeks. The official reason was for greater productivity from workers and factories, but like the French reform before it, the Soviet calendar reform was in large part a reaction against religion. In May of 1929, Yurii M. Larin proposed a continuous production week.1 While at first his proposal was lightly dismissed, by the very next month he had won the support of Joseph Stalin, premier of the Soviet Union. Any opposition to the proposed reform was quickly crushed as “Counterrevolutionary bureaucratic sabotage.”2 Two months later on August 26, 1929, the Council of People’s Commissars (CPC) decreed that all productive enterprises were to transition from the traditional work week interrupted by a weekend, to a continuous production week. Further, the CPC stated that it was “essential that the systematically prepared transition of undertakings and institutions to continuous production should begin during the economic year 1929-1930.”3 The idea appeared simple: divide all workers into shifts. This applied not only to factory 1 The Soviet Union had been on the Gregorian calendar for only 11 years. On January 25, 1918, the Council of People’s Commissars (CPC) decreed that the Soviet Union would no longer use the Julian calendar but would switch to the Gregorian calendar. This was done February 14, 1918. -
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The European Proceedings of Social & Behavioural Sciences EpSBS Future Academy ISSN: 2357-1330 http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2017.07.03.57 MEPDEV 2nd: 2016 Central & Eastern European LUMEN International Conference - Multidimensional Education & Professional Development. Ethical Values IDENTITY CRISIS: MOLDOVAN IDENTITY AND MACEDONIAN IDENTITY Ancuța Negrea (a)* *Corresponding author (a) Valahia” University, Târgovişte, Romania, [email protected], [email protected] Abstract Claiming a language means reclaiming its identity roots: it is hard to identify in a culture in which one does not possess the language in which it is expressed. That is why, this article concentrates on the cultural and linguistic security of a certain community that may be compromised due to competition with another language, in which case the will to protect the language and culture takes root in the public consciousness (it is the case of the competition between Romanian and Russian on the Moldovan territory). Having to resort to alternating the linguistic codes, Romanians over the Prut, as those in the south of the Danube (Macedonians) have kept generation after generation, their "home" identity consciousness. In the traditional society the identity of a person is predestined and is based on some criteria: place of birth, family, social class, religion, etc. and usually remains unchanged throughout life. The concept of identity and belonging in the globalization era was enriched by new meanings. Social mobility leads to the dissolution of the traditional model based on the hereditary principle. The search for identity is a recent phenomenon. Today, cultural identity cannot be conceived as being inherited from the family but acquired since the early years, in the process of socialization and literacy. -
What Does It Mean to Be a Kin Majority? Analyzing Romanian Identity in Moldova and Russian Identity in Crimea from Below
Eleanor Knott What does it mean to be a kin majority? Analyzing Romanian identity in Moldova and Russian identity in Crimea from below Article (Published version) (Refereed) Original citation: Knott, Eleanor (2015) What does it mean to be a kin majority? Analyzing Romanian identity in Moldova and Russian identity in Crimea from below. Social Science Quarterly, 96 (3). pp. 830- 859. ISSN 0038-4941 DOI: 10.1111/ssqu.12193 Reuse of this item is permitted through licensing under the Creative Commons: © 2015 John Wiley and Sons CC BY 4.0 This version available at: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/63888/ Available in LSE Research Online: Online: November 2015 LSE has developed LSE Research Online so that users may access research output of the School. Copyright © and Moral Rights for the papers on this site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyright owners. You may freely distribute the URL (http://eprints.lse.ac.uk) of the LSE Research Online website. What Does it Mean to Be a Kin Majority? Analyzing Romanian Identity in Moldova and Russian Identity in Crimea from Below∗ Eleanor Knott, London School of Economics and Political Science Objective. This article investigates what kin identification means from a bottom-up perspective in two kin majority cases: Moldova and Crimea. Methods. The article is based on 50 fieldwork interviews conducted in both Moldova and Crimea with everyday social actors (2012–2013). Results. Ethnic homogeneity for kin majorities is more fractured that previously considered. Respondents identified more in terms of assemblages of ethnic, cultural, political, linguistic, and territorial identities than in mutually exclusive census categories. -
Comparison of Language Policies in the Post-Soviet Union Countries on the European Continent Martin Riegl1, Tomáš Vaško2
Comparison of Language Policies in the Post-Soviet Union Countries on the European Continent Martin Riegl1, Tomáš Vaško2 Abstract: Language was one of the most important identity markers and played a crucial role in all the countries of the former Soviet Union. Governments of the newly independent countries were pressed by their ethnic constituencies to pass language laws and new constitutions in favor of the dominant national or ethnic groups. Governments of post – Soviet republics could accept the status quo of the Russian language or make the majority language the only official language of the state and face the national movements of minority groups. New constitutions and legislation severely affected the status of minority languages. Language became a politicized key component in both nation and state-building processes. As the consequence of language policies, minorities received a dramatically smaller share of government, public service and media positions than their share of the population. Thus, very visible ethno- language cleavages arose in all surveyed countries. The main conclusion of our article is the special classification of language policies in post-Soviet European states. We differ between two clean types: inclusive language policy and exclusive language policy. From these two basic types several other sub-categories are derived. Keywords: Quasi-states, language policy, de facto states, failed states, majority language, minority language rights, identity, CIS, USSR, The Baltic States, Moldova, PMR, Ukraine, Belarus, Georgia, South Ossetia, Abkhazia. Introduction Language and national affiliation undoubtedly belong to the dominant themes of the political development of transforming countries in the European part of the former Soviet Union. -
Dniester Jews Between
PARALLEL RUPTURES: JEWS OF BESSARABIA AND TRANSNISTRIA BETWEEN ROMANIAN NATIONALISM AND SOVIET COMMUNISM, 1918-1940 BY DMITRY TARTAKOVSKY DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History in the Graduate College of the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2009 Urbana, Illinois Doctoral Committee: Professor Mark D. Steinberg, Chair Professor Keith Hitchins Professor Diane P. Koenker Professor Harriet Murav Assistant Professor Eugene Avrutin Abstract ―Parallel Ruptures: Jews of Bessarabia and Transnistria between Romanian Nationalism and Soviet Communism, 1918-1940,‖ explores the political and social debates that took place in Jewish communities in Romanian-held Bessarabia and the Moldovan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic during the interwar era. Both had been part of the Russian Pale of Settlement until its dissolution in 1917; they were then divided by the Romanian Army‘s occupation of Bessarabia in 1918 with the establishment of a well-guarded border along the Dniester River between two newly-formed states, Greater Romania and the Soviet Union. At its core, the project focuses in comparative context on the traumatic and multi-faceted confrontation with these two modernizing states: exclusion, discrimination and growing violence in Bessarabia; destruction of religious tradition, agricultural resettlement, and socialist re-education and assimilation in Soviet Transnistria. It examines also the similarities in both states‘ striving to create model subjects usable by the homeland, as well as commonalities within Jewish responses on both sides of the border. Contacts between Jews on either side of the border remained significant after 1918 despite the efforts of both states to curb them, thereby necessitating a transnational view in order to examine Jewish political and social life in borderland regions. -
Moldovans: out Siders Or Insiders?
ANALYSIS Our research analyzes the trends of labor migration and the situation of migrant workers in Romania coming LABOUR AND SOCIAL JUSTICE through the entry points of employment agencies and international higher education programs from MOLDOVANS: OUT Moldova. SIDERS OR INSIDERS? The bursary programme for Romanians living in neigh bouring countries is clearly Situation of migrant workers in Romania conceived by the Romanian state as a means of encourag ing a braindrain into Roma nia. It provides scholarships and accommodation for more Tibor Toró, Tamás Kiss, Viorela Telegdi-Csetri than 2,500 new students September 2020 each year. IT sector bacame a primary entry point, without the inter mediation of the universities. IT specialists integrated in the field can manage to find a job on their own. Employers use their Moldavian network to find trustworthy and compe tent workers. LABOUR AND SOCIAL JUSTICE MOLDOVANS: OUT SIDERS OR INSIDERS? Situation of migrant workers in Romania EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Romania is considered mainly a sending or transit coun even consider it a ’rite of passage’, when integration into try, however in the past few years the number of incom the host society occurs. From the state’s perspective, the ing migrants is growing. This can be grasped both in the programme is clearly conceived as a means of encourag number of work permits issued in a year, the different sta ing a braindrain into Romania, as it provides scholarships tistical data on foreign born citizens in the country and and accommodation for more than 2,500 new students the number of files submitted for the (re)acquisition of each year. -
THE BENEFITS of ETHNIC WAR Understanding Eurasia's
v53.i4.524.king 9/27/01 5:18 PM Page 524 THE BENEFITS OF ETHNIC WAR Understanding Eurasia’s Unrecognized States By CHARLES KING* AR is the engine of state building, but it is also good for busi- Wness. Historically, the three have often amounted to the same thing. The consolidation of national states in western Europe was in part a function of the interests of royal leaders in securing sufficient rev- enue for war making. In turn, costly military engagements were highly profitable enterprises for the suppliers of men, ships, and weaponry. The great affairs of statecraft, says Shakespeare’s Richard II as he seizes his uncle’s fortune to finance a war, “do ask some charge.” The distinc- tion between freebooter and founding father, privateer and president, has often been far murkier in fact than national mythmaking normally allows. Only recently, however, have these insights figured in discussions of contemporary ethnic conflict and civil war. Focused studies of the me- chanics of warfare, particularly in cases such as Sudan, Liberia, and Sierra Leone, have highlighted the complex economic incentives that can push violence forward, as well as the ways in which the easy labels that analysts use to identify such conflicts—as “ethnic” or “religious,” say—always cloud more than they clarify.1 Yet how precisely does the chaos of war become transformed into networks of profit, and how in turn can these informal networks harden into the institutions of states? Post-Soviet Eurasia provides an enlightening instance of these processes in train. In the 1990s a half dozen small wars raged across the region, a series of armed conflicts that future historians might term collectively the * The author would like to thank three anonymous referees for comments on an earlier draft of this article and Lori Khatchadourian, Nelson Kasfir, Christianne Hardy Wohlforth, Chester Crocker, and Michael Brown for helpful conversations.