Studia Linguistica Universitatis Iagellonicae Cracoviensis 125 (2008)

MAREK PIELA Instytut Filologii Orientalnej

FOUR TOPICS IN *

I. Idem per idem

A relative that repeats exactly the content of the main clause is called idem per idem in Hebrew grammar because such a clause does not explain anything if אהיה אשר אהיה interpreted literally.1 Its most famous example is the biblical (Exodus 3: 14) ‘You can call me as you want,’ lit. ‘I am who I am.’ The use of idem per idem in the was studied by Ogden (1992). Some of his conclusions are valid for Modern Hebrew, as I will demonstrate. Peretz (1967: 146–148) ascribes two meanings to idem per idem relative sentences: 1. In some contexts they express a general, vague reference, if the speaker does not want to refer more precisely to the content.2 In the example given by Peretz: entered the place that he entered,’ the author used‘ 3(יומא ה, ג) נכנס לַמקום שנכנס idem per idem in order not to mention the Holy of Holies, whose name was taboo. 2. In other contexts idem per idem sentences express ‘decisiveness,’ what has‘ מה שנעשה – נעשה ואין להשיב :according to Peretz, and his example is been done, has been done and it is impossible to change it.’4 The aim of this paper is to describe the functions of relative sentences of the idem per idem type in modern literary Hebrew more closely.

* The paper is based on an earlier lecture presented by the author at the Plenary Session of the Polish Academy of Sciences, Cracow Branch, held on 17 December 2007. 1 The term idem per idem is used by Ogden (1992). His definition of the term is insufficient, since it confines the identity of the main and the to the same used in both of them. 2 Lagarde (cf. Ogden 1992: 109) interpreted biblical instances of the idem per idem type in the same way. .לַמָּקום my translation follows Blackman who reads ,לְִמקום Peretz reads 3 4 Cf. the interpretation of Gen 43: 14 and Esther 4: 16 by Ogden (1992: 115–116). 122 MAREK PIELA

1. “It does not matter”

In most instances an idem per idem sentence means ‘It does not matter.’5 Exam- ples of this use are given below: 1. Here [...] in the care of these two Turks, nothing bad will happen to him, ( ראובני outside. (61 ,(יהיה שם אשר יהיה) irrespective of what would be there 2. He will not go to her to make his peace with her, he will not make the ( ראובני 63) .(יהיה אשר יהיה) first step, irrespective of what will happen 3. He will not relinquish her, irrespective of what she will be like (ראובני 72) .(תהיה אשר תהיה) 4. You cannot get anything out of them, irrespective of how much they put (ראובני) .(יכניסו בהם כמה שיכניסו) in them 5. It was enough for him to feel the steps of an approaching person, who- .immediately he stopped talking [...] (ויהי המתקרב מי שיהיה) ever it was (ראובני 126) 6. Let the evening be wonderful. It does not matter how much it will cost ( באר 216) .(יעלה כמה שיעלה) ( ראובני it does not matter. (119 – (פנה לאשר תפנה) Turn wherever you want .7 ( גרוסמן 216) .(יהיה מה שיהיה) This tree, the bush, or whatever it is .8 even the greatest misbeliever, once he will ,(יהי מי שיהיה) Whoever he is .9 ( ראובני surely go. (287 ( הסיפור 218) .(תהי עבודתו מה שתהי) irrespective of what his job was [...] .10 11. [...] irrespective of what the thing that I wanted to check was ( הראבן 200) .(יהיה אשר יהיה הדבר) In the passages cited above the idem per idem sentences mean that what is form is used even if the יקטול stated in them does not affect other events. The reference is to the past (ex. 5, 10, 11) or to the present (ex. 8–9). The jussive form of the verb can be used (ex. 5, 10). The idem per idem construction expresses here the condition for other events that is cancelled. The construction can mean ‘it does not matter’ without this מה איכפת? ... יהיה אשר יהיה...ילך באשר ילך :conditional sense in the context ‘Everything is indifferent to him, he thinks “Come what may”, he is ready to go The possible paraphrases of idem per idem sentences of .( ראובני anywhere’ (389 Whatever you tell her, every‘ מה שתספר לה - היא לעולם תחזור ותספר :this kind are מה שלא יהיה, אשתדל להשאר ;( קרנר time she will tell [...] again and again’ (238 I will go‘ אסע לאן שלא יהיה ,( קרנר Whatever happens, I will try to stay’ (224‘ The former .( הראבן whatever happens’ (119‘ מה שלא יקרה ,( הראבן wherever’ (171 variant (without negation) is better Hebrew than the latter one (with negation), which seems to be influenced by Polish or Russian. Other expressions that convey -he is shuffling along, irrespec‘ כמה שהוא מזדרז, אינו אלא נגרר :the same meaning are ’come (on us) what may‘ יעבור עלינו מה הסיפור ,(tive of how much he hastens’ (9 the feeling of pride is‘ רגש הכבוד מפותח הוא אצל בני האדם באשר הם שם ,( הסיפור 85) .( הסיפור developed in human beings, irrespective of where they are’ (129

5 Cf. a similar interpretation of biblical instances of the idem per idem type in Ogden 1992: 110–113. Four topics in Modern Hebrew grammar 123

2. ‘It must be accepted’

Idem per idem sentences are used to say that what is stated in them must be accepted because it cannot be changed. This use is illustrated by the following examples: .[and you must accept that] (אבוא מתי שאבוא) I will come back when I want .1 ( שחם 141) .( באר 223) .(מה שהיה היה) I must accept what happened .2 ( גרוסמן 40) .(מה שאירע אירע) You must accept what happened .3 ( הסיפור 242) .(מה שקנוי קנוי) You must accept the fact that you have bought it .4 5. Unfortunately, it is impossible to cancel / change / withdraw what he has ( הסיפור 381) .(ומה שעשה עשוי) been done This use is defined by Peretz as ‘decisiveness.’ Polish idem per idem sen- tences have a similar meaning: Jestem, jaki jestem means ‘you must accept what I am like.’

3. ‘I do not want or I am not able to be more precise’

Another use of idem per idem is exemplified by the following passages: 1. He noticed the glance that Hasan Bek gave him when he said something .(ראובני to his servants. (219 (אמר מה שאמר) .(ועשו מה שעשו) The officials were sitting inside and doing something .2 .( ראובני 377) .( שחם 117) .(דיווח השוטר למי שדיווח) The policeman reported to somebody .3 .( ראובני 213) .(ישבו באשר ישבו) They sat down just anywhere .4 It was running ;( מספרים 338) .(והלכו באשר הלכו) They went somewhere .5 .(ראובני , סיפורים 15) .(רצה לאשר רצה) somewhere .( הסיפור 35) .(והשתדל כמה שהשתדל) He tried for some time .6 .( הסיפור 276) .(חוזרת ברכה ממקום שחוזרת) Bracha returns from somewhere .7 .( מספרים 110) .(חזר ממקום שחזר) He returned from such a place .8 .( שחם 273) .(אם סיפרה מה שסיפרה) If she told it .9 הסיפור .(8) .(ויעשה מה שיעשה) He will do it .10 .( קרנר 154) .(אמר מה שאמר) He said it .11 .( הסיפור 241) .( קרה מה שקרה) It happened .12 .[i.e. the corpse] ( ראובני 406) .(מצאו מה שמצאו) They found it .13 uncle Zelig :(איחל לי כול אחד מה שאיחל) Each one wished me something .14 .( הסיפור said: [...]. (296 .( הסיפור 398) .(והנה אירע מה שאירע) This [that I described above] happened .15 .( הסיפור 398) .(שאלתי את מי ששאלתי) I asked somebody .16 ( הראבן 21) .(הגרמנים הגיעו לאן שהגיעו) The Germans finished by doing it .17 [i.e. they caused war]. .[i.e. I hurt my boy friend] ( הראבן 23) .(עשיתי מה שעשיתי) I did it .18 -i.e. they had sexual inter] ( בואי 213) .(עשו את מה שעשו) They did it .19 course].

124 MAREK PIELA

The idem per idem sentence is used: a. if there is no need or possibility to be more precise, i.e. neither speaker nor hearer knows details (ex. 1–7, 16). The possible paraphrases are ,(ex. 4) ישבו איפה שנזדמן ,(ex. 3) דיווח למישהו ,(ex. 2) עשו משהו ,(ex. 1) אמר משהו ,(ex. 5) הלכו לאן שהוא b. if a more precise formulation appeared in the immediate context and the hearer remembers the details (ex. 8–11, 15), or he will be informed of them in the following passage (ex. 12, 14). The possible paraphrases are ,(ex. 9) אם סיפרה זאת ,(ex. 8) חזר ממקום כזה c. if the speaker does not want to use more precise expressions (in order not to violate the taboo), although the hearer can guess what is meant (ex. 13, 17–19), as in Yoma 5, 3. It seems that Polish idem per idem sentences have the meanings b and c.

II. The absolute

According to Glinert (2004: 225, 530, 544) the absolute infinitive is used in he‘ השכים קוּם ’,he went far‘ הרחיק לכת :Modern Hebrew only in a few idioms he stressed repeatedly.’ Incidentally, Glinert‘ הדגיש חזור והדגש ’,rose early to be absolute : these are construct קוּם and לכת wrongly considers So the only correct statement .קוֹם and הָלוֹך infinitives, and the absolute ones are made by Glinert that refers to the absolute infinitive, is that this form is a part of a construction expressing repetitive action. Rosén (1966: 315) suggests that the absolute infinitive exists only in . Aronson Berman (1978: 313) points out three functions of this form in Modern Hebrew: modal and intensive, they went completely away,’ and‘ הלוך הלכו ’,she will surely come‘ בוא תבוא as in like Glinert). Coffin and Bolozky (2005) claim that) חזר iterative with the verb the absolute infinitive is not productive in Modern Hebrew, i.e. only a few to and fro.’ According to‘ הלוך וחזור have this form, for example in the idiom these authors, in other uses the absolute infinitive has modal meaning. Everything that the authors cited above say about the absolute infinitive is right only with regard to spoken Hebrew. In written literary Hebrew the absolute infinitive is productive, i.e. many verbs are used in this form. The use over- looked by the grammarians concerns simultaneous action (cf. Joüon, Muraoka 1996: 425): התחילה לוחשת במהירות, לחוש ’;she walked stamping‘ הלכה הלוך וטפוף (שחר 53) she started to whisper quickly, and while whispering she‘ ודקור את אחותה בעיניה ההולכת לאט לאט, הלוך וכשול ;( ראובני pricked her sister with her eyes’ (233 [...] מישהו שב ;( ראובני going very slowly, and at the same time stumbling’ (120‘ someone once again pulled the sheet and at the same‘ ומשך את הסדין משוך וזמזם the horses‘ הסוסים רצו [...] רוץ וצלצל ; (ברטוב, רגל time he was humming’ (277 .( מספרים were galloping [...] and when galloping they were jingling’ (115 ויחרוש על גבה חרוש :Sometimes the infinitive construct is used in this structure the infinitive absolute – ( מספרים and he ploughed her back, beating’ (269‘ והכות Four topics in Modern Hebrew grammar 125

he is striking his head against the‘ הוא יכה ראשו בקיר הכה וגנוח :as in ,הכה would be the same in biblical Hebrew, cf. Joüon, Muraoka) ( מספרים wall, groaning’ (348 1996: 426). In the sentences cited above the main action is expressed by the finite verb the simultaneous action is ,(ההולכת) or (שב ומשך , התחילה לוחשת,הלכה) expressed by the absolute infinitive and the simultaneousness of the two is ex- pressed by the repetition of the main verb in the absolute infinitive. One can express a simultaneous action without repetition of the main verb in the absolute infinitive: (בן נר, האיש ;it is rotating, going up and down’ (9‘ היא סובבת, עלה וירוד .( מספרים she slipped away, jumping and skipping’ (220‘ דלוג ופסוח השתמטה Rarely the infinitive absolute is used for two simultaneous actions performed and my hands‘ וידי צובטות מן הלחם צבוט ואכול, צבוט ולעוס :by different subjects were tearing pieces of the bread off, and at the same time I was eating and chew- is ‘my hands,’ while צבוט ,צובטות here the subject of the verbs – ( הסיפור ing’ (84 .’is ‘I לעוס ,אכול the subject of the verbs The absolute infinitive is used in order to conjoin two verbs expressing two independent simultaneous actions (as above) or two verbs expressing one action and the adverb modifying it (as below): ;( ראובני her feelings receded more and more’ (250‘ רגשותיה סרו הלוך וסור they‘ הלכו הלוך והתלהב ;( ברטוב, רגל to explain well’ (322‘ להבהיר הַבְהֵר היטב it‘ לחשה בקרבו התמד ולחוש ,( מספרים became more and more rapturous’ (194 . ( הסיפור whispered in his heart steadily’ (24 mentioned by הדגיש חזור והדגש The special case of this use is the expression is an adverbial verb expressing the iteration of the חזור Glinert (2004). Here The construction can be used also .(הדגיש) action expressed by the main verb expressing gradual הלך with an as the and the adverbial verb intensification: and got‘ וילך הלוך וחזק ;( מספרים got smaller and smaller’ (146‘ הלך הלוך וקטן .( מספרים stronger and stronger’ (147 Other functions of the infinitive absolute in Modern Hebrew are as follows: 1. The infinitive absolute can be used to express an opposition, as in biblical he did‘ ולא ראה כלום, אך שמוע שמע :(Hebrew (Joüon, Muraoka 1996: 423 .( הסיפור not see anything, but he heard’ (63 2. The infinitive absolute is sometimes used instead of an ordinary infinitive construct: a. as a of a preposition (that is not attached to its comple- without‘ בלי הבט ,(מגד, מקרה without uttering’ (28‘ ללא הוצא :(ment in order to work and live‘ למען עבוד וחיה יחדיו ,( ראובני looking’ (72 ,This use is very rare in biblical Hebrew (Joüon .( הסיפור together’ (91 Muraoka 1996: 421), ’I could not look‘ לא יכולתי הבט :b. as a complement of a modal verb if he wants to investigate and‘ אם יבקש חקור והבן ;(בן נר, פרוטוקול 260) This use is common in biblical Hebrew .( מספרים understand’ (352 (Joüon, Muraoka 1996: 420). 126 MAREK PIELA

Rarely the .לא יכולתי להביט and בלי להוציא :In spoken Hebrew we would say פצוח :infinitive absolute of Qal is used with the finite verb in a given binyan ,as in biblical Hebrew (Joüon – ( יזהר we surely will be destroyed’ (205‘ נתפצח Muraoka 1996: 426).

III. A generic or vague subject

1. A verb in the 3rd person plural masculine

Let us define a generic human subject as ‘all / many people,’ and a vague human subject as ‘someone, some unidentified people.’ The distinction exists in the grammar of the , although usually the two kinds of unspecified .vagueness, generality’ (cf‘ סתמיות reference are included under one heading of Tzadka 1981: 192). In Modern Hebrew both of them can be expressed by the passive , which has been already studied by others (Taube 1997; Tzadka 1981: 193; Glinert 2004: 139). Both can be expressed also by the verb in the 3rd person masculine plural form without a subject marked independently (by a ’her luggage was taken from her‘ ( ראובני 175) לקחו ממנה את חפציה :(or pronoun it‘ ( ראובני 173) אומרים כי בצרפת הכריחו את כול נתיני רוסיה להתנדב לצבא ;(vague subject) is said / people say that all Russian citizens in France have been forced to join the army’ (generic subject). There is no noun or pronoun in the context that could be [they]‘ הכריחו ’,they] say]‘ אומרים ’,they] took]‘ לקחו the subject of the verbs force,’ and that is why the forms must be interpreted as having a vague or ge- neric subject. This issue has been studied by others (Glinert 2004: 139). An the first male partner is‘ הגבר הראשון הוא מישהו שזוכרים interesting example is זוכרים Here the masculine form .( בואי somebody that is remembered’ (79 expresses the general feminine subject, because only women can here be referred to.

2. The pronoun ‘you’ (singular)

A generic human subject (but not a vague human subject) can be also expressed you‘ ( ראובני 107) יכול אתה לחשוב שקר הוא :by forms of the 2nd person singular could think that it was cold’ (cf. Tzadka 1981: 194). There is no participant of you (singular‘ אתה the speech act that could be addressed with the pronoun masculine).’ Such use of the pronoun means ‘everyone who was there, would think that it was cold.’ One may use the 3rd person plural masculine form in this although this particular verb has a special form ,יכולים לחשוב שקר הוא :sentence -In the sen .אפשר לחשוב :expressing a generic subject, which is more often used זו שהיא אופיינית לכול בני אומה אחת, שאתה מוצא אותה בקהל אנגלי, שוודי tence this one, which is typical of all members of one nation, and‘ ( מגד, פויגלמן 143) which you / one find in communities of the Britons, the Swedes [...]’ one may you find.’ The 2nd person singular‘ אתה מוצא they] find’ instead of]‘ מוצאים use pronoun with no referent participating in the speech act means ‘everyone would Four topics in Modern Hebrew grammar 127 behave / react similarly in a given situation’ and that is why the 2nd person pro- noun expresses a generic subject, but not a vague one. For example, the sentence :Glinert (2004 .* ָלקחת ממנה כול חפציה cannot be reworded as לקחו ממנה כל חפציה 139) gives three examples of an unspecified subject / agent and translates them as follows: -One / you> called the police’ [lit. ‘They called the po>‘ הזעיקו את המשטרה lice’]. .[’One / you called the police’ [lit. ‘You called the police‘ אתה הזעקת את המשטרה ’.The police were called‘ המשטרה הוזעקה As a rule, Glinert (2004) does not provide in his grammar the context of the sentences, so we can assess his interpretation only on the basis of his gloss trans- lations and comments. I agree that when using the passive voice one can drop “any type of subject” (i.e. both generic and vague). Glinert calls the second ex- ample “generic you,” but leaves the first one without any label. So we can infer that for Glinert the two first sentences are synonymous. Morag (1990) pointed is unacceptable if one means, for אתה הזעקת את המשטרה out that the sentence example, that ‘Yesterday an accident happened and the police were called by somebody.’ Hebrew has the 3rd person plural masculine for a vague or generic subject, and the 2nd person singular for a generic subject. To sum up, Glinert should interpret the first sentence as expressing a vague or generic subject (so the alternative gloss should be added: Somebody called the police, Some people called the police), and the second one as expressing only a generic subject. The by Coffin and Bolozky (2005) and by Aronson Berman (1978) do not mention the Hebrew generic ‘you.’ Tzadka (1981: 194) does not differentiate and ,(סתמי between a generic and vague subject (both of them are called by him does not explain when the 2nd person singular can be used instead of the 3rd person plural. Sometimes the generic human reference cannot be expressed by the verb in the 3rd person plural: לא כל כך נעים, כשאתה רופא מכובד, להיתקל פתאום באדם שהכירך בהיותך סנדלר when you are a respectable doctor, it is not a great pleasure to meet‘ (ראובני 33) suddenly someone who knew you when you were a shoemaker.’ The pronoun ‘you’ has here generic reference, but it cannot be replaced with the verbs in the אתה רופא) 3rd person plural, because ‘you’ is the subject of the nominal clause and the suffixed modifier of the verbal ,(הכירך) the of the verb ,(מכובד The 3rd person plural masculine pronoun can express generic (or .(בהיותך) noun it is‘ אומרים :vague) reference only if it is contained in the finite verbal forms מה הטעם it was said,’ or in an adjectival circumstance predicate:7‘ אמרו said,’6

it is said’ contains the subject ‘they,’ because it‘ אומרים The (etymologically participial) form 6 ’.it was said‘ אמרו alternates with the finite form 7 Glinert (2004: 139) wrote that in order to express vague subject “the subject can simply be left blank, and the verb (or adjective) [...] is put into 3rd person plural.” It would mean that the / some‘ יפים* they are beautiful’ can be transformed into‘ הם יפים sentence with a specific subject ’.some / most people say‘ אומרים can be transformed into הם אומרים most people are beautiful,’ as is בואי cannot function as an independent sentence with a vague subject. The citation from יפים But a better example for an adjective with general reference. Bare adjective in plural masculine form 128 MAREK PIELA

here the – ( בואי what is the sense of dying as an ugly person?’ (24‘ למות מכוערים? to die’ is not expressed overtly, but its implied subject is‘ למות general subject of ugly’ (plural‘ מכוערים they (of generic reference),’ as it is seen in the form‘ One cannot express .למות masculine), which agrees with the subject of the verb * מחנכים את :a generic or vague reference by 3rd person plural masculine pronouns People tell me,’ but not‘ אומרים לי :children are educated.’ One can say‘ ילדיהם ’.I say to people / to everyone‘ *אני אומר להם Another example of the Hebrew generic ‘you:’ How does one feel if that is indeed one’s‘ איך מרגישים כשזה באמת הבן שלך? -The example shows that the generic ‘you’ can be com .( שמיר, הגבול son?’ (152 bined with the generic ‘they’ in one sentence, and here the use of the generic ‘you’ instead of the generic ‘they’ used in the first clause is due to its syntactic role: the possessive pronoun of generic reference cannot be expressed by the generic ‘they.’ There are Hebrew idioms containing the imperative of generic reference, for lit. ‘Go [2nd ,( מספרים it is very hard to explain him’ (393‘ צא ובאר לוexample sing. masc.] and explain him!’ or ‘Try to explain him!’ The pronoun ‘you’ con- tained in the imperative forms has generic reference here. The grammars suggest that only the masculine form of the pronoun ‘you’ can כשהוא מסתכל בְָּך סתם כך, :have generic reference. But let us consider the sentence .When he is looking at you [fem‘ ( שחר, חלום 183) 'הלא את מרגישה כאילו עולה השחר sing.], you [fem. sing.] feel as at daybreak’ – here a woman is telling a man about her erotic feelings which the interlocutor cannot share with her. The use of you [fem. sing.]’ with generic reference confines the scope of the generic‘ את subject to women and the sentence means: ‘Every woman would feel the same with generic reference is used by את in this situation.’ But the feminine pronoun women (talking to men) even if a man can be a referent of the subject: ’you [fem. sing.] received help from a Jewish boy‘ ְהיית מקבלת עזרה מבחור יהודי there are‘ יש בני אדם שברגע שהם ניגשים אלייך את כבר בטוחה ;(שמיר, הוא הלך 178) such people that at the moment when they approach you, you [fem. sing.] are one waits / you [fem. sing.] wait for the‘ תצפי לערב ;( שמיר, הוא already sure’ (181 of generic reference אתה The masculine pronoun .(ראובני, סיפורים evening’ (127 One can‘ אינך בטוח מעולם במה שאתה חושב :is used by a man talking to a woman cf. Glinert 2004: 66). So we can) ( הסיפור never be sure of his opinion’ (145 formulate the rule that the gender of the Hebrew generic ‘you’ agrees with the sex of the speaker, and not of the hearer. Sometimes the rule is not observed and וכשאתה מביט על השדות :when talking to a man אתה a woman can use the generic .( הסיפור and when one is looking at the fields’ (261‘ One may think that the generic ‘you’ was introduced to Modern Hebrew un- der the influence of English. But this is not so. It is found in Ch. N. Bialik and other ( מספרים G. Shofman (216 ,( מספרים M. Smilensky (128 ,( מספרים 103) writers active before the era of the domination of English. The pronoun ‘you’ used has a generic reference (לא תרצח :in biblical law (for example in the Decalogue

it‘ אפשר לאכול בו אם עייפים :can function only as a subordinate or main clause with a generic subject .( יזהר if one is short’ (88‘ כשנמוכים ,( אלטרס is possible to eat in it if one is tired’ (183 Four topics in Modern Hebrew grammar 129

–by Reuveni (56 קיסם Tzadka 1981: 194). On the other hand, in the story) the excessive use of the generic ‘you’ is to characterize the (ראובני, סיפורים 68– language of Americans. Only rarely is the 3rd person singular pronoun used with generic reference:8 Only through self-resignation can‘ ( שחם, אבן 445) רק בויתור על עצמו זוכים לחיי עולם -they] achieve’ has ge]‘ זוכים one achieve eternal life.’ The subject of the form neric reference, but this reference cannot be expressed by the 3rd person plural would not have עצמם i.e. the form) עצם pronoun suffixed to the reflexive noun generic reference), so the singular pronoun (‘he’) is used. Instead of combining רק בוויתור על ’:two kinds of generic pronoun one can use here the generic ‘you due to the fact that the generic ‘you’ can perform any ,עצמך אתה זוכה לחיי עולם syntactic function.

יקטול IV. The aspectual function of the form

-referring to the past or pre יקטול As is well known, in biblical Hebrew the form sent expresses an iterative or durative action (Joüon, Muraoka 1996: 366–368). form, so one יקטול Modern Hebrew grammars do not mention this function of has lost its aspectual meaning. But this is not the case. If the יקטול may infer that to express יקטול context points to the past or present time reference, one can use an iterative or durative aspect. In the translation of the examples cited below :form that expresses aspect יקטול I mark by [d] and [i] the verbs in the

1. Durative state or action in the present

she has still no obligations, and that is why she is‘ "ריקה" היא עדיין, על כך תעגם ( מספרים sad [d]’ (474 Raphael is sitting and writing, and he is‘ רפאל יושב וכותב, ותורתו יכתוב יומם ולילה ( מספרים writing [d] his Pentateuch day and night’ (424 ( מספרים wind does not blow [d]’ (410‘ רוח לא תנשב ( מספרים her heart is plotting [d] evil’ (409‘ לבה ירחש דבר רע ’an empty space spreads [d] around their house‘ מסביב לביתם ישתרע מקום ריק ( מספרים 408) ( מספרים why on earth her husband is going [d]’ (495‘ למה זה ילך בעלה ( מספרים where do you feel [d] pain?’ (392‘ היכן יכאב לך? ( 2מספרים his heart is throbbing quickly’ (36‘ מה יהלום לבו בקרבו ( מספרים does a Hebrew heart throb [d] in their chest?’ (237‘ הידפוק בחזם לב עברי? ( מספרים the test is lasting [d] a few moments’ (347‘ רגעים אחדים יארך המבחן ( מספרים can you hear [d]?’ (249‘ התשמעו? (ראובני, סיפורים what are you saying [d], doctor?’ (7‘ מה יאמר הרופא?

8 The same concerns , cf. Segal (1936: 65). 130 MAREK PIELA

2. Iterative state or action in the present

without this restrained joy which‘ בלי אותה החדווה הכבושה, אשר תהיה בפני האשה ( מספרים appears [i] on the face of a woman’ (474 ( מספרים it happens [i] sometimes’ (457‘ ככה יקרה לפעמים ( מספרים like this which girls wear [i]’ (455‘ כזה שתלבשנה הנערות ( מספרים everything that is done [i] at home’ (407‘ כל דבר אשר ייעשה בבית it happens that according to her advice and‘ יש ולפי עצתה וטעמה ייערכו עניני תלבושת ( מספרים taste the problems of clothes are resolved [i]’ (354 sometimes he joins [i] together the tips of‘ יש אשר יצמיד יחד את ראשי אצבעו ואגודלו ( מספרים his forefinger and thumb’ (272 (מספרים does it seethe [i] sometimes?’ (147‘ האם תזעם לפעמים, האם תסער? ( מספרים do you go [i] to the house of the Beinstocks?’ (518‘ ואל בית בינשטוק תבוא?

3. Iterative state or action in the past

[the voices of joy [...] fell [i‘ קולות הגיל [...] יפלו כמהלומות בוז על ראשה ויחרידו את נפשה ( מספרים on her head like strokes of disdain and they scared [i] her soul’ (353 ( מספרים that were not performed [i] on week days’ (321‘ אשר לא ייעשו בימות החול [it happened sometimes that she suddenly felt [i‘ יש אשר יתקפנה פתאום בולמוס פרא ( מספרים wild greed’ (295 -expresses an iterative action, not exclu יקטול ,As we can see in the examples Piela) היה פועל sively a habitual one. In this respect it resembles the construction 2008).

4. Durative action in the past

.( הסיפור her right hand was keeping [d] the hand of Uri’ (91‘ וימינה תאחז ביד אורי to express iteration or durativity is not compulsory: one can יקטול The use of for the present), that do) קוטל ,(for the past) קטל always use the ordinary forms not express aspect, and express the aspect in many other ways (Piela 2008). If points to a future time reference, the form does not express יקטול the context of any aspect (only a future tense), as in biblical Hebrew (Joüon, Muraoka 1996: with a present or past time reference declines in יקטול The aspectual use of .(366 modern Hebrew.

List of Hebrew sources: אלון אלטרס. הנקמה של מאריצ׳יקה. תל אביב 1999. אוריה באר. המורה גרופמן. תל אביב 1989. בואי כלה. סיפורי חתונה. ערכו ירון אביטוב, רן יגיל. ירושלים תשס"א. יצחק בן נר. האיש משם. תל אביב 1967. יצחק בן נר. פרוטוקול. ירושלים 1983. חנוך ברטוב. רגל אחת בחוץ. תל אביב 1994. דויד גרוסמן. חיוך הגדי. הקיבוץ המאוחד 1986.

Four topics in Modern Hebrew grammar 131

הסיפור העברי. ערך יוסף ליכטנבום. תל אביב 1960. גיל הראבן. שאהבה נפשי. ירושלים 2000. ס. יזהר. ימי צקלג. תל אביב 1958. אהרון מגד. מקרה הכסיל. תל אביב 1959. מספרים עברים. ערך יוסף רפופורט. תל אביב תשט"ז. יוסף קרנר. חיפשתיך. ירושלים תשמ"ט. אהרון ראובני. סיפורים. הוצאת ראובן מס. ירושלים. אהרון ראובני. עד ירושלים. ירושלים 1987. נתן שחם. אבן על פי הבאר. מרחביה 1956. נתן שחם. לב תל אביב. תל אביב 1986. דוד שחר. חלום ליל תמוז. תל אביב 1988. דוד שחר. סוכן הוד מלכותו. תל אביב. משה שמיר. הגבול. מרחביה תשכ"ו. משה שמיר. הוא הלך בשדות. תל אביב 1966.

References

Aronson Berman R. 1978. Modern Hebrew structure. Tel Aviv. Blackman Ph. (ed.) 1990. Mishnayoth. [vol. I–VII]. Gateshead. Coffin E., Bolozky Sh. 2005. A reference grammar of Modern Hebrew. Cambridge. Glinert L. 2004. The grammar of Modern Hebrew. Cambridge. Joüon P., Muraoka T. 1996. A grammar of biblical Hebrew. Roma. Morag Sh. 1990. (rev.) L. Glinert. The grammar of modern Hebrew. – Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 53: 507. Ogden G.S. 1992. Idem per idem: Its use and meaning. – Journal for the Study of the Old Testament 53: 107–120. Peretz Y. 1967. The relative clause. [in Hebrew]. Tel Aviv. .we współczesnej hebrajszczyźnie literackiej. − Pilarczyk K היה פועל Piela M. 2008. Konstrukcja (ed.) Żydzi i judaizm we współczesnych badaniach polskich. Kraków: 329–349. Rosén H. 1984. A textbook of Israeli Hebrew. Chicago. Segal M. 1936. A grammar of Mishnaic Hebrew. [in Hebrew]. Tel Aviv. Taube D. 1997. The passive construction and its functions in contemporary Hebrew. The Hebrew University of Jerusalem [PhD diss.]. Tzadka Y. 1981. A syntax of contemporary Hebrew. [in Hebrew]. Jerusalem.

Streszczenie

Cztery zagadnienia gramatyki współczesnego języka hebrajskiego

1. Zdanie względne, które nie zawiera żadnej nowej informacji o składniku zdania głównego, którego jest określeniem, wyraża następujące znaczenia we współczesnym hebrajskim: a. ‘jest to nieistotne, nie ma wpływu na inne zdarzenia’, b. ‘musi to być zaakceptowane, bo się nie da tego zmienić’, c. ‘nie chcę albo nie mogę bardziej szczegółowo tego opisać’. 132 MAREK PIELA

2. Infinitivus absolutus jest formą produktywną w hebrajszczyźnie literackiej i oprócz funk- cji wymienianych w opracowaniach pełni też takie, jak: a. służy do wyrażenia czynności jednoczesnej z inną czynnością, b. może być dopełnieniem przyimka lub czasownika. 3. Podmiot ogólny można wyrazić w hebrajskim przez zaimek ‘ty’ (w obu rodzajach, zależ- nie od płci mówiącego). w odniesieniu do przeszłości lub teraźniejszości wyraża aspekt duratywny יקטול Forma .4 lub iteratywny.