Marketplace of Ideas and Marketplace of Money a Study of Commercialism and the Swedish Election News Coverage in 1998 and 2002

Nordicom Review, Jubilee Issue 2007, pp. 51-62 Marketplace of Ideas and Marketplace of Money A Study of Commercialism and the Swedish Election News Coverage in 1998 and 2002 JESPER STRÖMBÄCK Abstract The purpose of this study is to investigate whether commercialization can explain the extent to which the Swedish news media during the 1998 and 2002 national elections framed politics as a game, followed an interpretive journalistic style and allowed politicians to speak for themselves. Six hypotheses were derived from the claim by Patterson (2000) that commercialism is the driving force behind the framing of politics as a game and, by implication, the increasing use of an interpretive journalistic style and shrinking sound- or inkbites. Taken together, the results show only mixed support for the hypotheses. The results thus indicate that perceiving commercialism as the crucial independent variable is too simplified. Moreover, it must certainly not be a universal truth that commercialism is driving the changes of election news coverage, or that there is always a contradiction between the media functioning in the marketplace of ideas and the marketplace of money. Key Words: election news coverage, commercialism, framing, interpretive journalism Introduction Democracy as a political system for self-government requires a media system that provides the information people need to be free and self-governing, forums for public dis- cussions and that functions as a watchdog against abuse of power. Through this, the media system and its constituent parts can contribute to an enlighted understanding among the citizens in a democracy. This is no less true during the heated months and weeks preceding an election, when political parties and candidates campaign and people make up their minds regarding which party or candidates to vote for. The media, however, is not only in the business of providing information, but also in the business of making money. Media companies are, with a few exceptions, essentially commercial companies. Thus, the media is part of the marketplace of money as well as the marketplace of ideas. 51 Three Consequences of Commercialism The fact that media companies are, in general, commercial companies might have fun- damental consequences for the news coverage in general as well as for the news coverage of elections (Hamilton, 2004; Allern, 2001; Picard, 2005). Moreover, these consequences might, according to several observers, have detrimal effects on the media as part of the marketplace of ideas (Åsard & Bennett, 1997; McManus, 1994; Croteau & Hoynes, 2001). One such consequence, of particular importance regarding election news coverage, is the tendency to frame politics as a strategic game, rather than as issues. As noted by Patterson (2000, p. 253-254, 255-256): Of the many effects of commercialism on news content, none is more consequential than the media´s tendency to report politics not as an issue but as a game in which individual politicians vie for power. [...] The news media´s tendency to frame politics in gamelike terms serves to depolitizice issues, pre- senting them more as political tokens in the struggle for power than as objects of serious debate. What is important to note here is that Patterson is stating the relationship between commercialism and the framing of politics in universal terms. Another effect of commercialism, to some extent independent and to some extent part of the tendency to frame politics as a strategic game, is that the journalistic style has become more interpretive and less descriptive: ”Today, facts and interpretation are freely intermixed in election reporting. Interpretation provides the theme, and the facts illustrate it. The theme is primary; the facts are secondary. Since the themes are usually constructed from the game schema, it pervades election news” (Patterson, 1993, p. 67). A third effect of commercialism is the shrinking soundbite (Patterson, 1993, 2000), or ”inkbite”, which measures the number of words candidates are allowed to speak for themselves in newspaper articles. Regarding soundbites on television network news in the U.S., research has shown that on average it had shrunk to less than ten seconds in the late 1980s and 90s, down from over 40 seconds in 1968 (Hallin, 1992; Lowry & Shidler, 1998). As for inkbites, the trend is not as clear, but as shown by Just and collegues, in the 1992 U.S. presidential election, ”newspapers [were] even less likely to let candidates speak for themselves than television news” (Just et al. 1999, p. 29). These three tendencies in contemporary political journalism and election news coverage have been found in several other postmodern democracies apart from the United States. (Franklin, 1997; Norris et al., 1999; Strömbäck, 2004; Waldahl & Narud, 2004; van der Eijk, 2000; Petersson et al. 2006). However, the research results are difficult to compare, due to different operationalizations and definitions of crucial concepts. What is more important in this context, however, is that it is yet unclear as to whether or not these tendencies should actually be viewed as effects of commercialism. If Patterson is correct when stating in universal terms that commercialism is the driving force behind the tendency to frame politics as a game, then this particular framing should be more common the more commercially oriented a particular media outlet is and more common the more commercially oriented a particular media system is. Further- more, if the interpretive journalistic style and the shrinking sound- or inkbites are indeed linked to the framing of politics as a game, then the interpretive journalistic style should be more common and the sound- or inkbites shorter the more commercially oriented a particular media outlet or media system is. 52 Stated differently, the degree of commercialism would be the crucial independent variable not only in the United States, the prototype of a country with a ”liberal model” of media and political systems, but also in a country such as Sweden, the prototype of a ”democratic corporatist model” of media and political systems (Hallin & Mancini, 2004). Setting the Stage: Background and Hypotheses Against this background, the purpose of this article is to study whether or not commercialism can explain the extent to which the Swedish news media during the 1998 and 2002 national elections framed politics as a game rather than as issues, followed an interpretive rather than a descriptive journalistic style, and, finally, how many sentences politicians were allowed to speak for themselves. Admittedly, studying only two elections is not sufficient to reach any final answers with regards to the effects of commercialism. This particular study should therefore be perceived only as a first step in a series of studies following future Swedish elections. Since the late 1980s and the beginning of the 1990s, the Swedish media landscape has been radically transformed (Petersson et al, 2005; Hadenius & Weibull, 2003). Historically, the Swedish broadcast media have been financed and produced through the public service companies Sveriges Television and Sveriges Radio. No private and commercial channels were allowed to broadcast. In 1987, however, the monopoly started to break down as a Swedish cable channel, TV3, started to broadcast to a Swedish audi- ence but from London, thus circumventing the Swedish legislation in this area. In 1991, the first terrestrial and commercial television channel, TV4, was allowed to broadcast in Sweden. The monopoly was broken (Hadenius, 1998; Djerf-Pierre & Weibull, 2001), and in 1993, private radio was allowed to broadcast at a local level. Whereas Sweden had two television channels and four radio channels in the mid 1980s, all of which were public service channels, Sweden now has more than thirty terrestial, cable- and digital television channels, the majority of which are private and commercial (Jönsson & Strömbäck, 2007). Regarding TV4, however, it is important to note that even though it is a privately owned and commercially driven media company, TV4 is obliged by the conditions of its license to, among other things, broadcast news that provide ”the information citizens need to be informed and form opinions in mat- ters of societal relevance” (Translated by author). Thus, with regards to the broadcast media, during the last twenty years Sweden has witnessed increased competition for audiences, investors, advertisers and also sources (cf. McManus, 1994). The same is true for the newspapers, partly because of the competition with the broadcast media, and partly because of falling advertising revenues and an economic recession during the 1990s. Another major change is that Swedish newspapers, which have always been owned by private enterprises or foundations, have become increasingly independent of the political system and the political parties since the 1960s. The party-press model, which used to be very strong in Sweden, has more or less disappeared when it comes to the news coverage (Asp, 2003; Petersson et al. 2005). Thus, political parallelism has weakened (Hallin & Mancini, 2004; Hadenius & Weibull, 2003). Commercial incentives have become more important whereas political incentives have become more or less irrelevant for the owners and editors of Swedish newspapers. Several Swedish scholars and observers have also noted that the Swedish media system has become more commercialized, and that it is an on-going process (Hultén, 1999; Hvitfelt, 1996; Petersson et

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