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Electronic Theses, Treatises and Dissertations The Graduate School

2011 An Historical and Visual Rhetorical Analysis of Comic Books, 1938-1945 David J. Cross

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"S:\bjbrown \diginole\source- data\etds\unsup- etd\fulltext AN HISTORICAL AND VISUAL RHETORICAL\fulltext_6501-700 ANALYSIS OF SUPERMAN COMIC 0 BOOKS,\etd-6657.fulltext. 1938-1945

By

DAVID J. CROSS

A Thesis submitted to the College of Communication & Information in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts

Degree Awarded: Fall Semester, 2011

David J. Cross defended this thesis on November, 7, 2011.

The members of the supervisory committee were:

Dr. Davis Houck Professor Directing Thesis

Dr. Donna Nudd Committee Member

Dr. Andy Opel Committee Member

The Graduate School has verified and approved the above-named committee members, and certifies that the thesis has been approved in accordance with university requirements.

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Dedicated to the Clark Kents of the world.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

To my family, friends, and teachers, without each of you this project would not have been possible. Special thanks go to my parents Don and Sheila Cross who taught me to persevere no matter the obstacle. Others who deserve thanks are Dr. Davis Houck for his expert guidance and willingness to mold my initially scattered concepts and Caitlin Hafer, who endured reading each draft with a smile.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF FIGURES ...... vi ABSTRACT ...... viii INTRODUCTION ...... 1 1.1 Comic Books: A Definition and History ...... 1 1.2 Research ...... 8 1.3 Rhetorical Function of Comic Books ...... 13 SUPERMAN:THE ...... 18 2.1 FDR‘s New Deal ...... 18 2.2 Superman‘s New Deal ...... 21 2.2.1 The Coming of Superman ...... 23 2.2.2 The Blakely Mine Disaster ...... 24 2.2.2 Superman in the Slums ...... 35 2.2.3 Black Gold Oil Well ...... 46 2.3 Superman‘s New Deal: Conclusion ...... 52 SUPERMAN: ISOLATIONISM & INTERVENTIONISM ...... 54 3.1 Isolationism and Interventionism ...... 54 3.2 Superman and Isolationism ...... 56 3.2.1 Superman and Munitions Manufacturers ...... 61 3.2.2 The Coming of Superman Revisited ...... 61 3.2.3 The in San Monte ...... 65 3.3 Superman and Interventionism ...... 74 3.3.1 Fifth Columnist ...... 77 3.3.2 The Fifth Column ...... 83 3.3.3 The Phony Pacifists ...... 90 3.4 Interventionist Covers ...... 94 3.5 Consequences of Intervention ...... 110 3.6 Isolationism and Interventionism Conclusion ...... 111 SUPERMAN: COVERS & WAR BONDS ...... 113 4.1 Superman Covers and War Bonds…………………………………………………….113 4.1.1 Contextualizing War Bonds ...... 115 4.1.2 Rhetorical Function of War Bonds ...... 117 4.2 Superman and War Bonds ...... 118 4.3 Superman and War Bonds: Conclusion ...... 129 CONCLUDING REMARKS ...... 131 5.1 Concluding Remarks ...... 131 5.2 Accessing Superman ...... 134 5.3 Limitations and Future Studies ...... 135 5.4. Consequences of Superman ...... 136 REFERENCES ...... 138 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ...... 145

LIST OF FIGURES

1 Clark Kent Questions Stanislaw Kober The image was taken from Action 3 (August 1938) ...... ………………….…….28

2 Clark Kent Questions Thornton Blakely This image is taken from 3 (August 1938) …………………………...…29

3 Thornton Blakely and Company Attempt to Escape the Collapsed Mine This image is taken from Action Comics 3 (August 1938) ………………...………...... 33

4 Thornton Blakely Recants This image is taken from Action Comics 3 (August 1938) .……..………………...…….34

5 The Trial of Frankie Marello This image is taken from Action Comics 8 (January 1939) ……..………………………39

6 The Boys Confront Gimpy This image is taken from Action Comics 8 (January 1939) ……………………………..40

7 Superman Learns of the Destroyed Florida City This image was taken from Action Comics 8 (January 1939) …..………………………43

8 Superman Destroys the Slums This image is taken from Action Comics 8 (January 1939) …………………………...... 44

9 The Slums are Rebuilt This image is taken from Action Comics 8 (January 1939) .…………………………….45

10 Clark Kent learns of the Black Gold Oil Well This image is taken from Action Comics 11 (April 1939) ....…………………..………..49

11 Superman destroys the Black Gold Oil Well This image is taken from Action Comics 11 (April 1939) ...…………………………….51

12 Superman Eavesdrops on a Lobbyist This image is taken from (April 1938) ....………………………….….63

13 Norvell is Taken into Battle This image is taken from Action Comics 2 (May 1938) ………………………………...67

14 Superman Confront the San Monte Generals This image is taken from Action Comics 2 (May 1938) ...………………………………70

15 Superman Informs the San Monte Generals They Were Tricked into Warring

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This image is taken from Action Comics 2 (May 1938) ……………………….…..……72

16 Stuart Pemberton Addresses the Volunteers for Peace This image was taken from Action Comics 36 (May 1941) …...………………………...78

17 Stuart Pemberton Addresses the American People This image is taken from Action Comics 36 (May 1941) ...…….………………..……...81

18 Superman Eavesdrops on Fifth Columnists This image is taken from Superman 8 (January-February 1941) ………………….....……85

19 Superman Uncovers a Hidden Oppositional Army This image was taken from Superman 8 (January-February 1941) ….…...……………...87

20 This image is a reproduction of ―The Supermen of America‖ The image appeared in Superman 8 (January-February 1941) ……....…………….…….89

21 Derwing Tells Committee members that He Works for an Oppositional Nation This image was taken from Superman 9 (March-April 1941) ……………………….….91

22 Superman Instigates a Confrontation Between Galsworthy and Derwing This image was taken from Superman 9 (March-April 1941) ………………...………...93

23 This image is the cover of Action Comics 35 (April 1941) …...………………………...96

24 This images is the cover of Action Comics 37 (June 1941) ……………………………..99

25 This image is the cover of Action Comics 39 (August 941)..…..………………………101

26 This image is the cover of Action Comics 40 (September 1941)...... ………………….103

27 This image is the cover of Superman 13 (November-December) …..…………………105

28 This image is the cover of Action Comics 43 (December 1941) …….………………...107

29 This image is the cover of Action Comics 44 (January 1941) …………………………109

30 This image is the cover of Action Comics 50 (July 1942) ……..…………...…………120

31 This image is the cover of Action Comics 51(August 1942) ….……………... ……….121

32 This image is taken from the cover of Action Comics 50 (July 1942). The bottom image was taken from the cover of Action Comics 51 (August 1942) ………………...122 33 This image is taken from the cover of Action Comics 58 (March 1943)....…………….125

34 The image is taken from the cover of Action Comics 59 (April 1943) ...... …………...126

35 This image is taken from the cover of Action Comics 86 (July 1945)...... 128

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ABSTRACT

Prior and during World War II comic books were among America‘s largest mass media. One of the most popular, if not the most popular, character to emerge from this time period was Superman, The Man of Tomorrow. Almost immediately after the character‘s in 1938, the country‘s newsstands were filled with brightly colored imitations. At the same time that the country‘s comic book industry came into being, the nation was undergoing a host of changes and controversy. The had wrecked the country and President Franklin Roosevelt‘s New Deal attempted to right the economic downturn. But as the country dealt with the lack of economic growth, it also came to its role in foreign affairs. The outbreak of conflict in Europe led to a fight at home between isolationists and interventionists and whether the country should broach supporting the Allied Forces. After Pearl Harbor, the nation entered the European conflict with zeal, as did the comic book industry. This thesis is an historical and visual rhetorical analysis of Superman comic books from 1938 to 1945. Its goal is to examine how one of the nation‘s most recognizable fictional characters both reflected and reinforced popular public opinion from the time period. I use Cara Finnegan‘s concept of visual rhetoric, specifically composition, and David Zarefsky‘s ―four senses‖ of rhetorical history to analysis the Man of Tomorrow‘s early adventures. I make three separate arguments. First, I argue that Superman comic books had New Deal sympathies by examining three issues and contextualizing these around popular public thought such as the need for improved workers rights, moral caused by slums, and admonishment of stockbrokers. Second, I detail how Superman comics presented isolationist messages and then interventionist messages. In showing this rhetorical trajectory I discuss the Nye Committee‘s investigation of the munitions industry and the Roosevelt administration‘s use of ―guilt-by-association‖ to discredit aviator . Finally, I argue that Superman during the war years came to represent the American people. This is done through the character‘s support of war bonds.

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CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.1 Comic Books: A Definition and History

Growing up I believed there were two rules to buying comic books. First, the most anyone should pay for a comic was 25 cents, or for the spendthrift, five issues for a dollar. My second rule was that purchasing multiple comics featuring the same character was prohibited. These two rules stemmed from what my local comic book store called ―The 25 Cents .‖ In the box, the store‘s owner sold yellow-tinged and damaged copies of decades-old comics. Often some of the industry‘s most popular characters sat beside creations that died fast and hard after only a few issues. It‘s from the 25 Cents Box that I learned about various superheroes and how to read comics. Though I would often be confused because the issues took place in the middle of a storyline, I marveled at the art and the garish creations‘ attempts to fight their equally colorful foes. Growing up, the money I earned from doing odd chores around the house went toward comics and superheroes; it went toward The 25 Cents Box; toward , , Superman, and even titles such as and . But as I grew older, entering middle school and then high school, comics were no longer seen as something to invest time in. They were still popular; I still enjoyed them. But their relevance lessened. It wasn‘t until later that I started to dabble my feet back into the wellspring of comic books. I‘d missed a lot, to say the least, but one of the distinctions of comics is the characters rarely change. There might have been years of battles that occurred within the pages of comics books, but Batman was still Batman; Spider-Man was still a hapless hero. This second berth into the medium gave way to a more nuanced approach to comic books. I enjoyed superheroes battling super villains, yet there was much more to the stories. I no longer simply ingested comic books, but could differentiate between what I thought were strong stories, and those that were slapped together shoddily to meet a . I became more critical of what I read and how I read it. I started to pay attention to how stories played out, and how the art conveyed action. I‘d hesitate to call myself a critic, not at that point, or even after my first review of a comic book was published in my undergraduate . Still, my path had been set; I wanted to know how comic books interacted with the world, not just as stories and art, but as a communication tool.

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At this point I became concerned with the tension inherent in comic books and real world events. The stories in comic books are fantasies; however, there is a history of comic book writers alluding to real-world events. More importantly, as with other mediums comic books hold the power to persuade by presenting various messages to readers. In this way comic books are mediated popular cultural texts—events, actions, objects—that subtly influences readers in myriad ways. More importantly, because comic books are mediated popular culture texts they are associated with ―entertainment‖ and consumers ―often fail to realize their persuasive potential.‖ (Sellnow, 2010, p. 5) With this in mind, I became interested in how comic books have been used to respond to -fictional events. For example, after the events of September 2001 the two major comic book publishers in the – DC Comics and – released anthologies that depicted the event from the eyes of their various company characters such as Superman and Spider-Man. In these books, readers are shown how to treat the incident by the characters. Nevertheless, before I continue, an understanding of comic books is needed before any exploration of the medium‘s persuasive attempts can be made; this includes the definition of comic books and the medium‘s history. Comic Books Defined The definition of a comic book is nebulous. This is unfortunate as comic book scholarship has begun to grow at length. There are several camps who seek to legitimize a definition of comic books. Scholars on all sides of the divide have articulated their positions fully and offer ample evidence for support. At the same time, other scholars have called for the abandonment of the search for a definition much to the chagrin of genre purists. Perhaps the most well-known definition was put forward by comics scholar Scott McCloud. McCloud defines comics as ―juxtaposed pictorial and other images in deliberate sequence.‖ (McCloud, 1994, p. 9) He maintains that comics do not need to contain words, and emphasizes the visual element of the sequential art form. Take for example, Lynd War‘s 1929 book God’s Man, America‘s first wordless novel. The novel tells a Moby-Dick-like tale in 139 wood engravings reproduced in book form. Under McCloud‘s definition, this book would be considered a comic because it utilizes sequential art in deliberate sequence. Other works that fall under McCloud‘s definition include cave drawings and illuminated pictures associated with the Bible.

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Robert Harvey argues that McCloud‘s definition, created to foster discussion, is too broad. Specifically, he maintains McCloud enslaves comic elements to the visual component of the medium. This means that under McCloud‘s definition words play a limited role. Harvey contends that a definition of comics is one that includes a ―blending of verbal and visual content.‖ To Harvey, a comic ―consists of pictorial narratives or expositions in which words usually contribute to the meaning of the picture or vice versa.‖ (Heer & Worchester, 2009, p. 26) Under Harvey‘s definition God’s Man would not be considered a comic; however, this definition allows room for other texts to be included such as political cartons that consist of only a single pictorial image. Harvey acknowledges the advantages and disadvantages to both definitions, but states that under his definition most of what scholars and the public consider comics are captured. As he puts it, ―Comics, after all, are sometimes four-legged, sometimes two-legged and sometimes and sometimes don‘t – and to employ a metaphor as mixed as the medium itself is, defining comics entails cutting a Gordian-knotted wrapped in a mystery, a task somewhat beyond our present scope.‖ (Heer & Worchester, 2009, p. 26) A second puncture to McCloud‘s definition comes from philosopher David Carrier. In his writing on ―caricature‖ Carrier notes that causality can be assumed even in single pictures. By this he means that humans can link the past or future action of an image. Human‘s then have the ability to imagine what led to an artist‘s single image as well as what would happen after. ―The artist‘s aim is to enable the spectator to form some hypothesis about what is depicted. If that processes is successful, the spectator‘s hypothesis matches the artist‘s intention, and sees illusionistically represented what the artist desired to depict.‖ (Heer & Worchester, 2009, p. 107) Put another way, even a single image has the ability to form a series of events for a viewer. Other definitions are abundant as well and take into account differing aspects of comics. For example, prominent comic scholar David Kunzle articulates four conditions that need to be met for an image or series of images to be a comic. ―I would propose a definition in which a ‗‘ of any period, in any country, fulfills the following conditions: 1) There must be a sequence of separate images; 2) There must be a preponderance of image over text; 3) The medium in which the strip appears and for which it was originally intended must be reproductive, that is, in printed form, a mass medium; 4) The sequence must tell a story which is both moral and topical.‖ (Heer & Worchester, 2009, p. 125)

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Another example is that of Bill Blackbeard, who stands opposed to Kunzle. He argues that comics are ―(a) serially published, episodic, open-ended dramatic narrative or series of linked anecdotes about recurrent identified characters, told in successive drawings regularly enclosing ballooned dialogue or its equivalent and generally minimal narrative text.‖ (Heer & Worchester, 2009, p. 125) Still, another divergent thought on comics takes the stance that comics are a language, and, as such, the creation of a definition is near impossible because, like language, comics are constantly growing and adapting – taking on new meanings. As has just been shown, defining the medium is a particularly difficult task. Simply put, comic fans and neophytes alike will likely recognize a comic when they see it. But this does not mean scholars should not continue to seek a better understanding of comics. A different approach to comics suggests that the search for a definition should be abandoned, and that scholars should realign their views to consider comics as more than creations. In this search fans and scholars alike should embrace an understanding of the medium‘s past, and use this to formulate a definition of their own. As a matter of philosophy, I side with scholars who seek to disengage from a fruitless debate over a definition. The need to limit material, however, is warranted in any research topic. As such in terms of this thesis, I have adopted Harvey‘s definition that stresses the blending of the verbal and visual. Nonetheless, this definition of a comic is not airtight. For example, the cover of a comic book may or may not include words. This is true for pages and sequences within a story as well. Because of this, I consider all images associated within a comic narrative essential, as the single image is part of a larger package. Comic Book History As a search for a definition is clouded so is the debate surrounding the of the medium. Though there are arguments about whom to credit with the concept of sequential art, many recognize William Hogarth (1697-1764) as a direct contributor to the medium. Art historian Maurice Horn argues that Hogarth‘s ―drawings can be acknowledged as the first direct forerunners of the comic strip.‖ (Duncan & Smith, 2009, p. 20) A British , Hogarth achieved some measure of fame for his sequential narratives on ―Modern Moral Subjects.‖ Hogarth painted several series that were popular in England, and when his fame grew he started to sell prints of his works. These prints were more affordable than his paintings, which allowed his work to spread among London‘s middle class. (Duncan & Smith, 2009, p. 20)

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While Hogarth worked with the concept of sequential art, historians situate Rodolphe Topffer (1799 – 1864) as the innovator of the so-called ―ninth art.‖ The teaching-director of a boy‘s preparatory school and later the chair of Rhetoric and Belles-Letters at the Academy of Geneva, Topffer wrote many scholarly works but is best known for his la literature en estampes (picture-stories). These works resemble what became known as comics in a number of ways. His books contained panels depicting action, while underneath dialogue or a description is given. Depending on the definition used Topffer‘s work qualifies as a comic because it combines the verbal and the visual. More importantly, Topffer contributed to the aesthetics foundation of comic books. Historian John Geipel claims Topffer‘s poor eyesight became the foundation of comic strips‘ ―epigrammatic style of drawing.‖ (Duncan & Smith, 2009, p. 24-26) Topffer‘s most influential work was translated to The Adventures of Obadiah Oldbuck, and released in America in the early 1840s. This edition was 8 ½ x 11 and forty pages in length, roughly the size and shape of a modern comic book. It is an episodic comedic work, following the titular character‘s attempts to court a woman, and the life they share afterward. The foundation and concept of combing pictures with words gave way to the comic strip. In America, comic strips grew in popularity at the end of the 19th century. Harvey argues that the popularity came about because of profit seeking and the creation of large Sunday supplemental sections in , which modern weekend editions still resemble. (Duncan & Smith, 2009, p. 26-28) Near the end of the 19th century the media landscape was vastly different. A city could have numerous newspapers, and fierce readership battles were common. At the same time humor magazines such as Life, Judge, and (known as ―comic weeklies‖) were fairly popular though sales were declining. This confluence of events, helped lead Pulitzer to create the Sunday supplemental idea, a section of the publication that would focus specifically on entertainment, such as sports and humor, as a way to increase readership. Among these entertainments were illustrated drawings. It wasn‘t until color was added to the mix that comic strips truly came into their own. (Duncan & Smith, 2009, p. 26-28) In 1893, Pulitzer acquired a four-color printing press. Morrill Goddard, who headed the Sunday staff of the City‘s World, recommended the newspaper imitate the humor magazine but add color, thus improving on the formula. Overtime the humorous drawings began to resemble modern comic strips. ―It was but a short step to the use of comics to designate the art

5 form (comic strips) as distinct from the vehicle in which they appeared (the Sunday supplement itself).‖ (Heer & Worcester, 2009, p. 36) The most popular and iconic comic strip of the time was Richard F. Outcault‘s drawings that featured his creation the Yellow Kid. In 1894, Outcault began drawing picture of slum life for the Sunday World newspaper. One of his regular characters was Mickey Dugan, a young, bald child who wore an ankle-length nightshirt. As Outcault continued to draw, Mickey Dugan became the main source for dialogue in the comic strip, more often than not with words appearing on his nightshirt. Supposedly, a publisher decided to test a new yellow on Mickey Dugan‘s nightshirt, which led to the character‘s more popular name, the Yellow Kid. (Duncan & Smith, 2009, p. 27) The Yellow Kid‘s stories were collected and published in an 1897 publication that Benton claims as ―the first published collection of an American comic strip.‖ (Duncan & Smith, 2009, p. 27) Once The Yellow Kids popularity was established, other strips such as The Katzenjammer Kids began to fill newspapers. The second major influence on modern comic books comes from the rise of mass produced pulp magazines, named for their cheap and grainy paper stock ―At the dawn of the twentieth century, pulp magazines were beginning to replace dime novels as a form of cheap entertainment for the middle class and educated lower class.‖ (Duncan & Smith, 2009, p. 27) Pulp stories featured numerous elements of many well-established genres such as and detective stories. The pulps popularity peaked in the with the publication of hero stories featuring characters such as Tarzan and . The ―hero pulps‖ featured adventure stories of visually striking characters with unique abilities. The first to focus on a single character appeared in 1931 and featured . Later comic book creators drew on the pulps in the creation of superheroes, the medium‘s most visible contribution to American and world culture. ―With their costumes, secret identities and abilities beyond those of ordinary mortals, it is easy to see that this new breed of pulp heroes had a direct influence on the comic books that appeared in the late 1930s and 1940s.‖ (Duncan & Smith, 2009, p. 28) The beginning of modern started in 1929 with the publication from the Company. The monthly publication lasted for thirty-six issues and is significant because it contained original material. The publication was printed in tabloid- format and contained sixteen-page, single-. Several years later, Harry I.

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Wildenberg, a sales manager at , postulated that if comics boosted the sales of newspapers, they might also increase the sales of other products. Wildenberg tested this theory by convincing the Company to use tabloid-size books that were similar to The Funnies as gas station giveaways. Wildenberg along with Maxwell Charles Gaines continued to promote the use of comics in book form. In the same year the company produced , a collection of comic strips to be given away by Proctor & Gamble. Many scholars point to Funnies on Parade as the first publication to resemble the modern comic book because its size and paper cover. The formula proved successful and the following year, the company released #1, a series that ran until 1955. (Duncan and Smith, 2009, p. 105) Though comic books are indebted to humorous reprints, the next step in the medium‘s growth would be the creation of comic books with all original content. In 1935, a pulp writer and former U.S. Army Major Malcolm Wheeler-Nicholson started National Allied Publishing, in which he attempted to sell and publish untested comic books. Whatever the reason, buyers did not seem interested in purchasing unfamiliar comics. Despite money woes, Wheeler-Nicholson launched a second publication. His hopes for launching a third publication, , soured, however, and he was forced to partner with his distributors. Wheeler-Nicholson, along with and , formed Detective Comic‘s, Inc. This is significant because Detective Comic‘s, Inc, better known as DC Comics, is one of American‘s most prominent comic book publishers and home to characters such as Batman and . (Duncan & Smith, 2009, p. 30-31) What came next was the mass proliferation of comic books. The medium‘s success is owed to the creation of two boys who had dreams of one day drawing comic strips for major newspapers. Soon after launching Detective Comic‘s Wheeler-Nicholson sold his portion of Detective Comic‘s Inc. to Donenfeld to pay off loans, and the remaining partners conceived of a fourth magazine. Action Comics 1 debuted in 1938. Its cover depicts Superman brandishing a car above his head in what publishers thought was a bankrupt concept. The issue was an immediate success. A year later DC Comics launched Superman, the first comic book featuring a single character and the first superhero comic book. (Wright, 2003, p. 9) Much has been said about the character. Regardless of one‘s take on the character, Superman‘s creation, almost overnight, sparked the creation of the comic book industry. ―In the comic book industry, imitation was not only a high form of flattery, it was company policy.‖

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(Wright, 2003, 17-18) Publishers rushed into the business in an attempt to create similar characters. This is generally referred to as of comic books as the medium was at the height of its popularity. An example of just how far rival publishers went in trying to capture identical concepts is that of , a Publications property with near identical powers to Superman. DC Comic‘s later sued for copyright infringement. Though there are numerous examples of popular characters stemming from Superman, the most prominent creations are ‘s The Bat-Man (later changed to Batman) and William Marston‘s Wonder Woman. Both characters have remained in the public eye since their inception. As the 1940s began, the serialized narratives began to real-world events. With Europe immersed in war, and calls for the United States to enter as well, comic books writers began their own assaults on the Axis powers. The war years were especially profitable for the comic book industry. In 1942, it was estimated that 15 million comics were sold each month. By the following year this number climbed to 25 million issues, split between about 125 series. (Wright, 2003, p. 31) One of the most well-known characters to come from the war effort was Steve Rogers, otherwise known as . Rogers was a small unathletic soldier who desired to aid his country. To do this, he volunteered for a scientific experiment that turned him into the well- toned and patriotic superhero fans are familiar with today. Captain America 1 depicted the super soldier, clad in red, white, and blue delivering a haymaker to Adolf Hitler. (Wright, 2003, p. 30) As the war progressed, publisher and writers crafted stories and characters that mirrored the fighting, depicting the Axis powers as caricatures, while attempting to bolsters war support. For example, stories were included in which superheroes educated readers on how to collect scrap metal as well as encourage the purchase of war bonds. 1.2 Comic Book Research Research into comic books is segmented into a variety of areas. Among these are audience effects, educational benefits, and qualitative research. Effects research in comic books reached its peak in the1950s and quickly subsided, while educational research and qualitative research are ongoing. Like many new mediums, comic books underwent a period of intense scrutiny in which cultural critics and researches considered their effect on an audience. A widely quoted critique

8 was written by Sterling North, editor for the Daily News, and published in 1940. He wrote: Badly drawn, badly written and badly printed – a strain on young eyes and young nervous systems – the effect of these pulp-paper nightmares is that of a violent stimulant. Their crude blacks and reds spoils the child‘s natural sense of color; their hypodermic injection of sex and murder make the child impatient with better, though quieter stories. Unless we want a coming generation even more ferocious than the present one, parents and teachers throughout America must band together to break the ‗comic‘ magazine. (North, 1940, p. 56) Other early arguments against comic books took a similar tone. The prevailing thought was that comic books endangered their audience (youth in particular) by depicting violent acts. As such, scholars‘ first foray into comic books sought to establish a correlation between the consumption of comic books and juvenile delinquency. One cause for comic book scrutiny was the increase in youth crime, and a search for the root cause behind the upsurge. Duncan and Smith state that researchers subscribed to the ―direct effects‖ explanation, also known as the hypodermic needle theory, in which a consumer would an act within a comic book and then consider re-enacting the scene without regard for consequence. ―If impressionable minds consumed comics containing violence, sex, , and gore, then these fragile psyches would be inspired to indulge in their basest drives.‖ (Duncan & Smith, 2009. p. 274) Early researchers might not have been entirely wrong. Current research in media effects shows that there is a link between viewing violent content and behavior. Nevertheless, ―the conditions under which audiences react to such stimulation is still subject to continued investigation and further understanding.‖(Duncan & Smith, 2009, p. 274) The most widely known opponent of comic books was New York psychologist Dr. . In 1954, Wertham authored Seduction of Innocence: The Influence of Comic Books on Today’s Youth. Wertham‘s research and outspoken distain for the medium left a profound mark on the comic book industry, which persists today. According to Duncan and Smith, Wertham believed culture routinely placed commercial interests before children‘s interests. He saw comic books as an example of this and advocated legislation to stymie comic book sales to youth. In his research, Wertham argued that he had

9 discovered a link between the consumption of comic books and actions. (Duncan & Smith, 2009, p. 274) During a seven-year period, Wertham ran a battery of tests on juvenile delinquents, including psychological tests. He came to the conclusion that comic book magazines, particular crime comics, instructed readers on how to commit crimes. As evidence he included accounts such as a group of boys killing another boy. Three boys, six to eight years old, took a boy of seven, hanged him nude from a tree, his hands tied behind him; then they burned him with matches. Probation officers who investigated found that they were reenacting a comic book plot. (Wertham, 1954, p. 150) Another example of his attacks against comics can been read in one of his descriptions of Superman. Actually, Superman (with the big S on his uniform – we should, I suppose, be thankful that it is not an S.S.) needs an endless stream of ever new submen, criminals and ―foreign-looking‖ people not only to justify his existence but even to make it possible. It is this feature that engenders in children either one or the other attitude: either they fantasy themselves as supermen, with the attendant prejudices against the submen, or it makes them submissive and receptive to the blandishments of strong men who will solve all their social problems for them – by .‖ (Wertham, 1954, p. 34) After the publication of his book Wertham testified in front of the Senate Subcommittee to Investigate Juvenile Delinquency in the United State. Following this, comic book publishers banded together and created the self-regulatory Code of Comics Magazine Association of America. The code called for ―all scenes of horror, excessive , gory or gruesome crimes, depravity, lust, sadism [and] masochism‖ to be excluded from comics. This comics code had a number of outcomes, among them the abandonment of the industry by many crime and horror publishers and a return of superheroes as comic books‘ main attraction. Additionally, the sterilization of the industry perpetuated the concept that comic books were solely published for the enjoyment of children. Wertham‘s research has since come under scrutiny. In a 1983 article, media scholars Shearon Lowery and Melvin Defleur argue that Wertham‘s examples were extreme cases and should not have been used as evidence. The duo further claim that Wertham had not used a systematic inventory of comics, showing his patients only extreme examples of violence while ignoring more sedate narratives. More telling was that Wertham‘s case studies utilized referrals

10 from juveniles in mental health facilities or the court system, and that he did not use a control group to test his hypothesis. (Lowery & Defleur, 1983, p. 235-265) Wertham‘s book is the major study of the direct effect of comic books on an audience, but there has been, on occasion, other media effects studies that include comic books. In 1967, Lovibond found that violent content in mass media desensitized children to the effects of crime and violence. (Lovibond, 1967, pp. 99-100) In 2003, Kirsh and Olczak showed how consumption of violent media content influences people who are inclined to be hostile. They had a group of college students read violent comic books such as Curse of and then present them with different scenarios and asked them to rate the likelihood that they would seek vengeance. They found that those with a high rate of hostility were more likely to seek vengeance. (Kirsch & Olczak, 2003, pp. 81-92) At the same time that comic books‘ content was scrutinized, others began to study the educational merit comics possess. According to Duncan and Smith research shows that ―comics have the capability to motivate readers, to enhance readings skills, and to aid those engaged in learning a second language.‖ (Duncan & Smith, 2009, p. 277) Educators such as Haugaard argue that comic books motivate reading. Haugaard uses as an example her three children, whose interest in reading were sparked though comics. (Haugaard, 1973, pp. 54-55) More specifically, Bonny Norton claims that ownership is for motivating children to read. (Norton, 2003, pp. 140-147) A youth who obtains a comic book, and enjoys the comic would be more likely to continue reading. Another argument by Stephen Krashen maintains that comic books are beneficial because they can act as a bridge to other forms of reading, specifically traditional texts. (Krashen, 1993) While comics might engage reading, current thought is that they might also stimulate reading skills. Researcher Paul Witty found that children who consume many comic books and children who read few comics books read almost the same amount of materials. He concluded that comic books did not harm children‘s ability to read all-text material. Similarly, evidence shows that reading comics does not indicate a lack of intelligence. (Witty, 1941, pp. 105-106) Reading specialist Emma Halstead Swain found that students who read comics often had better grades than those who did not. (Swain, 1978, pp. 253-258) In fact, in 1941 Robert Thorndike analyzed four comic books and found that each was written at a fifth- to sixth-grade level. (Thorndike, 1941, pp. 110-113) Several decades later Gary Wright analyzed 20 comic books and

11 found that humorous comics had a lower reading level than . He reports that superhero comics read at a minimum of three grade levels, with some being far more difficult to read. ―In view of the wide readability level among comic books, one cannot assume that all comic books are easy to read.‖ (Wright, 1979, p. 158-161) Within the rhetorical tradition, which I am most concerned with, there have been studies to unpack the medium‘s history, symbolic meaning, and ways in which an audience can interpret a particular text. Specifically, the focus has predominantly been on mythic criticism and examining the medium‘s most enduring cultural artifact—superheroes. Mythic criticism is a type of rhetorical criticism that is focused on unpacking a text for its symbolic meaning. Its roots can be traced to Joseph Campbell‘s seminal book The Hero with a Thousand Faces. Though not directly related to comic book research, the work influenced later writers. Campbell‘s book outlines the concept of the monomyth, or the seventeen-stages of the hero‘s journey, also known as the hero‘s journey of departure, initiation, and return. Campbell‘s thinking influenced later scholars who examined superheroes as mythic creations. (Campbell, 2008) The most notable work on comic book superheroes is Ryan Reynolds : A Modern Mythology. The work sought to link superheroes to past myths, primarily through Campbell‘s concept of the monomyth. (Reynolds, 1992) Reynolds‘ examination concludes with three studies on key superhero texts – X-Men #108-143, , and . The last two texts, both released in 1986, are credited with the adult turn in comic book narratives. Reynolds‘ research has influenced other studies of superheroes and myths. One example is Jean-Paul Gabilliet‘s analysis of the . In 1994, Gabilliet released a two year analysis of comic books containing the character and linked the silver plated alien to the Messianic myth. (Gabilliet, 1994, pp. 210-213) An opponent of Reynolds work is Geoff Klock. In 2002 he wrote How to Read Superhero Comics and Why. Klock claims that Reynolds‘ argument for studying superheroes produces no new knowledge, rendering it unneeded. ―These kinds of observations in regard to popular culture have become tedious…they are designed to make us recognize something previously latent in our mind rather than tell us something we did not know before. (Kock, 2002, p. 10) Klock goes on to argue that comic books are an art in the same way that literature is art and merits study for this alone.

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Other studies have worked to unpack ideology in comic books. The most noteworthy of these studies is Ariel Dorfman and Armand Mattelart‘s ―How to Read Donald Duck: Imperialist Ideology in the Disney Comic.‖ Through close readings the duo argued that the Disney comic books present a detrimental ideology that indoctrinated Latin America‘s society with beliefs that subjected it to foreign powers. The monograph is one of the key texts to argue that children‘s literature and popular culture works have a place in academics. (Dorman & Mattelarts, 1982) 1.3 Rhetorical Function of Comic Books As I have shown, an ample amount of research that deals with comic books exists. There is, however, a lack of study in the rhetorical tradition outside the realm of mythology. Academic works exist that attempt to illuminate specific comic books (How to Read Donald Duck), but these works are concerned with presenting how the texts work to spread a specific viewpoint, while this thesis is concerned with how comic books act as persuasive tools associated with historical events. As rhetorical scholars have expanded their texts from public addresses to non- oratory works, space has been made for other mediums. And while mythological and archetypal rhetoric offer insight to a text‘s message, and thus a society‘s thoughts, scholars can use other rhetorical methods to produce knowledge. One such method is that of a critical historical method. In a 1998 essay, David Zarefsky explains four types of rhetorical history that provides scholars with different tools in which to examine the broad concept of history. These ―senses‖ are not meant to divide rhetorical history, but are unique enough to warrant separate discussions and allow researchers to justify their scholarship differently. In other words, the four divisions get to the center of scholarship – the so-called, So, what? question. These four senses are: the history of rhetoric, the rhetoric of history, historical studies of rhetorical practice, and the rhetorical studies of historic events. Though all four have their strength, I am concerned with the final sense. Here a scholar views ―history as a series of rhetorical problems, situations that call for public to advance a cause or overcome an impasse.‖ (Zarefsky, 1998, p. 19-32) This means that the purpose of this type of sense is to show how a message was crafted and used as a response to a given situation. Comic books, and the messages they present, can address rhetorical problems. More so, because comic books are a blend of the visual and verbal they can relate messages in multiple ways, creating densely packed cultural texts worthy of study.

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This blending allows for rhetorical scholars to study both textual persuasive techniques and a comic book‘s visual aspects. I am interested in the ways in which Superman-related comic books deal with historical rhetorical situations. This calls for an examination of not only the words used in comic books, but also the visual means that are used to display a message. In a 2010 essay Cara Finnegan outlines ways in which scholars can use visual rhetoric to study non-oratory work. She states that there are least five ways in which scholars can study visual artifacts as public address. Production critiques how a text came to be and looks at the factors such as institutional and generic conventions. Composition refers to the visual elements of the picture itself. Circulation studies how an images moves through society. Reproduction examines where an image appears. Reception gages how an audience reacted to an image. (Parry-Giles & Hogan, 2010, p. 250-270) The idea of merging visual rhetoric and historical rhetoric is not new. In a 2004 essay, Finnegan outlines what she believes to be one way in which the two techniques can be combined. In the essay, she describes Zarefsky‘s four senses of rhetorical history and goes on to state that the last two—the historical study of rhetorical events and rhetorical study of historic events – are key to examining visual works. In the third sense a critic might uncover patterns that ―suggest a rhetorical trajectory.‖ The fourth sense of rhetorical history is an attempt to understand history itself. Here a critic views people, events, and situations as rhetorical problems that require responses. (Hill & Helmers, 2009, p. 195-211) Finnegan argues that when using visual artifacts to do historical rhetoric, a critic can utilize both the third and fourth senses of historical rhetoric; claiming that ―neither is sufficient alone.‖ In addition, she goes on the state that three areas need to be examined – production, reproduction, and circulation. (Hill & Helmers, 2009, p. 195-211) The examples she uses to explain her thoughts are reproduced photographs in LOOK magazine. While these techniques might work for texts that are predominately image based (she does examine the image‘s textual explanations), comic books are a blend of both the visual and the verbal. Because of this attempts to utilize the various aspects of Zarefsky‘s historical rhetoric and Finnegan‘s own concepts of visual rhetoric can fall short. I believe that Finnegan and Zarefsky‘s concepts can be utilized to study comic books; however, a mixing of the various senses isn‘t warranted. Furthermore, though I agree with Finnegan‘s five approaches to visual rhetoric in terms of image texts, I believe composition is

14 similarly important when dealing with images that combine both the verbal and visual. Comic books are not static images but a series of images that when combined tell a story. Because of this the study of composition within these texts can reveal how a writer and artist presented various messages as a response to an historical event. As such this thesis is concerned with a text‘s composition. The word composition is a densely packed word most often referenced in discussion of traditional art such as paintings. In Visual Methodologies, Gillian offers an explanation as to how a visual scholar can go about studying a painting‘s composition. Rose calls her method ―compositional interpretation‖ and bases the concept on what Irit Rogoff calls the ―the good eye‖, an explicit way to look at paintings. Compositional interpretation, however, ―claims to look at images for ‗what they are,‘ rather than for, say, what they do or how they were or are used.‖ (Rose, 2007, p. 35) Why then can compositional interpretation be used to study comic books? In short, to study the potential effects of an image it is necessary to describe the image being studied and the specific artistic uses that add to the overall message. In other words, the way an image is constructed adds to its overall persuasive effect; this includes traditional composition. It would be impossible to study an image without being able to describe its various parts. The study of composition involves an understanding of the gaze, or how a viewer sees a visual text. Finnegan states that ―[a]ll images active fields of looking, whether between the image and the viewer or within the image itself.‖ (Parry-Giles & Hogan, 2010, p. 250-270) A prominent example of this concept lies in a well-known recruiting poster in which points a finger toward the viewer and the words, I Want You, are shown. Gunther Kress and Theo van Leeuwen state that images such as the Uncle Sam poster foster a ―visual form of direct address‖ in which the text ―demands‖ the viewer to enter into a relationship with the text. (Kress & van Leeuwen, 2006, p.122) Composition also includes the acknowledgement of formal characteristics such as color, light, and spatial organization. There are three ways in which to describe an image‘s color: hue, the dominant colors in a painting; saturation, the purity of a color; and value, the relative lightness or darkness of a color. (Taylor, 1957, p. 69-76) Related to color is light, the way in which an image is depicted. This effects a painting‘s saturation and hue values, as well as situates how an image should be viewed. Spatial organization is divided into two related areas. These are the organization of space ―within‖ an image and how the space creates a specific type of perspective.

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Furthermore, there are a number of ways that comic books diverge from paintings that should be taken into account. As I‘ve stated previously, a comic book is composed of multiple images that act together to create a narrative. Within a frame or panel, the box around an image, represent a moment of time, while the space between panels – called the gutter – represents passage of time. The relative size and shape of the panel can indicate a number of things to readers such as importance or amount of time. Just as important are the words that appear in a comic book. They add to the overall composition of the image as they help set an image‘s context. Now that there is a sufficient background, I turn to subject. This thesis seeks to use issues of Superman and Action Comics printed prior and during the World War II to study historical and visual rhetorical methods in comic books. Both Action Comics and Superman comic books contain much of the titular character‘s early adventures. Action Comics was published once a month and contained numerous adventure stories, one of which was a Superman narrative. Superman was also an anthology series that contained multiple short Superman stories. Superman stories in both series were predominantly singular and chronicled one event. Nonetheless, there are narratives that stretch across several issues. As time went by, recurring characters were established and the sense of a long-form narrative appeared. I have chosen Superman comic books for a number of reasons. As previously mentioned, Superman was the touchstone of the comic book industry. Though the character never lacked for popularity, he was most popular in his nascent days. Within only a few years of his appearance Superman was selling more than one million issues. Furthermore, this vast audience of children and adults alike, knowingly or unknowingly, were subjected to various messages presented in the works that in turn help create mass society. Only through examining ways in which these comic books sought to influence can scholars understand the eventual implications and impact the texts had on shared culture. In the remainder of this thesis I will examine Action Comics and Superman comic books from 1938 through 1945. In chapter two I will discuss four issues of Action Comics and Superman comic books that appeared in 1938 and 1939. I contend that Superman comic books published during this time functioned rhetorically to support popular New Deal thinking. The comic books support concepts such as labor rights, government housing, and admonishing big business. I will make this argument by indicating that Superman comic books both reflected and

16 reinforced popular public opinion from the time period and thus worked both visually and verbally to support New Deal thinking. In the third chapter, I analyze Superman and Action Comics narrative from 1938 through the bombing of Pearl Harbor in December 1942. In this chapter I argue that Superman comic books presented isolationist and interventionist arguments. Specifically, I will explain how these comic books supported isolationist thinking through two stories. These stories imply that munitions manufactures and the government worked together to cause conflicts. This depiction of the munitions manufacturers and the government reflects and supports popular public opinion, most prominently represented by the Nye Committee, which investigated the country‘s entry into . After this I will show how Superman stories evolved to present interventionist messages. To do this the stories used ―guilt-by-association‖ to discredit isolationists. This use of guilt-by-association reflects and reinforces arguments against isolationists. As an example, I discuss the Roosevelt administration‘s attempts to discredit isolationists and aviator Charles Lindbergh. At the end of the third chapter I will begin to outline the importance of comic book covers and how they presented a rhetorical chronology in favor of intervention. In the fourth chapter I will analyze issues of Action Comics and Superman comic books between 1942 and the end of 1945 for ways in which the two series attempted to persuade readers to purchase war bonds. I argue that Superman came to represent the American people during this timeframe because he was unable to affect the conflict. Persuasive messages that support war bonds appear on the covers of the two series and became more explicit as the war continued. The three most explicit covers link the purchase of war bonds to physical destruction of armed forces and conformed to patterns established on government war bond posters. In this way, the covers function rhetorically to conflate the soldiers and citizens. I will conclude this chapter with a discussion on the potential effects of linking the war bonds to physical destructions and ways in which the association might have limited their persuasive effect.

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CHAPTER TWO

SUPERMAN AND THE NEW DEAL

2.1 FDR’s New Deal

Superman did not emerge fully developed. Like history, the Man of Tomorrow came into being one part at a time. Superman emerged from the minds of two young boys from Cleveland, Ohio only after false starts and rejection. The character was formed from an amalgamation of hero pulps and the budding science fiction genre. But this only describes his supernatural abilities. The character‘s early adventures indicate a specific world view, influenced by myriad factors and situations. In this chapter, I will discuss three Action Comics and Superman comic books that appeared in 1938 and 1939, the nascent years of the Man of Tomorrow. I contend that Superman comic books published during this time functioned rhetorically to support popular New Deal thinking. The comic books support concepts such as labor rights, government housing, and admonishing big business. To make this argument I will discuss Roosevelt‘s pro-worker stance, the popular believe that slums cause moral decay, and admonishment of stockbrokers because of the Great Depression. Black Tuesday On Oct. 19, 1929 the United States stock market collapsed. What followed was a 12- year-long depression that did not fully end until the county‘s entry into the World War II. To combat the economic downturn President advocated for what is commonly known as Volunteerism. The concept was that ―labor should shun government assistance and depend only on its own resources to wring concessions from employers…‖ (Kennedy, 2001, p. 25) In other words, businesses were capable of fixing the economic woes without assistance from the government. This thinking, however, proved incorrect. By December 1930, Europe‘s economy was strained and many believed the depression was outside the nation‘s control. (Kennedy, 2001, p. 60) Voluntarism‘s failure compounded the nation‘s distrust of the banking system and big business. From this bleak time period came Roosevelt‘s rise to the presidency and his New Deal policies. The New Deal was a central issue of the time because it created a political gulf.

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Democrats credited the New Deal with ―putting the country back on its feet‖ while Republicans, often more affluent than their counterparts, believed the New Deal was linked to socialism. (O‘Neill, 1995, p. 9) This distrust in big business partially manifested itself in the New Deal. During Roosevelt‘s 1933 inaugural address the 32nd President spoke out against what he called the nation‘s ―money changers.‖ Roosevelt said: ―Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply. Primarily this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind‘s goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men. ―True they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit they have proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They know only the rules of a generation of self-seekers. They have no , and when there is no vision the people perish. ―The money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. The measure of the restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit.‖ (Roosevelt, 1933) This quote exemplifies Roosevelt‘s early thoughts on big business. He states that Wall Street failed through its own ―stubbornness‖ and ―incompetence.‖ The American public witnessed their failure and its consequences in the Great Depression. Because of this the same American public rejected the bankers and stockbrokers efforts to right the economic downturn. From this rejection, Roosevelt argues for social values that go beyond profit. In this speech, we see that Roosevelt‘s attack on big business through his invectives and pro-worker stance. After Roosevelt‘s inauguration on March 4, 1933, a flurry of legislation was passed in the hopes of staving off further economic collapse and to fulfill campaign promises for immediate action. These first 100 days are now the standard by which other presidents have been judged. In this time period legislators passed the , the Agricultural Adjustment Act,

19 the Securities Act, the Tennessee Valley Act, and created the Civilian Conservation Corps and the Federal Emergency Relief Administration. By the end of the first 100 days, Roosevelt had guided 15 laws through Congress, an astounding number. (Biles, 1991, p. 33-56) In 1935, with Roosevelt‘s election looming, the president began to hold discussions about a ―second hundred days.‖ This became the . The first major legislation from this time was the Emergency Relief Appropriation Act, which formed the Works Progress Administration (WPA). Other laws included the and the National Labor Relations Act. Biles contends this Second New Deal explicitly opposed big business. For example Roosevelt formed the Securities and Exchange Commission which was designed to combat high electric utility prices set by 13 holding companies. Though Roosevelt‘s initial bill did not make it through Congress, a compromise did. He also sought a graduated tax on corporations, federal inheritance and gift taxes, and an increase in the maximum income tax rate from 63 to 79 percent. (Biles, 1991, p. 127-133) Roosevelt‘s tax bill was eventually passed, much watered down, as the Revenue Act of 1935; it included a small estate tax, a corporate tax, and no inheritance tax. In 1936 Roosevelt stood before the Democratic National Convention in and again lambasted ―economic royalists,‖ while showing his support for those with less power. He said: ―The hours men and women worked, the wages they received, the conditions of their labor - these had passed beyond the control of the people, and were imposed by this new industrial dictatorship. The savings of the average family, the capital of the small- businessmen, the investments set aside for old age - other people‘s money - these were tools which the new economic royalty used to dig itself in. ―Those who tilled the soil no longer reaped the rewards which were their right. The small measure of their gains was decreed by men in distant cities. ―Throughout the nation, opportunity was limited by monopoly. Individual initiative was crushed in the cogs of a great machine. The field open for free business was more and more restricted. Private enterprise, indeed, became too private. It became privileged enterprise, not free enterprise.

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―An old English judge once said: ―Necessitous men are not free men.‖ Liberty requires opportunity to make a living - a living decent according to the standard of the time, a living which gives man not only enough to live by, but something to live for.‖ ―For too many of us the political equality we once had won was meaningless in the of economic inequality. A small group had concentrated into their own hands an almost complete control over other people's property, other people‘s money, other people's labor - other people‘s lives. For too many of us life was no longer free; liberty no longer real; men could no longer follow the pursuit of happiness.‖ (Roosevelt, 1936) In his speech, Roosevelt further indicated his pro-worker stance. This is made explicit when Roosevelt states those ―who tilled the soil no longer reaped the rewards which were their right.‖ Less metaphorically speaking, Roosevelt claimed that workers who accomplished the most difficult tasks no longer received adequate rewards. Opportunity, the right of every American, was being denied because of size of large businesses. The average American could no longer strive for success because it was denied to them. Roosevelt easily won a second term, defeating Republican nominee Alf Landon by a landslide. Roosevelt received 60.8 percent of the popular vote. In the Electoral College the numbers were more telling: 523 to 6. (Biles, 1991, p. 133) Roosevelt‘s second term, which coincided with the birth of the comic book industry, was marked by a number of legislative acts and uncontrollable incidences that need mentioning, as they are examples of New Deal discourse that influenced Superman‘s writer and artist. This included a damaging economic depression, the United States Housing Act of 1937, and the Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938. As I move into discussion of specific Superman stories, these three areas will be expanded upon as I argue the narratives were influenced by and reflected popular public opinion brought about by these incidences. 2.2 Superman’s New Deal The general consensus among comic book scholars is that American superheroes owe their creation and success to the cultural experience creators underwent during the Great Depression. More specifically, Wright contends that Siegel and Shuster unwittingly tapped into an American version of a classic hero type: the concept of the American Monomyth, also known as the Western frontier hero. In the myth, the hero resolves the ―tensions between the wilderness and civilization while embodying the best virtues of both environments himself.‖ (Wright, 2003,

21 p. 10) While these characters could resolve environmental tensions, the disappearance of the American west and the industrialization of the nation required a new hero. This new hero emerged in Depression-era popular culture as a man of the people. ―Into this cultural exchange entered Superman. Siegel and Shuster‘s comic book stories affirmed the young, alienated, and dispossessed ‗Clark Kents‘ of society in their desire to commit to an inclusive national culture.‖ (Wright, 2003, p. 11) In other words, Wright argues that as the country progressed the concept of a new type of hero emerged that sought to ameliorate the disenfranchised. Taking Wright‘s analyses one step further, Yanish argues the early comic book industry supported the New Deal and entry into the World War II because many of the creators had Jewish backgrounds. To do this, he claims comic book creators linked patriotism with sacrifice. In making his argument, Yanish uses Superman as one of several examples. He believes, and I agree, that Shuster and Siegel‘s early lives deeply influenced their creation‘s personality and adventures. For example, Shuster‘s childhood was one of poverty where he could not afford drawing paper, while Siegel‘s family represented the ―‖ of an immigrant coming to the country and establishing a successful business. Siegel‘s story, however, does not end there as Mitchell (Michel) Siegel (‘s father) was robbed and killed one evening after leaving his haberdashery. (Yanish, 2008, p. 21-22) Yanish‘s basic argument is that the hardship the two boys underwent during their youth galvanized in Superman, a character dedicated to helping the oppressed. To make his point that Superman, and by extension the comic book industry, supported the New Deal, Yanish points to three early Superman stories: ―The Cab Protective League‖, ―The Blakely Mine Disaster,‖ and ―Superman in the Slums.‖1 As stated before, I agree that Yanish presented an argument that showed Superman as a New Deal representative; however, his reading of the three stories and examination did little to acknowledge the visual aspects of the comic book stories; neither did they take into account many of the common conventions of the time. In this sense, Yanish‘s understanding of the messages presented is partial at best. A second critique of Yanish‘s analysis concerns specificity. In making his argument he spoke in generalization; specifically, the concept that the New Deal focused on supporting ―average‖ Americans. I believe that while the stories reinforce New Deal ideology such as a

1 Early Superman stories did not initially have names. They were later added in various collections. 22 distrust for bankers, a number of issues worked to present specific portions of the New Deal that occurred outside Roosevelt‘s First 100 days, a period that was about five years prior to the first published Superman story. It is more likely that early Superman stories were rooted in historical moments that occurred closer to their publication. As examples, I will discuss three Superman stories, two of which Yanish initially pointed to in making his argument. These stories are ―The Blakely Mine Disaster,‖ ―Superman in the Slums,‖ and ―Black Gold Oil Well.‖ I will examine each of these separately and discuss how they relate to the New Deal. Superman stories, however, cannot be read in a vacuum. Knowledge of the character is needed before we begin. 2.2.1 The Coming of Superman Though many – if not most – of Superman‘s early adventures are singular and focus on one narrative, they build on previous knowledge to define the character. In this manner, readers of Superman comic books come to each story with some knowledge of the character, the most basic being the character‘s origin. The original character, however, is dissimilar to the modern interpretations. When Superman first appeared he was less godlike and more cynical. He did not have many of his ―powers‖ other than incredible strength and near-invulnerability. Action Comics 1 explains the character‘s origin. As a child Superman was sent to earth by his parents aboard a spaceship from a dying planet with inhabitants millions of years more advanced than humans. Superman was raised in an orphanage and once he reached maturity realized he had great and strength and was nearly invulnerable, with nothing less than a ―bursting shell‖ able to puncture his skin. The issue goes on to state: ―Early, Clark decided he must turn his titanic strength into channels that would benefit mankind.‖ There are several analogies that can be made from the character‘s origin that have repercussions. First, there is an obvious Messianic analog. Superman is a Jesus figure sent from heaven in order to help the oppressed. A second reading situates Superman as a human-like person (though he‘s an alien he looks like a human) from a potential future. Superman is the pinnacle of human achievement; he is strong, swift, intelligent, and handsome. His actions and thoughts are those of an enlightened society. Because he is from an advanced planet he represents a future form of the human existence. This second interpretation reinforces the ―progress‖ concept or the concept that individuals as well as societies are strengthened through forward movement. This idea of a ―better tomorrow‖ and its physical manifestation in Superman

23 reinforces the hope that tomorrow holds better prospects. It is through this origin that we get the character‘s secondary moniker: The Man of Tomorrow. Juxtaposed against Superman is Clark Kent. Kent is Superman‘s public personality, a meek and bumbling reporter. Of the myriad professions Superman could have chosen, why a journalist? One aspect of reporting is uncovering truth. By placing Kent/Superman as a reporter the writer and artist place the character in a position where he was able to uncover, mitigate, and then report on oppressive circumstances. Furthermore, by framing Kent/Superman as a journalist the writer and artist place the character in a culturally and politically significant position. At the time newspapers held significant power as a mass media with the ability to improve or hamper a person or organization‘s reputation or agenda. By working as a journalist Superman is linked with the uncovering of truth. His position as a person from an advanced society and his status as a journalist help mitigate unlawful actions. Additionally, because he is a journalist Kent/Superman holds agency over how a particular adventure occurs and the message that is presented to his readers. In this sense, Superman controls his own depictions, which stymies potential complaints. He is literally above reproach. The interpretation of Superman as a representation of progress helps color his actions in relation to the New Deal. Superman holds New Deal sympathies and his position as a physical example of progress indicates that the future – inhabited by the People of Tomorrow – will include themes found in the New Deal. 2.2.2 The Blakely Mine Disaster Printed in Action Comics 3 (August1938)2, ―The Blakely Mine Disaster‖ follows Superman as he helps save a trapped miner and learns of the deplorable conditions the man works in. After his discovery, Superman sets about to educate the mine‘s owner on the dangers of running an unsafe mine. As mentioned previously, Roosevelt‘s second term included legislation that supported labor. On June 25, 1938 Roosevelt signed into law the Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938. While the law did not deal with safety issues it established a number of legal requirements regarding

2 Though the cover date for the comic book was June 1938, it was actually published in April of the same year. It is a common practice for periodicals to have publication dates ahead of a product‘s actual publication. This can, at times, make it difficult to track when a specific issue was published. 24 labor. For example, the FLASA established a 44-hour maximum work week, a 25-cents-an-hour minimum wage, mandated payment of 1 ½ for overtime work, and a minimum age to work. Roosevelt had previously attempted to pass the bill in 1937, but it was defeated in December of that year. (Biles, 1991, p. 147) The FLASA is an example of New Deal politics which sought to elevate the place of workers, thus mitigating power differences. This relates to the ―The Blakely Mine Disaster‖ because this story advocates for workers‘ rights to work in a safe environment, essentially a labor issue. Additionally, the story puts forth a number of recurrent themes of the New Deal era. among these themes is the cruelty of the ―economic royalists,‖ in this circumstance represented by the negative portrayal of the mine owner. ―The Blakely Mine Disaster‖ begins with Clark Kent monitoring a police radio. He overhears that a miner is trapped and begs his editor to cover the story for his newspaper. We soon witness Superman speeding to the mine. Once the Man of Tomorrow reaches the coal mine he saves a team of rescue workers and the trapped miner, but not before one of the men is crippled. The next day Kent interviews one of the workers to learn what happened. Kent, along with the readers, learns that the mine had unsafe conditions and the men were forced to continue working. After bringing this to the attention of the remorseless owner, Superman decides to show the owner his workers‘ plight by causing a false collapse. The issue ends with the owner promising to change. The various pro-New Deal discourse begins early in the story. After Superman rescues the miner, his visits the injured man in the hospital. Here we meet Stanislaw Kober in a three panel sequence. In the first panel both Kent and Kober are shown together. Kent, wearing a blue business suit, stands above the injured miner, who‘s in a hospital bed wrapped in bandages. Kent asks the man how the mine accident could have been prevented: ―My name is Kent. I represent a powerful newspaper. Tell me: In your opinion, could the mine-tragedy have been prevented?‖ The next panel is a close up on Kober, framing the man to highlight his face and damaged arm. The bright pink wall that was once behind Kober in the previous panel has been replaced with a dark black background. Kober and his injuries are now the center of our attention. The main emphasis of the frame is just below the middle of the image. The angle of the panel keeps us from either looking down at the man with pity or up at him in awe. Perhaps more importantly, is Kober‘s line of sight. Though he is not looking directly at the reader, the framing

25 combined with the black background indicates that what he says is pivotal. He is the only person in the frame. His face is centered in the frame. The lack of a detailed background focuses the viewer‘s attention on Kober. Above the panel is Kober‘s dialogue. He says: ―Months ago we know the mine was unsafe – but when we tell boss‘s foremen they say: ‗No-like job, Stanislow, quit!‘‖ In the same panel, we are made to empathize with Kober on a number of levels that are heightened by the drawing. First, through Kober‘s fractured dialogue we know he is an immigrant. Second, we are made aware that Kober knew of the safety hazards but had no recourse – a clear indication of a desperate man in need of work – a remnant of the Great Depression mindset. In this case, desperation thwarted reason. The next panel returns to both Kent and Kober. Kent is leaning into Kober staring at him intently. Hammering in the message from the previous panel, Kent asks: ―You mean to say the owner disregarded the mine‘s dangerous condition?‖ Kober continues his story: ―Yah! But we no quit – got wife, kids, bills! So back we go to the mine an long hours an little pay … an maybe to die!‖ The short exchange in these three panels works to establish Kober as a member of an oppressed, yet recognizable, group. We learn he is a hardworking immigrant and father. In short, Kober comes to represent the ―Every man,‖ the ―Average American,‖ who was injured because of the mine owner‘s greed. Something must also be said about Kober‘s status as an immigrant. This is made apparent through the miner‘s ethnic name and broken English dialogue. The use of an immigrant as the victim in this story speaks to the difference in power held by new citizens and wealthy Americans. The writer and artist of the story imply that foreign workers are being exploited by the wealthy. Furthermore, by portraying Kober as an immigrant and victim, Superman‘s creators are bucking racist believes against foreigners. The writer and artist are in effect humanizing immigrants by showing Kober as a hardworking family man. One example of the antipathy to immigrants can be found in coverage of the attempted assignation of president-elect Roosevelt. On February 15, 1933 president-elect Roosevelt was scheduled to speak to a crowd in Bay Front Park in Miami, Florida. He arrived sometime after 9 p.. and was seated on top of his open air car‘s backseat. He gave a brief impromptu speech about his time in Miami and slid back into his car. (Houck, 200, p. 79-83)

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As this was happening Anton Cermak, the mayor of Chicago, forced his way through the crowd to speak with Roosevelt. Cermak wanted to discuss the Great Depression‘s impact on his city and possible relief. Cermak spoke with the president-elect. As the mayor moved away, five shots pierced the air. It was assignation attempt. A bullet struck Cermak in the abdomen. Cermak was pulled into Roosevelt‘s vehicle and it sped to Jackson Memorial Hospital. Cermak died from his wounds less than a month later. (Houck, 2002, p. 79-83) The assassin was Giuseppe ―Joseph‖ Zangara, a 33-year-old Italian immigrant. In dealing with the assignation attempt Roosevelt‘s confident Professor Raymond Moley told the press that Zangara‘s actions were not politically motivated. Moley wanted to avoid giving the impression that Zangara was a radical and that there were others likes him. (Houck, 2002, p. 79-83) In contextualizing the situation, the press took Moley‘s queue. Zangara was not viewed as a politically minded man. Instead, the press focused on Zangara‘s ethnicity. In the February 27, 1933 issue of Time, the newsmagazine stated: ―Most illiterate dagoes have the killer instinct, especially when their animal comfort is disturbed. In the countrysides they are notorious pothunters. Hunting U. S. Presidents or other public officials is far easier for deranged dagoes than pothunting afield. All Joe Zangara had to do was go to Miami‘s Bay Front Park and take a front seat, wait like an ardent if stupid-looking until the President-elect should come within range.‖ (Time, 1933, Feb. 27) In critiquing this depiction of Zangara, Houck notes that this description implies that Zangara‘s visible ethnicity explained his actions opposed to the ―invisible world of political ideas.‖ Siegel and Shuster depiction of Kober directly refutes this claim. Kober‘s ethnicity does not make him villainous; it makes the miner a target for the powerful.

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Figure 1. Clark Kent Questions Stanislaw Kober The image was taken from Action Comics 3 (August 1938).

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Figure 2. Clark Kent Questions Thornton Blakely This image is taken from Action Comics 3 (August 1938).

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In contrast to Kober is Thorton Blakely, the mine owner. We first see Blakely immediately after Kent‘s exchange with Kober. He is shown in a four-panel sequence that starts on the bottom of the Kober sequence and moves to the following page. In the first panel, Blakely sits behind a desk while Kent stands in front of the desk taking notes. Blakely wears a green sports coat, a hand tugging his collar. He‘s leaning back. The panel is framed in a manner that places Kent near the center of the frame gazing down on Blakely. Spatially, Kent and Blakely are separated by the desk. Even without the text that accompanies the image we can make several assumptions. Spatially, Kent is removed from Blakely which can indicate a difference in character. Furthermore, Kent stands looking down at the mine owner. This typically indicates a position of authority. In this case, we can read Kent‘s position as superior to Blakely‘s. There is also the depiction of the round Blakely, compared to the fit Kent and Kober. The mine owner‘s green jacket draws comparisons to the color of paper currency. Accompanying this panel are conversation speech bubbles. They read left to right with Kent starting, made apparent by the height of his cartoon bubble. Kent asks: ―Have you arranged a pension for the unfortunate miner who was crippled by the cave-in?‖ Because of Kent‘s prominence in the frame we are made to empathize with him. In the same panel, Blakely rejects Kent‘s thought: ―Kober can thank his own carelessness for his plight!‖ Kent in the Kober sequence indicates that the incident could have been prevented, while in the Blakely sequence he indicates that the owner is responsible for Kober‘s circumstances. Because comic stories build on each panel, we now have an argument. The sequence continues on the next page. As the conversation moves forward the second panel is drawn closer to Blakely‘s smiling face. The mine owner says, ―However, the company will be generous enough to pay a reasonable portion of his hospital bills and even consider giving him a $50 retirement bonus.‖ In the first two frames of the sequences we witness Blakely as a representative of ―economic royalists‖ who refuse to take responsibility for their faults or help assuage dire conditions. The second frame, which is a close up of Blakely‘s face, emphasizes that even if he – and by extension the New Deal‘s enemies -- were to take responsibility for workers‘ injuries it would never be commensurate with the done.

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The third panel of the sequence shows Kent and Blakely. Both men are now seated. We see the of Blakely‘s face and all of Kent‘s, who is leaning on a desk as if ready to pounce. Kent, apparently outraged at Blakely‘s comments, exclaims that he should fix the safety hazards. Blakely responds: ―There are no safety hazards in my mine. But if there were – what of it? I‘m a businessman not a humanitarian!‖ If the first two panels of the sequence were not explicit, this fourth panel hammers home the argument. The readers are made to relate with Superman‘s outrage, made apparent by his posture and his words. Blakely ends the panel building on the previous two, establishing the difference between Kent and himself. Blakely is now explicitly an unremorseful businessmen, in opposition to the principles of the New Deal. The final panel in the sequence shows Blakely, now hunched and sinister looking, as he motions for Kent to leave. This is the first time we see Blakely stand. In this panel he is drawn to juxtapose Superman and the miners, all of whom are slender and straight figures. As the story continues, Kent as Superman decides to persuade the mine owner to change his mind. He dresses up as a miner and crashes one of Blakely‘s parties. Once there Blakely forces the disguised Superman to lead the partygoers into one of his mines for nothing more than novelty. Once inside the mine Superman attacks the mine‘s support beams, causing a cave-in that traps the merrymakers. Placed in the same position as the miners, the party goers panic. We learn in quick order that the there is enough air to last 24 hours and that rescue could be minutes or ―never.‖ Panicking Blakely attempts to locate the mine‘s safety devices. A single panel shows the man smiling with relief, holding his fist in the air. The background is red-purple, while his speech bubble is jagged to indicate shouting. In another panel two partygoers gratefully respond to the news. ―Thank goodness for the safety devices!,‖ a woman says. The man next to her replies, ―I thought we were doomed!‖ The panels leading up to Blakely remembering the safety devices work to mimic how Kober and other trapped miners might have reacted. The single panel in which Blakely finally remembers the safety procedures of his own mine is an exclamation point designed to emphasize their importance. Unfortunately, the safety devices are rusted and broken.

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As a last resort, Superman tells the partygoers to dig for their lives. This leads to the next sequence. On the next two pages is an 11-panel sequence that shows Blakely and partygoers working to free themselves from the mine. Omnipotent narration sets the scene. The sequence starts with an olive-green panel filled with words: ―Knee deep in stagnant water, struggling with unwieldy tools, slipping frequently and , the entrapped pleasure-seekers seek desperately, but vainly, to batter down the huge pile of coal!‖ Next we witness Blakely, who over the course of the story has appeared to grow much larger and rounder, working diligently, followed by the third panel in which he complains of being ―winded.‖ In the same panel a man comments: ―Think of the miners. They have to do this 14 long hours, each day!‖ In the sixth panel of the sequence Blakely finally relents to his supposed fate. Blakely‘s remorseful face fills the panel. The background is mostly black with a small amount of gold-yellow around the bottom of his face. He is looking down in frustration and fear, either on the verge of tears or giving up. He says: ―Oh, if only I had this all to do over again! I never knew – never really knew – what the men down here have to face!‖ The long mine sequence indicates how the trapped miners would feel, but also shows working conditions in the mine. This is made apparent by indicating the miners worked in mines for 14 hours, tiring but refusing to quit.

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Figure 3. Thorton Blakely and Company Attempt to Escape the Collapsed Mine This image is taken from Action Comics 3 (August 1938).

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Figure 4. Thornton Blakely Recants This image is taken from Action Comics 3 (August 1938).

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Eventually, the partygoers collapse from exhaustion and Superman clears the debris to allow rescuers to save them. The final panel of the issue shows Kent speaking with Blakely at his desk. The panel is similar to the first time the two men met. However, while the first panel displayed Kent‘s features prominently, the final panel displays Blakely. Spatially, the desk that divided the two is mitigated, rendering them both closer. While Blakely was grim faced in the first encounter here he smiles widely. ―You can announce henceforth my mine will be the safest in the country, and my workers the best treated,‖ he says. In this panel we see a reversal of both the subjects of the image and Blakey‘s attitude. The unstated claim is that Blakely‘s experience warranted his change. Visually this is indicated by how he is drawn closer to Superman, smiling, and straight. As Roosevelt‘s second term moved forward, it was marked by pro-worker agenda. In ―The Blakely Mine Disaster‖ we see Shuster and Siegel‘s support of worker rights such as safe working conditions. The depictions of Kober and Blakely, both visually and verbally, work to sway the audience‘s opinions. This comes to fruition in the final portion of the story as Blakely and company languish in the mine. Nevertheless, a critique of ―The Blakely Mine Disaster‖ uncovers a more nuanced reading. Absent from the ending of the issue is Kober, who was left crippled in the hospital due to Blakely‘s greed. By neglecting Kober‘s narrative the story emphasis businesses‘ role in changing power dynamics. This depiction deemphasizes workers roles in their own well-being and futures. Workers such as Kober relinquish their agency to Superman and Blakely. Without agency the workers can only trust in the ―inherent goodness‖ of business represented by Blakely‘s change in mindset. This depiction is not beneficial to workers. There is still a dependency on authority (Blakely) to tell the workers what is best for them. This depiction does nothing to change the power dynamic between the workers and Blakely. It in effect, it placates the workers in order to continue mining operations. 2.2.3 Superman in the Slums Another portion of the New Deal concerned building public housing as a means of relief to those struggling to overcome poverty. This concept came to a head with the United States Housing Act of 1937 (the Wagner-Steagall Act). Proposed by New York Senator Robert F.

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Wagner and Alabama Congressmen Henry B. Steagall, the act attempted to relieve unemployment by helping various agencies to eliminate poor housing conditions. While the bill‘s language was eventual changed, its first draft, which was introduced to the House of Representatives on February 24, 1937, included language justifying the legislation. The initial bill stated: There exists in urban and rural communities throughout the United States slums, blighted areas, or unsafe, insanitary or overcrowded dwellings, or a combination of these conditions, accompanied and aggravated by an acute shortage of decent, safe, and sanitary dwellings within the financial of families of low income. These conditions are inimical to the general welfare of the nation by (a) encouraging the spread of disease and lowering the level of health, morale, and vitality of large portions of the American people; (b) increasing the hazards of fires, accidents, and natural calamities; (c) subjecting the moral standards of the young to bad influences; (d) increasing the violation of the criminal laws of the United States and of several states … (Fisher, 1959, p. 9) Fisher explained that supporters of the bill believed ―substandard housing represented a hazard to public welfare because it fostered social disorders heightened by the physical danger of or collapse. If unsafe and insanitary housing could be eliminated, the social disorder associated with it would also disappear.‖ (Fisher, 1959, p. 9) There were, however, opponents to the bill. Friedman states that the National Lumber Dealers‘ Association believed that even the mention of public housing harmed construction. Furthermore, conservative members of Congress opposed placing the government in a position where it built and serviced housing. During legislative debate Congressman J. Will Taylor of Tennessee rejected the bill as a ―scheme whereby a preferred few may live at the expense of the taxpayers of the Nation through the instrumentality of Government paternalism.‖ Still others such as Senator David I. Walsh voiced concerns about the government competing with the private sector. (Friedman, 1968, p. 105) ―Superman in the Slums,‖ though published after the Wagner-Steagall Act, functioned rhetorical to reinforce New Deal concepts that substandard housing is a blight on society and as such it is the responsibility of the government to provide housing to benefit the greater societal needs.

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First published in Action Comics 8, the story follows Superman as he works to stop a group of delinquent boys from harming themselves and others. The end of the narrative finds Superman destroying a slum so the government can rebuild it. ―Superman in the Slums‖ begins with an eight-panel sequence centered on a youth trial and a gang of boys. The sequence starts at the trial of Frankie Marello, a young boy who robbed and beat a man. Marello is before a juvenile delinquent judge who questions why the boy robbed and attacked his victim. Both the nameless judge and Marello are shown in the first panel. We see Marello for the first time from behind the judge, who is seated visually higher than Marello. The visual dynamic indicates the power difference between the judge and Marello and our own power over the youth. Marello shows no remorse in his response: ―No‘in – ‗cept if he handed over his dough wit‘ out squawkin‘ I wouldn‘ta hit ‗im so hard.‖ This opening panel verbally and visually puts Marello in the role of a damaged youth who doesn‘t comprehend his own actions. The next part of the sequence attempts to address the issue: what has caused Marello‘s detachment? Along with this, we again see the writer and artist‘s stance on immigrants, represented by the boy‘s sir name. As with the depiction of Kober in the ―Blakely Mine Disaster,‖ immigrants are shown to be uneducated and at the mercy of authority. With this depiction Shuster and Siegel reaffirm immigrants‘ status as ―under dogs.‖ Through this process the comic book‘s creators battle racism by eventually aligning those associated with Marcello with Superman. The next panel shows the judge, Marello, and Marello‘s mother. The view of the panel shifts from behind the judge to Marello‘s level. In the panel the judge accuses the boy of speaking as if he was a ―hardened criminal‖ and starts to sentence Marello; however, before the judge can finish his thought, the boy‘s mother, a frail looking brunette woman, interrupts. In many ways, this next panel is the lynchpin of the entire story‘s argument. In the panel, a square faced, sad woman pleads with the judge to be lenient. The panel is shown from a high angle with the mother looking up to what would be the judge, though the framing also suggests the woman is speaking to the reader. We are being explicitly asked to empathize with the mother‘s argument, to take it into consideration. She states: ―Of course he talks tough – he is tough, your honor – but he‘s like all the other boys in our neighborhood… hard, resentful, and underprivileged. He‘s my only son, sir, he might have been a good boy except for his environment – he still might be if you are merciful!‖ In making this statement, the writer and

37 artist of the story display administrative sympathies, specifically that the boy‘s environment influenced his behavior. This is reinforced in the last panel of the page. We see Kent, sitting ―engrossed‖ with the conversation, his arms crossed. The text associated with the scene reveals the Man of Tomorrow‘s thoughts: ―The mother‘s right, but if I know the court of law…her plea hasn‘t a chance.‖

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Figure 5. The Trial of Frankie Marello This image is taken from Action Comics 8 (January 1939).

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Figure 6. The Boys Confront Gimpy This image is taken from Action Comics 8 (January 1939).

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As the story progresses we learn that Marcello was a member of a gang of boys who stole for Gimpy, described as a ―loathsome of youth.‖ The man promised to protect the boys if they were caught, but did nothing to protect Marcello. Enraged at their friend‘s circumstances, the boys confront Gimpy and demand money to help their friend. We first meet Gimpy as part of a 10 panel sequence. In his first depiction he is the lone person in the panel. He is awkwardly thin with pointed and enlarged features. He sits at a table coved with money. He wears a green vest that is similar in color to the money lying on the table. In the panel, Gimpy represents a stereotypical depiction of a ―villain.‖ He is disproportional unlike the gang of boys or Superman. Immediately, a connection is drawn between the money and himself through his clothing‘s coloring. By depicting Gimpy as a ―corruptor of youth‖ the writer and artist work to show us what type of person lives in the poor areas, and how youths are being manipulated. As such Gimpy is at least partially a physical manifestation of the opposition against fixing slums. He is concerned with money and little else thus abdicating any social responsibly. Conversely, while Gimpy is not shown to have worthwhile traits, the boys – though misguided – demonstrate loyalty to each other by confronting Gimpy in an attempt to force the man into helping Marcello. During the sequence in which the boys confront Gimpy, he eventually capitulates by providing the boys with the names of several easy homes to rob in order to earn money to help their friend. As the boys leave, Gimpy dials the police to double cross the gang and through an inner monologue the reader discovers Gimpy caused the gang‘s friend to be arrested because he was too ―tough‖ to handle. At the last moment, Superman destroys Gimpy‘s phone and pummels the man for several panels before dunking him in a conveniently placed barrel of tar, a not-so-subtle suggestion that Superman is tarring and feathering the man as he forces him to leave the city. Next Superman races about the city rescuing the boys from the police and preventing them from robbing houses. He then attempts to persuade the boys to give up crime and after failing switches tactics. The Man of Tomorrow leaps about the city on power lines in an attempt to scare the boys straight. This too fails, but the boys marvel at Superman‘s feats, and as a result gain an amount of respect for him. This respect translates to imitation. One boy states: ―If bein‘ clean an‘ sober is yer code then it‘s going to be our code, too.‖

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The following panel continues the story‘s argument. In the panel Superman is framed from the shoulders up. The line of sight is level. He states: ―It‘s not entirely your fault that you‘re delinquent. – it‘s these slums – if only there was some way I could remedy it.‖ Up to this point in the story, Superman had not mentioned fixing blighted areas, focusing instead on protecting the boys. However, Superman‘s focus changes after he reads a newspaper and learns of a town in Florida that was destroyed by a and in its stead the government built modern housing. Superman evacuates the slum and sets about destroying it, even as the National Guard tries to stop him. In one panel he is shown pushing over a wall, his back to the audience. Superman states: ―When I finish, this town will be rid of its filthy crime-festering slums.‖ At the end of the story, the government replaces the wreckage with ―splendid housing conditions.‖ And though the city‘s police chief says he‘ll hunt down Superman for destroying the city, the Man of Tomorrow did the right thing.

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Figure 7. Superman Learns of the Destroyed Florida City This image was taken from Action Comics 8 (January 1939).

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Figure 8. Superman Destroys the Slums This image is taken from Action Comics 8 (January 1939).

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Figure 9. The Slums are Rebuilt This image is taken from Action Comics 8 (January 1939).

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―Superman and the Slums‖ is a blunt example of Superman comic books displaying New Deal sympathies. The reader is first shown the effect of the slums through Marello, followed by an explanation of the cause and a solution. A closer reading reveals more. The writer and artist of Superman link the destroyed Florida city and the destroyed slums. The tacit argument being made is that those in the slum should gladly allow an outside influence to fix their circumstances as it will benefit them in the future. This removes any agency from those who live in the area, either the boys or the residents. In the slum‘s place the government builds ―splendid housing.‖ This makes the impression that the only thing wrong with the slums was the living conditions. The argument then is that those of a lower class are not predestined to a life of crime. Instead it is a person‘s surroundings that influence their behavior. Not all Superman comics dealt with New Deal concepts so explicitly. Some dealt with the prevailing mindset of the era, and the greater public opinion. I next turn to a story that reinforces common sentiment about the cause and effect of the Great Depression. 2.2.4 Black Gold Oil Well In Action Comics 11 (April 1939) Superman confronts corrupt businessmen and the stock market. The tale revolves around stock brokers selling worthless stock. Though it would be easy to state that the story, ―Black Gold Oil Well,‖ is a response to the initial stock market collapse that started the Great Depression, this is only partially true. It‘s likely that this first stock market collapse influenced both Shuster and Siegel, but taking this stance would ignore further economic hardships that arose throughout the decade – such as stock market turmoil that ravaged the country prior to Roosevelt‘s‘ second term. In the summer of 1937 the country‘s unemployment rate was 14 percent; however, even this high number would not last. In August of that year five million workers lost their jobs, rocketing the unemployment statistic to 20 percent. This recession lasted until June 1938. So leery was Roosevelt of the country‘s sudden difficulties that he suspected the recession was manufactured by Wall Street investors and began an investigation. Roosevelt‘s accusations proved false as the F.B.I. could not substantiate the claim. (Biles, 1991, p. 143) Roosevelt‘s distrust of the Wall Street investors is one example of a cultural stigma that stemmed from the initial stock market crash. Market speculation is believed to be one cause of

46 the crash. Concern over speculation can be traced to the Hoover administration through the Roosevelt‘s administration. On October 31, 1936 Roosevelt announced a Second New Deal during a speech at Madison Square Garden. In the speech, he mentioned speculators three times. He said the American people wanted an end to ―wild-cat speculation,‖ that his administration fought ―old enemies‖ such as ―speculation,‖ and his administration would protect consumers ―against the costs that are added by monopoly and speculation.‖ (Roosevelt, 1936) This anti-business theme reappeared during his second inaugural address. In the address Roosevelt continued his attack on business. He stated ―We are beginning to abandon our tolerance of the abuse of power by those who betray for profit the elementary decencies of life. In this process evil things formerly accepted will not be so easily condoned. Hard- headedness will not so easily excuse hardheartedness.‖ (Roosevelt, 1937) As a representation of the New Deal, ―Black Gold Oil Well‖ vilifies stockbrokers and big business. By doing this the writer and artist reiterate Roosevelt‘s second inaugural address and the concept that the stock market collapse and the depression were results of greed. Because this issue was published during the depression, it‘s likely that Shuster and Siegel were influenced by the country‘s sudden in unemployment, leading to a story that reminded readers of the causes of the Great Depression. To do this, ―Black Gold Oil Well‖ attributes negative aspects to the story‘s antagonists, while showing the devastation caused by their speculation. In this story Superman confronts corrupt oilmen. Kent investigates a local businessman‘s suicide and discovers that the man, and many other people, were bilked of their lifesavings and sold worthless stock in an oil company. In response, he goes about the city and purchases each person‘s worthless stock shares. Afterward, Superman learns that the oilmen hadn‘t even looked for oil. Using his superhuman strength, the Man of Tomorrow strikes oil, making the once worthless stock invaluable. News quickly gets back to the oil well owners who attempt to trick Kent into selling back the stock. At the end of the issue Kent relents and sells the stocks at a increased price, but as the oilmen rejoice, Superman swoops down and destroys the oil well, effectively making the oilmen as poor as the people they swindled. The issue begins with Kent overhearing two police officers discussing a suicide. Kent decides to investigate, remarking: ―No man takes his life unless a tremendous personal tragedy is involved.‖ In the next panel we are introduced to the stock brokers. We learn that one is a very

47 large man in green, a recurring theme for men who handle money, while the other is a smaller balding man in tan. As with previous depictions of villainous people, they are linked to money and drawn with a physical abnormality such as being fat, overly skinny, or balding. Furthermore, Meek and Bronson are shown to lack empathy in this sequence. At the beginning of the issue a second unnamed reporter confronts the stockbrokers. ―So you‘ve got murder as well as thievery on your hands,‖ the reporter says. In response, one of the brokers – a large man grasping a white cloth as if to wipe his forehead – responds: ―It‘s not my fault he killed himself.‖ The unnamed reporter continues his attack. ―The fault for his lies with you, and you know it.‖ Here the banker is perspiring as a result of the accusation, as if even he doesn‘t believe his refusal. This sequence establishes the argument that Meek and Bronson‘s swindle is responsible for the unnamed businessmen‘s death. The businessman is representative of those affected by the Great Depression, and furthers the popular thought that greed led to the collapse. After learning that Meek and Bronson sold worthless stock Superman uses his savings to purchase the stock back. In a six-panel sequence we witness Kent, in disguise as Homer Ramsey, travel to two individuals‘ homes. These people include an elderly man and a woman, again representations of those most likely to suffer during the depression. In one panel, the blonde woman signs over her shares to the disguised Ramsey. The unnamed woman says: ―You don‘t know how happy this makes me. I thought I had lost every cent!‖ Superman then investigates the Black Gold Oil well. Once there he asks for a job, but is denied. He‘s told by a man: ―The promoters have found that stock selling is so profitable they haven‘t even bothered to really go after oil.‖

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Figure 10. Clark Kent learns of the Black Gold Oil Well This image is taken from Action Comics 11 (April 1939).

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This sequence furthers the idea that stock brokers and big business prospered off the poor. That Bronson and Meek had viable work seems more villainous, at a time when unemployment was so high. That night Superman sneaks into the well and digs until he strikes oil. Hearing about the oil, the initial owners of the stock conspire to buy back the shares. The two men stand in front of a filing cabinet, as if ready to draw out the names of the people they tricked. ―Wait! What about the suckers who bought the stock! We‘ve got to buy them out before they find out about the strike!‖ To their dismay the oilmen learn the stocks have been purchased and approach Kent to buy them back. He refuses prompting the men to hire thugs to force Kent to handover the stock. This too fails. Finally, Kent offers to sell the men his stock for one million dollars. Realizing that they would make more than a million dollars, the businessmen sell all their assets to raise the money. Soon after Superman kidnaps the businessmen and takes them to the oil well where he destroys the well‘s machinery and lights the excess oil on fire, to the horror of the two men who stand lamenting their ruin. ―It‘s what you deserve,‖ Superman tells the two men.

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Figure 11. Superman destroys the Black Gold Oil Well This image is taken from Action Comics 11 (April 1939).

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Several assumptions can be made about ―The Black Gold Oil Well.‖ The story operates to reinforce dominate thought that stockbrokers only seek profit at the cost of average individuals. Additionally, the story acts as a warning that speculation in the stock market will lead to ruin. First, Bronson and Meeks sold worthless stock to people throughout the city, which leads to at least one suicide. This reinforces the New Deal discourse that blamed stock market collapse on businessmen, more specifically those businessmen directly associated with speculation. Second, by not allowing the average people to keep their stocks the writer and artists make an argument that they did not deserve wealth. In the issue Superman purchases the worthless stock and then destroyers the well after it became valuable. This implies that the people who purchased the stocks did not deserve wealth gotten through speculation. Speculation is shown as dangerous. If Superman had allowed the swindled stock owners to become rich, this would have reinforced the concept that speculation could lead to greater profits. The issue ends with Bronson and Meeks ruined. Unlike the earlier example of the mine owner, the two stock brokers do not have the opportunity to learn from their mistakes. Instead, they are placed in the same position as those they attempted to swindle. This shows that stockbrokers are not worthy of forgiveness nor are they capable of empathizing with the people they sold stocks to. A question arises as to why some wrongdoers are allowed to reform while other are not. One answer is materialism. The nature of stocks is to sell all-but invisible products. The mine owner employs workers, thus at least somewhat helping others, while the stockbroker‘s gains are purely personal. Because of this the mine owner can reform as he and his workers are interdependent. But as the stockbrokers‘ reformation would have no positive effect on society at large, they are left to suffer their fates. 2.3 Superman’s New Deal: Conclusion The three example stories support the New Deal concepts: workers rights, moral decay in slums, and the admonishment of speculative stockbrokers. These examples indicate that Superman stories helped perpetuate New Deal political thought. While this interpretation is forthcoming from reading the texts, a second interpretation can be gleaned from the depiction of authority in the three issues. In each of the stories the ―victims‖ do not have agency. Kober does not confront Blakely, the delinquent boys do not help revitalize their slum, and while the swindled people recover their money it‘s at the cost of greater profits. These three stories create a

52 theme that intervention by an outside force can alleviate wrong doing. This outside force, however, does not need to consult the victim in order to carry out a desired goal. Furthermore, this perpetuates subservience to either the initial authority or the outside force. In this sense, victims are only victims. Any responsibility to these individuals by their perpetrators is nonexistent once they have confronted Superman. Because of this power over the victims is not corrected but traded between the perpetrator and Superman. One consequence of this theme is that it prepares readers to accept government intervention while showing that people do not have a choice in the manner and outcome of the intervention. In the ―Blakely Mining Disaster‖ the workers are made to trust the ―inherent goodness‖ of Blakely. In ―Superman and the Slums‖ the residents of the area must accept Superman‘s claim that new housing will stop moral decay. In ―Black Gold Oil Well‖ the swindled citizens cannot act against the well owners and while they regain their lost wealth they do not gain new wealth. As a representation of the New Deal these Superman stories do not have a one-to-one correlation. The stories do present themes and messages concurrent with the New Deal. However, these themes can, and do, become mixed at points. The best example of this occurs in ―Superman and the Slums.‖ In the story the courts do not take in account Marello‘s environment and later in the issue armed forces attempt to stop Superman from destroying the slums. These mixed messages dilute the effectiveness of the stories. At best these stories support the New Deal‘s broad concept that championed the common man and woman who suffered from the greed of oppressors. At worst, the stories perpetuate the concept that though oppressed these men a women have few if any options.

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CHAPTER THREE

SUPERMAN: ISOLATIONISM & INTERVENTIONISM

In the 1930s and early 1940s, prior to the bombing of Pearl Harbor, the United States was engrossed in a cultural and political debate that would come to define the nation. At the center of this divide was whether the nation should be isolationist or interventionist. In short, the two political movements diverged on whether the United States should entangle itself in European affairs and conflicts, most prominently World War II. In this chapter, I will examine Superman stories published between 1938 and the end of 1941. I will make two arguments. First, Superman stories from this time reflected popular public opinion. This was accomplished by showing stories with isolationist sympathies, specifically by perpetuating the popular belief that the United States entrance into World War I was pushed by corrupt politicians and greedy munitions manufacturers. I will continue this argument detailing the two comic books series‘ gradual shift to intervention. This shift to interventionism is marked by attacks on isolationist groups through guilt-by-association and links to Nazism. The section on Superman‘s depiction of intervention will end with a discussion of the use of comic book covers to make similar arguments. Second, I will argue that not only did Superman comic books from the time reflect popular opinion; they also functioned rhetorically to influence popular opinions by reinforcing dominate thought. To do this I will provide examples of popular political arguments, most notably how Superman comic books immolated the messages of the Nye Committee and the Roosevelt administration‘s attacks on Colonel Charles Lindberg, a leading isolationist. 3.1 Isolationism and Interventionism To place a simple definition on isolationism is difficult as it incorporates multifaceted ideas. Cole notes that isolationism has become attached with negative connotations and that the name itself doesn‘t do justice. In creating a definition, Cole both examines what isolationists were and were not. Those in the group were not pacifists and neither did they want to end economic trade with the world. Neither were they, as the Roosevelt administration suggested in the later part of the decade, pro-Nazi or pro-fascist. (Cole, 1983, p. 6-8) Isolationists opposed intervention in European conflicts and entanglements that might draw the country into war. However, this too is not entirely accurate as there were also

54 isolationists who favored nonintervention in Asia and Latin America. (Cole, 1983, p. 6-8) Isolationists supported armed preparedness intended to defend the . They feared turning America into a police force and argued that involvement in foreign affairs would damage domestic programs. (Cole, 1983, p. 6-8) Opposed to isolationism were interventionists, most notably President Franklin Roosevelt. During Roosevelt‘s first term, the President‘s administration and isolationists limited their engagements over foreign issues as politicians focused on reversing losses from the Great Depression. This did not last. Roosevelt‘s second term from 1937 to 1941 was marred with international incidents. For example, Fascist Italy conquered Abyssinia in 1935-36, remilitarized the Rhineland in 1936, Germany and Italy contributed to Franco‘s victory in the Spanish between 1936 and 1939. In addition, the Sino-Japanese conflict began in 1937, Nazi Germany took Austria and the Sudetenland of Czechoslovakia in 1938, and in 1939 German invaded Poland, starting World War II. (Cole, 1983, p. 10) After the outbreak of World War II, Roosevelt and isolationists butted heads more frequently. At the center of this dispute was Roosevelt‘s attempts to aid Allied powers in their fight against the Axis. In the 1930s most Americans were isolationist, but as the decade progressed the country‘s mood began to change. By 1940 isolationists no longer held the strength they once had. While many Americans favored Britain, , and China, they did not support entry into the war. This changed with the fall of France and the . Americans favored supporting Britain but not entering the war. (Cole, 1983, p. 11) The isolationist movement was stymied during Roosevelt‘s third term from 1941 to 1945. During this time Roosevelt steered the country toward goals that provided aid to Allied forces, but did not call for a declaration of war. Isolationists were unable to stop Roosevelt. Among the tactics the president used to dismantle isolationists was guilt-by-association. Cole states, ―Even before Pearl Harbor, when presumably free discussion and debate were both rights and duties for citizens and legislators alike, patriotic isolationist opponents of Roosevelt‘s policies were seen as little better than Nazis.‖ (Cole, 1983, p. 12) After the on December 7, 1941 the majority of isolationists joined with fellow politicians in declaring war on Japan. Running concurrently with the two political movements was the rise of the American comic book industry, which was led by Superman comic books. Just as the country gradually

55 shifted from isolationism to interventionism, so too did Superman stories found in Action Comics and Superman. 3.2 Superman and Isolationism Isolationists were near the height of their power early in the early- and mid-1930s. During this time isolationists achieved political victories in support of their movement. These included the Johnson Act of 1934, the rejection of the World Court in 1935, the Nye Committee‘s investigation into the munitions industry, and the passage of four neutrality acts starting in 1935. (Cole, 1983, p. 9) Of this legislation, I am most concerned with the creation and reports of the Nye Committee and the Neutrality Acts. Before we can begin an explanation of the country‘s mindset is needed. Before entry into World War I the country maintained strong isolationist policies. After World War I, many believed the country was maneuvered into entering the conflict by a combination of European powers and industrialists seeking to make fortunes through munitions. In addition, many, such as Herbert Hoover, believed the war lead to the Great Depression. Because of this there was a strong contingent leery of entering into a second protracted war, be it in Europe or elsewhere. These views manifested in a number ways. One outcome was the formation of the Nye Committee. (Cole, 1983, p. 9) In 1934 Senator Gerald Nye of North Dakota formed a government committee to investigate the munitions industry. Adopted April 12, Senate Resolution 206 allowed for the vice-president to appoint seven senators to a special committee that would investigate all parts of the munitions industry such as production and distribution. Additionally, the committee was charged with studying the effectiveness of all the country‘s existing treaties and legislation related to the subject, to review an earlier committee‘s recommendation to remove profits from wars, and whether the federal government should take over munitions manufacturing (Cole, 1983, p. 146-155). The Nye Committee, as it became known, existed for 18 months. In that time the committee questioned about 200 witnesses, and afterward published 39 volumes. At points during this time Nye traveled the country and spoke with various media, expressing his beliefs based on the committee‘s reports and interviews. Cole states that one theme arose from Nye‘s speeches: Nye believed profiting from war constituted a threat to peace and that its removal would help remove the threat of war. (Cole, 1983, p. 146-155)

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Furthermore, Cole states that while Nye and his committee initially targeted the munitions industry, the group later found fault with the government, specifically the executive branch, which he believed fomented international conflict. (Cole, 1962, p. 76) Between 1936 and 1940, Nye spoke repeatedly against military and naval appropriations and in support of non-intervention. Cole categorized these speeches into five topics. First, Nye was not a pacifist and advocated for preparedness to protect the Western Hemisphere. Second, he believed large military appropriations were caused by profit seeking. Third, he believed millions of dollars were spent on national defense, when farmers, workers, and small businesses were in need. Fourth, large military forces created arms races. Finally, Roosevelt was readying the country for a war in Europe and Asia. (Cole, 1962, p. 124-131) In addition, Nye sought legislation to promote his beliefs. For example, on March 30, 1937, Nye and House of Representative Hamilton Fish, Jr. introduced a joint resolution that prohibited the exportation of arms, ammunition, and related items during times of peace. quotes Nye saying: ―If manufacturers who are arming all the world against itself insists upon selling weapons of war in time of peace, the government is obviously challenged to take over and operate the munitions plants.‖ (Nye and Fish, pp. 3) The Munitions Investigating Committee released seven major reports, two in 1935 and five in 1936. These reports concerned naval shipbuilding, methods for taking the profits out of war, activities of munitions manufacturers, War Department industrial mobilization plan, neutrality legislation, and roles of financers. (Cole, 1962, p. 79-96) In many of the reports the committee made assertion that cast shadows on the munitions industry In regard to the taking the profits out of war, the Nye Committee favored price control and high wartime taxes. The committee reported: ―(U)nder the head of sales method of the munitions companies, that almost without exception, the American munitions companies investigated have at times resorted to such unusual approaches, questionable favors, and commission, and methods of ‗doing the needful‘ as to constitute, in effect, a form of bribery of foreign governmental officials or to their close friends in order to secure business.‖ (U.S. Congress Special Committee on Investigation of the Munitions Industry, 1936, pp. 3-13) Furthermore, the committee called the business practices ―unethical‖ and continued to link the munitions industry to bribery. The report went on to state:

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―(T)he intense competition among European and American munitions companies with the attendant bribery of governmental officials tends to create a corrupt officialdom, and thereby weaken the remaining democracies of the world at their head. ―The committee finds, further, that the constant availability of munitions companies with competitive bribes ready in outstretched hands does not create a situation where the officials involved can, in the nature of things, be as much interested in peace and measures to secure peace as they are in increased armaments.‖ (U.S. Congress Special Committee on Investigation of the Munitions Industry, 1936, pp. 3-13) The committee stopped short of saying that wars were started simply to make profits. However, the committee appeared to do so reluctantly. The committee wrote: ―While the evidence before this committee does not show that wars have been started solely because of the activities of munitions makers and their agents, it is also true that wars rarely have one single cause, and the committee finds it to be against peace of the world for selfishly interested organizations to be left free to goad and frighten nations into military activity.‖ (U.S. Congress Special Committee on Investigation of the Munitions Industry, 1936, pp. 3-13) The committee, however, was not the only representation of the country‘s aversion to entering foreign conflicts. During the lead up to America‘s involvement in World War I, the government passed four neutrality acts. The acts, passed between 1935 and 1939 – among other things – they prohibited the country from providing loans, shipping arms or munitions, and forbid American citizens from traveling on warring vessels. The four neutrality acts occurred in 1935, 1936, 1937, and 1939. The lead up to these acts are long and I do not have the space necessary to discuss in full detail how these acts came to be. Instead, I will discuss each act briefly and their effects. The Neutrality Act of 1935 was signed on August 31, 1935. The act prohibited the export and transportation of arms, ammunitions, and implements of war to belligerent countries. In addition, it required the registration and licensing of people who engaged in arms exports and restricted travel by American citizens on belligerent ships. (Cole, 1983, p. 179) The Neutrality Act of 1936 passed February 18 that year was an extension of the previous act and included new provisions. The new provisions forbade loans to belligerents, made the application of arms embargo on states entering a conflict mandatory, and exempted

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American republics engaged in war against non-American states or states, providing the state or states were not cooperating with a non-American state. (Dallek, 1979, p. 120) The Neutrality Act of 1937 saw revisions to the previous acts and the addition of a ―cash- and-carry‖ provision. It retained portions of provisions and included prohibition against the arming of American merchant ships trading with belligerents and the use of American ships for transporting munitions or belligerents. The addition of a ―cash-and-carry‖ provision gave the president discretionary authority to force nonembargoed goods to be transferred to non- American hands and transferred on non-American vessels. Finally, the act gave the president authority to prohibit use of American ports by belligerents. (Cole, 1983, p. 233) The Neutrality Act of 1939 was signed into law November 4. It repealed the arms embargo that was put in place under previous neutrality acts, thus allowing Britain and France to purchase armaments and munitions from the country. (Cole, 1983, p. 329-330) The slow erosion of the Neutrality Acts eventually led to the Lend-Lease agreement to support Britain. The Lend-Lease agreement is a key piece of legislation in the shift from isolationism to intervention. In 1941 the battle between isolationists and interventionists reached its as the two sides fought over whether to enact Roosevelt‘s concept of lend-lease. Isolationists predicted in 1939 that the Roosevelt administration would attempt to repeal the ―cash‖ requirement on sales to belligerents followed by the ―carry‖ portion. These fears proved accurate. In 1940 the Roosevelt administration began to consider the implications of England no longer being able to pay for needed munitions. In December of that year, during a fireside chat, Roosevelt outlined the dangers of the Axis powers and indicated that if Europe fell, the belligerents would bring war to the western hemisphere. (Cole, 1983, p. 409-413) On December 29, 1940, Roosevelt told the American people: ―If Great Britain goes down, the Axis powers will control the continents of Europe, Asia, , Australia, and the high seas -- and they will be in a position to bring enormous military and naval resources against this hemisphere. It is no exaggeration to say that all of us, in all the Americas, would be living at the point of a gun -- a gun loaded with explosive bullets, economic as well as military.‖ (Roosevelt, 1940)

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Later in the speech Roosevelt addressed the isolationist, claiming that these people‘s actions supported the Axis powers. He stated: ―There are also American citizens, many of them in high places, who, unwittingly in most cases, are aiding and abetting the work of these agents. I do not charge these American citizens with being foreign agents. But I do charge them with doing exactly the kind of work that the dictators want done in the United States.‖ (Roosevelt, 1940) Less than a month later, on January 6, 1941, Roosevelt presented his lend-lease idea in his annual message to Congress. He told Congress: ―I also ask this Congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. Our most useful and immediate role is to act as an for them as well as for ourselves. They do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars‘ worth of the weapons of defense. ―The time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. We cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have. ―I do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons -- a loan to be repaid in dollars. I recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the United States, fitting their orders into our own program. And nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.‖ (Roosevelt, 1941) On January 10 of that year, two lend-lease bills were introduced to the House of Representatives and Senate. In the months that followed interventionists and isolationists debated the merits of a Lend-Lease Act. The debates included hearings by the House Foreign Affairs Committee against Lend-Lease. The most prominent American to speak at the hearing was Charles Lindbergh, who will be addressed later in this chapter. Isolationists lost the battle. The House of Representatives passed lend-lease legislation at the end of January and a clarifying amendment February 8 by a vote of 260 to 165. The Senate voted in favor of lend-lease on March 8 by a vote of 60 to 31. Roosevelt signed the Lend-Lease Act March 11. The new act allowed the president to ―sell, transfer title to, exchange, lease, lend, or otherwise dispose of‖

60 defense materials to any country the president believed vital to the United State‘s defense. In short, Cole states the act was ―nearly an act of war.‖ (Cole, 1983, p. 419-422) As I‘ve indicated the country‘s experience in World War I resulted in the formation of the Nye Committee and passage of Neutrality Acts. I now move to examples of Superman comic books reflecting and reinforcing popular public opinion. 3.2.1 Superman and Munitions Manufacturers The first two issues of Action Comics, the first comic books to feature Superman were released in April and May 1938, respectively. Their publication fell into the dates in which the Nye Committee was still active. These two issues reflect popular thought that munitions manufacturers sought war for profits. Thus the issues inform readers of the dangers of munitions manufacturers while also reinforcing popular thoughts represented by the formation of the Nye Committee. The two issues can be read as texts that shows isolationist sympathies. I will now examine ―The Coming of Superman‖ found in Action Comics 1 and ―The War in San Monte‖ found in Action Comics 2. In the case of Action Comics 1, I am revisiting the text to provide a secondary reading. The first reading of the text in the second chapter focused on the origin of the character. The following reading is concerned with the start of a secondary narrative that continues in Action Comics 2. 3.2.2 The Coming of Superman Revisited The first published Superman story is a hodgepodge of adventures tossed together. We are first shown the character‘s origin, along with an explanation for his substantial strength. After this, Superman saves an innocent woman from execution, stops a domestic violence incident, thwarts kidnappers, and, in the last sequence, discovers a plot to entangle the country in an unnamed European conflict. At the time of the comic book‘s publication, Germany had annexed Austria a month prior. In reading this narrative, I am predominantly interested in the final portion of the story, three pages that work to begin a new narrative that extends into Action Comics 2. The final pages of ―The Coming of Superman‖ ends with Clark Kent‘s editor calling him into his office to give him an assignment to travel to a small South American country to cover an ongoing war. Before leaving, for unknown reasons, Kent travels to Washington D.C. Once there Kent eavesdrops on a senator and learns the politician is working with a lobbyist. Two panels later, Superman is again eavesdropping, on the senator and the lobbyist. It‘s here that Superman

61 and the reader learn the senator and lobbyist are working to involve the U.S. in an unnamed ongoing European war.

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Figure 12. Superman Eavesdrops on a Lobbyist This image is taken from Action Comics 1 (April 1938).

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We first see Senator Barrows and lobbyist Alex Greer from a distance. In the panel Kent hides behind a wall in the foreground while Greer approaches the senator in the background. Barrows is a large man in green, while Greer is dapper and slouched. Barrows tells the lobbyist that he‘s never to approach him in public, and arranges a meeting for that evening. As with other depictions of immoral characters, they are drawn in juxtaposition with other so-called moral characters. Barrows‘ girth contrasts Superman‘s muscular body. Barrows‘ depiction implies the large man can afford to indulge himself to the extent that he is above average size. In addition, his all-green suit links him to currency. These two depictions – girth and currency – imply that money leads to indulgence and moral decay. Later that night, Superman eavesdrops on Barrows and Greer. We learn that Greer approached Barrows to see if he succeeded in pushing through a bill that entangled the United States with Europe. The most important panel comes next which shows Barrows and Greer leaning toward each other. There is nothing in the background except solid tan-yellow coloring. With a sinister look on his face Barrows says: ―There‘s little doubt about it! The bill will be passed before its full implications will be fully realized. Before any remedial steps can be taken, our country will embroiled with Europe.‖ Greer responds: ―Fine! We‘ll take care of you financially for this!‖ In the scene the men are hunched toward each other. Spatially, this places the two men closer, a visual shorthand for similarity. The lack of a background puts the emphasis on what they are saying to each other, as there is a lack of substance for us to divert our eyes. By forming the panel in this manner the writer and artists insinuate that the government – represented by Barrows – and key defense lobbyists benefits financially from a European conflict. This relates to isolationism because of the prevailing belief of how the country was drawn into World War I, as perpetuated by the Nye Committee‘s investigation and eventual report that detailed the munitions industry‘s supposed use of bribes to win contracts. This is made explicit by having Greer tell Barrows: ―We‘ll take care of you financially for this!‖ The story ends with a cliffhanger. Superman confronts Greer and attempts to scare the lobbyist into telling him who he works for. In ―The Coming of Superman,‖ we begin to see the development of the munitions manufacturers‘ myth, in which it was believed the munitions industry started war for profit. In

64 the first issue we do not know that Greer is a lobbyist, however, the writer implies that Greer bribed Barrows in order to entangle the country in an unnamed European conflict. The arguments put forth in this story center on Barrows. The writers reinforce the belief that entanglement in a European conflict is negative. This is made by linking Barrows to Greer and bribery. More insight can be taken from Superman‘s multiple uses of eavesdropping. In the story, the Man of Tomorrow twice spies on Barrows and Greer. The writer and artist imply that spying is beneficial in certain situations. If we are to read Superman as at least a partial representation of the federal government, the writer and artist imply that privacy is nebulous. This reading of Superman‘s abuse of privacy is ironic because of the character‘s duel identity. Superman has no qualms spying yet maintains an immense secret in his own right. The creators of Superman imply that only the most powerful are worthy of privacy. I now move to the second portion of the narrative. 3.2.3 The War in San Monte The story that began at the end of ―The Coming of Superman‖ in Action Comics 1 continues in ―The War in San Monte,‖ the lead story in Action Comics 2. The ―War in San Monte‖ is a 13-page story in which Superman forces a munitions manufacturer to join the San Monte army to witness the destruction his industry causes. Afterward, Superman confronts the leaders of the two armies and ends the conflict. The story starts at the cliffhanger presented in the last issue. Superman is threatening a lobbyist to learn the man‘s employ. Eventually, Superman forces Greer to tell him who he works for. Once the Man of Tomorrow receives the information, he perches atop the Washington Monument searching for the home of Emil Norvell, a munitions . In this panel Superman holds his left hand above his eyes in an exaggerated manner, which indicates he is searching for Norvell. In the image a link is created between Superman and the Washington Monument. The writer and artist of the story transfer patriotism, represented by the monument to Superman and his search for Norvell. Because of this the panel functions rhetorical to show that Superman‘s actions are sanctioned by the spirit of the country. In other words, the Washington Monument is representative of the nation‘s Founding Fathers and an image of patriotism. Superman‘s use of the monument in his search implies that it is patriotic to seek out those who would harm the country. Because of this Superman is linked with patriotism.

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Conversely, because Superman is patriotic, those opposed to the Man of Tomorrow are not. The writer and artist suggest with this imagery that Norvell is unpatriotic. Furthermore, because Norvell is a munitions manufacturer all munitions manufactures are cast in an unpatriotic light. This images functions rhetorically to strengthen isolationist messages. I‘d like to draw attention to this sequence because the writer and artist‘s decision to have Superman go after Norvell is significant. The previous story in Action Comics 1 linked the passage of a bill with American involvement in foreign affairs. This was shown to be negative. Instead of moving against both Greer‘s employer and Barrows, Superman only searches for the munitions magnet. As a reflection of the time period this perpetuates the belief that the munitions industry caused the war and manipulated the government for profit. There are other associations that can be made from this decision. By not confronting Barrows, the story implies the government can be corrected by removing the negative influence of bribery. The federal government is not necessary evil, but easily manipulated. Superman eventually locates Norvell‘s home. Once he arrives, the superhero is attacked by Norvell‘s men, who are easily frightened away. Superman then takes Norvell to the city‘s docks, and instructs Norvell to board a ship. At this point we learn Superman is forcing Norvell the join the San Monte army. After Norvell joins the San Monte army, there is a long sequence in which Superman – now disguised as a member of the army – and Norvell are sent to the frontlines and take part in the destruction.

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Figure 13. Norvell is Taken into Battle This image is taken from Action Comics 2 (May 1938).

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In an eight-panel sequence drawn on a single page, we witness the horrors of war. The most relevant information appears in the fourth panel. Here a long line of soldiers are shown marching from a great distance, making the men appear numerous but unclear. The picture is dark, creating a sinister feel. Above this is a conversation between Superman and Norvell. Superman states: ―What I can‘t understand is why you manufacture munitions when it means thousands will die horribly.‖ Norvell replies: ―Men are cheap – munitions, expensive!‖ By placing Norvell‘s and Superman‘s conversation over a line of men emphasizes the great number of people associated with the battle and adds to the villainy of Norvell‘s comment. We see the men who Norvell claims are cheap. As a representative of the munitions industry, and thus those possibly responsible for World War I and the Great Depression, Norvell again mimics the popular belief that munitions manufacturers became rich from the war, and had little regard for their fellow humans. In the next panel a bombshell explodes overhead, the yellow of the explosion juxtaposes against of the scene, drawing attention to the force and magnitude of the event. In the sixth panel, we again see the soldiers at a distance as they drop to the ground in an attempt to dodge . We cannot see their faces as the circular yellow explosion catches our attention. It is the brightest image on the page. As with the previous images, we see the number of men facing the munitions magnet‘s handiwork. The seventh and eighth panels in the sequence act as a conversation between Norvell and Superman. In the two panels, placed side-by-side and in similar composition, the two men are lying in the dirt. Norvell is sweating and distraught. He says to no one: ―This is no place for a sane man. I‘ll die.‖ In the next panel, Superman glares at Norvell: ―I see! When it‘s your own life that‘s at stake your viewpoint changes!‖ This sequence is similar to another sequence in the second chapter of this thesis. In the previous chapter, Superman confronted a mine owner who also underwent a change of opinion once he witnessed the conditions of his own mine. By reading these two issues together we can interpret that Superman acts to change an antagonist‘s position not through strictly persuasion, but by placing them in circumstances that they perpetuate. Several pages later Norvell‘s story comes to a close. In a panel, he drops to a knee and proclaims he‘s had a change of heart. ―Let me return to the U.S. – I‘ve grown to hate war,‖ he

68 pleads to the Man of Tomorrow. His wish is granted, but only after Superman tells him never to produce munitions again.

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Figure 14. Superman Confront the San Monte Generals. This image is taken from Action Comics 2 (May 1938).

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While this might make a strong ending for the story, ―The War in San Monte‖ continues with one more sequence. In the sequence Superman kidnaps the leaders of both armies and brings them together to fight to the death. But there is a twist. The head of either army can‘t remember why they are fighting. One head asks: ―But why should we fight?‖ The second tells Superman, ―We are not angry with each other.‖ It‘s then that the war is ended. In the next panel, Superman tells the men they were tricked. Here Superman is the main focus, he places a paternal arm on one of the leaders. The background is completely bright yellow. Superman replies: ―Gentlemen, it‘s obvious that you‘ve been fighting only to promote the sales of munitions.‖

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Figure 15. Superman Informs the San Monte Generals They Were Tricked into Warring This image is taken from Action Comics 2 (May 1938).

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Among the common beliefs of the late 1930s was the need for the United States to refrain from entering into various compacts that would entangle the country in not only war but other actions. As I‘ve said, it was believed that World War I resulted from greed and manipulation.3 This manifested itself through the Nye Committee, which has been previously detailed. (Cole, 1983, p. 145-146) The first two issues of Action Comics present Superman stories that perpetuate this concept by showing a lobbyist‘s influence on the government, which led to a bill designed to entangle the country in a European conflict. This warning is reinforced when Superman takes the munitions magnet to witness a fictional South American War. In this sense, both issues can be seen as a reflection of popular thought, but also more specifically the Spanish Civil War. Furthermore, the issues make the argument that the United States does not need to enter war because they are meaningless, and should instead focuses on reforming munitions manufacturers in order to stop future wars. This argument closely aligns with isolationist‘s arguments, particularly the Nye Committee. While the two stories have isolationist sympathies the strength of the argument is limited. There is a disconnect between the two stories. In ―The Coming of Superman‖ the country is manipulated into a European conflict; however, ―The War in San Monte‖ shows Superman and Norvell in a fictional South American country. While Superman easily stops the South American conflict, no mention is made of the European conflict. This limits how readers view the relationship between Europe and the United States. Having the conflict take place in South America implies that the potential threat is closer and more likely to affect the country, which gives Superman a concrete reason to join the conflict. Since no clear reason is given for joining the European conflict, the clear argument is that munitions manufacturers manipulate a willing government. By not explicitly showing a European conflict the writers also allow for future stories to take place in Europe. A second, and perhaps more reasonable, interpretation of why the war took place in a fictional country is because it allows the writers to focus on broad

3 In a survey conducted by the American Institute of Public Opinion in January 1937, 70 percent of U.S. respondents believed the country made a mistake entering World War I. This number dropped to 21 percent by December 1941. Related to this, AIPO reported in October 1939 that 34 percent of U.S. citizens believed America was the victim of ―propaganda and self interests.‖ This answer had the highest response rate. (Cantril and Strunk, 1951, p. 202)

73 concepts instead of relying on accurate accounts of real conflicts. In this way, the story presents an isolationist message that can be applied to any number of circumstances. The problem with this is that by sacrificing specificity all conflicts become similar. As the stories continue Siegel and Shuster no longer directly support isolationism through Superman and eventually move to an interventionist message. In fact, munitions manufactures all but disappear from the stories as Superman confronts secret Nazi groups. I next turn to Superman stories with interventionist messages. 3.3 Superman and Interventionism Those opposed to isolationism were interventionists. Interventionists, as the name suggests, opposed permanent neutrality. This political faction is best represented by Roosevelt‘s foreign policy. As I‘ve previously stated, isolationism gripped the country through much of the 1930s. However, over time public opinion began to change and more people supported intervention. The change in public opinion was not rapid. Cole states that the majority of Americans sympathized with Britain, France, and China. Sympathy, however, did not mean the country wanted to go to war. This sentiment was stronger than a desire to thwart the Axis powers. The change in American attitudes came midway through 1940 and coincided with the fall of France and the Battle of Britain. After this it became more important to help the British win the war than to remain absent from conflict. (Cole, p. 1983, p. 364) During the lead up the war polling became a regular feature of American life. These polls are valuable for gauging the country‘s mood and supporting Cole‘s claim. For example in mid 1940 the American Institute of Public Opinion (AIPO) and the Office of Public Opinion Research (OPOR) asked whether it was more important for the United States to keep out of the war or to help Britain and France and joining the war. Polls indicated that from May to September the country‘s belief that it should help the Allies increased. In May, 36 percent of those surveyed believed we should help the Allies, while in September that number had risen to 53 percent. (Cantril and Strunk, 1951, p. 973) Nevertheless, while the polls might indicate how the country felt, it does not indicate the rhetorical tactics used by interventionists to strength their position. Chief among Roosevelt‘s methods to disarm his opposition was the use of ―guilt-by-association,‖ a fallacious tactic in which a concept or idea is supposedly discredited because of those associated with it. Cole

74 argues Roosevelt‘s administration systematically dismantled isolationism and the isolationists. He states that the ―portrayal of isolationists as treasonous was a theme that was to be used with increasing frequency and effectiveness as the United States drew closer to involvement in World War II.‖ (Cole, 1983, p. 257) Among the most viciously attacked noninterventionists was Colonel Charles Lindbergh. In May 1927, Lindbergh captured headlines with his flight across the Atlantic. Later he wed the country‘s ambassador to Mexico‘s daughter. In 1932, the country witnessed the kidnapping and murder of the couple‘s first child and subsequently a long court trial. Starting in 1938, Lindbergh began noninterventionist efforts. Lindbergh‘s stance was colored by his career in aviation. (Cole, 1983, p. 458-459) On January 23, 1941 Lindbergh expressed his views to House Foreign Affairs Committee, which was holding hearings to stymie the lend-lease agreement. In his prepared statement, Lindbergh testified on the effect of aviation on America during war. He concluded that aviation strengthened the country‘s defense but weakened its offense. He argued that invasion would be unlikely because supplies and manpower needed to be transported by sea and would meet heavy air power. He said that as long as the country maintained a strong and modern air force foreign invasion would be unlikely. (Cole, 1983, p. 416) Lindbergh eventually joined the American First Committee in 1941. During the fifteen months that preceded the attack at Pearl Harbor the American First Committee was the leading isolationist group, and routinely battled the Roosevelt administration. By December 1941 the committee had about 450 chapters and subchapters and total membership somewhere between 800,000 and 850,000. (Cole, 1983, p. 380-381) An example of the Roosevelt administration‘s use of guilt-by-association to discredit Lindbergh came after one of the aviator‘s public broadcasts. On May 19, 1940, Lindbergh gave a broadcast speech know as ―The Air Defense of America.‖ The speech discussed America‘s need for a defense policy before it could start aircraft production. In the speech he said: ―Let us not be confused by this talk of invasion by European aircraft. The air defense of America is as simple as the attack is difficult when the true facts are faced. We are in danger of war today not because European people have attempted to interfere with the internal affairs of America, but because American people have attempted to interfere with the internal affairs of Europe.‖ (Lindbergh, May 20, 1940)

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The speech garnered quick responses from the Roosevelt administration. The White House arranged for prominent politicians to respond to the broadcast. Responses came from Democratic Senator James Byrnes of South Carolina, Senator Claude Pepper of Florida, and Senator Key Pittman of Nevada, and Secretary of Interior Harold L. Ickes. (Cole, 1983, p. 460- 461) In a May 19, 1940 radio program, Byrnes alluded to Lindbergh‘s ties to German. He stated: ―A few years ago, Mr. Lindbergh went to Great Britain to live. It seemed natural to us that his interest in aviation should cause him to inspect the air forces of other countries in Europe: France, Germany, and Russia. We thought nothing of it—at first. Later, we were somewhat surprised by the news that he had accepted a decoration from Hitler. We were further surprised by the reports at the time of the Munich settlement that he was volunteering his advice in important circles in England and France thought to be favorable to a policy of appeasing Germany by offering no resistance to her aggression upon small countries to the east.‖ (Byrnes, 1940) Byrnes remark that Lindbergh received a medal from Hitler is somewhat accurate and was used numerous times by Lindbergh‘s opponents in attempts to discredit the man. In May, 1936 Lindbergh was invited to inspect civil and military developments in Germany. The military hoped Germany would reveal more to the aviator than to U.S. officials. The military was correct. After this Lindbergh traveled to other European countries for similar reasons and advised the county‘s allies. In October, 1938 Lindbergh made his third and final inspection of German aviation developments. While there he received a medal by Field Marshal Hermann Goering for his career as an aviator. (Cole, 1983, p. 288-289) According to the Chicago Daily Tribune, on April 13, 1941 Ickes lambasted Lindbergh at a dinner sponsored by the Jewish National Workers Union. During the speech the Secretary of the Interior called Lindbergh the ―No. 1 Nazi fellow traveler‖ in the country, ―the first American to raise aloft the stand of pro-Naziism,‖ and the ―proud possessor of a Nazi decoration, which has already been well earned.‖ (Ickes Lambasts, 1940, April14) Roosevelt was not above entering the battle either. According to Cole, he had a newspaper commentator research Civil War Copperheads in order to make an unfavorable comparison. During the Civil War Copperheads were northerners with southern sympathies. The

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Chicago Daily Tribune reported that during a press conference on April 25, the president asked why Lindbergh hadn‘t been called in military service. Roosevelt compared Lindbergh to Clement L. Vallandigham, the most prominent Copperhead. (Roosevelt‘s Press Conference, 1941) These types of attacks, though not exclusively those against Lindbergh, influenced Superman writers and artists; specifically in Action Comics 36, Superman 8, and Superman 9. In each of these texts the writer and artist insinuate that those people and groups who do not support intervention are, in some manner, associated with Nazism. In other words, isolationists are shown to be either saboteurs or exceptionally gullible. 3.3.1 Fifth Columnists In Action Comics 36 (May 1941) Superman confronts the Volunteers for Peace, an organization that opposes the country‘s rearmament. Readers learn that the Volunteers for Peace are manipulated by ―Nation X‖ who wants to stymie the nation‘s re-armament. Superman saves several sites and then confronts a squadron of planes attempting to bomb . The issue ends with Superman punching the of the Volunteers for Peace, ending his reign. The story in Action Comics 36, ―Fifth Columnists,‖ starts with the ominous statement: ―Menaced by an enemy invasion and the traitorous activities of fifth columnists. The fate of the United States hangs in the balance as Superman, extraordinary Man of Tomorrow, ventures forth to engage the foe in a gigantic battle with the future of democracy at stake!‖ After this we see heading to a meeting with Superman secretly following her. She has been sent to cover a meeting of the Volunteers for Peace and both Lane and Superman are worried the meeting might become dangerous. At the meeting we are introduced to Stuart Pemberton, the group‘s leader. Immediately prior to meeting Pemberton, a panel depicts the Volunteers for Peace‘s membership. We see the crowd from the back. They have their arms raised in excitement, which recalls a Nazi salute. In the most important panel, Pemberton stands in front of the crowd. He‘s the only person in the frame. He is looking up. He says: ―Friends – once again I urge you to shout your disapproval of rearmament in the country! We‘re not actually menaced by war – that‘s just the hogwash the grafters are trying to make gullible taxpayers swallow!‖ The text balloon in the panel is placed over Pemberton‘s outstretched arm. This stance, as with the panel of the organization‘s membership, resembles a Nazi salute.

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Figure 16. Stuart Pemberton Addresses the Volunteers for Peace This image was taken from Action Comics 36 (May 1941).

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In this panel, Pemberton introduces isolationist arguments, which becomes associated with Pemberton‘s eventual betrayal of the Volunteers for Peace. By presenting the message in a panel devoid of a background, and accentuated by red, the writer and artist provide added weight to Pemberton‘s address. Because Pemberton and the Volunteers for Peace members‘ arms are raised in a Nazi salute, the panels work rhetorically to argue that isolationists are veiled Nazi agents. This discredits the Volunteers for Peace‘s arguments for nonintervention. Lane later argues with Pemberton, calling him a liar. This betrays her stances as a nonbiased reporter and indicates to readers that the country cannot be noncommittal. The argument riles the crowd and forces Superman to intervene and rescue her. This scene has sexist undertone as Lane gives into her emotions to defend her newspaper and because of this needs to be rescued by Superman. It also ironically makes the implication that members of the Volunteers for Peace are not pacificists, a theme that is enumerated throughout the story. After the incident with Lane, Superman decides to investigate the Volunteers for Peace. Superman overhears Pemberton speaking to his inner circle. In the panel, Pemberton stands and addresses several men. He says: ―We‘ve accomplished as much as we can, fooling the membership with anti-rearmament talk.‖ This scene acts to reinforce the belief that isolationists and their variation organizations such as the American First Committee are filled with individuals who actively seek the downfall the United States. Though there were members of the committee who legitimately believe in the cause, they are shown to be easily swayed and manipulated. These beliefs are a reflection of attacks on isolationist by the Roosevelt administration, which is best shown through the admonishment of Lindbergh. The scene makes that claim that the Volunteers for Peace, a stand in for isolationists committees, is being manipulated by outside forces. Because of this the organization‘s argument are moot. By making this association the story argues that we do not need rational debate about rearmament because isolationists do not have the nation‘s interest in mind. In other words, readers do not need to argue with isolationists because they are puppets of Nazism. From here Superman stops several attempts of sabotage and fights an invading bomber, while Pemberton raids a radio station. As with the early image of Pemberton addressing a large audience, he is the only person in the panel; two colors are used to set him apart from the

79 background Pemberton tells his audience: ―The hour has come – Democracy‘s death is at hand! Even now the planes of the conquering nation zoom overhead!‖

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Figure 17. Stuart Pemberton Addresses the American People This image is taken from Action Comics 36 (May 1941).

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In this panel, the writer and illustrator of the story continue to make the argument that isolationist thinking will lead to an attack on the nation. In the panel Pemberton is shown from his waist up. His arms are raised. The background of the panel is yellow. Outlining Pemberton is a red ragged line. The affect of the two colors convey action, but also function rhetorically to demonize Pemberton. He appears on fire, but not in pain. If we trace the argument being made, it is that isolationists are secret militants and those militants are demonic Additionally, the panel continues the earlier argument that isolationists are members of foreign power and that this power seeks control of the country. In short, the Volunteers for Peace seek control of the country. The mention of planes in the story is significant. Interventionists feared that if Europe fell the Axis power would attack the United States. The use of planes in this story reflects popular fears of an attack, while reinforcing an argument that the country needs to increase its armament production in preparation for such an event. By associating the Volunteers for Peace with representations of Nazism the writer and artist attempt to sway readers that those who seek peace and non-armament are in fact organizations that conspire to engender the downfall of the United States. One repercussion of this interpretation is that it insinuates the country is filled with anti-American groups, specifically that those who oppose the re-armament, regardless of reason, are anti-American and pro- German. ―The Fifth Columnists‖ ends with Superman attacking Pemberton and again saving Lane. The Man of Tomorrow then leaps out a window and files a story with his newspaper. I next turn to Superman 9, which included the story ―The Phony Pacifists.‖

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3.3.2 The Fifth Column In Superman 8 (January-February 1941), the Man of Tomorrow confronts a ―fifth column‖ seeking to place skilled laborers in munitions factories and spread ―dangerous‖ literature. In the story Kent is approached by a local detective who tells the newspaperman that the leader of a group of fifth columnists is entering the city and asks for help. Superman investigates the group and learns that its leader has hired men to distribute literature and is placing saboteurs in factories. Later in the issue Kent is accused of murdering the detective and sets out to clear his name and stop the fifth columnists. Though not as explicit as other Superman stories ―The Fifth Column‖ articulates several concepts that support a claim that those involved with the story‘s creation used guilt-by- association to discredit isolationists. Near the beginning of the story is a 16-panel sequence in which Superman confronts a group of fifth columnists. Prior to this he overhears the meeting‘s organizer, Eric Riebel, address his men. In the third panel of the sequence we see Riebel in a close-up. In the background a disguised Superman and other fifth columnists listen. Riebel is dressed as a militant, in all brown, with a militaristic hat adorned with an image of the Iron Cross. He holds up a piece of paper, which is indicated to be subversive literature. Riebel says: ―You will find ample quantities of subversive printed matter here. See that it is distributed widely.‖ In the background of the panel, a stone-faced Superman says: ―That literature is dangerous!‖ There are several assumptions being made in this sequence. The writer and artist show that a foreign power has entered the states and is spreading subversive literature and planting spies in armament factories. The foreign power, though not directly stated, is associated with Germany, made apparent by the small Iron Cross on Riebel‘s hat and in a later panel through a depiction of Riebel performing a Nazi salute. The visual and verbal argument being presented is two-fold. First, Germans are organized and working to stop American rearmament and they are spreading false information. We can then assume that those opposed to rearmament are working for foreign powers. Those who spread information opposed to rearmament are Nazi sympathizers. The next panel shows Riebel giving what appears to be a Nazi salute. The top of his hand is cut off; however, an unseen person is also giving the salute in the background. This person‘s body is cut off, leaving just his arm from the elbow up. Riebel is drawn looking directly at the

83 reader. He says: ―We have a brilliant future before us! We must continue our courageous effort to undermine the United States – our award will come when we are its master.‖ The salute is an explicit link to Nazism. This panel argues that Germany seeks to overthrow the country. Because of the group‘s link with so-called subversive material, the writer and artist again argue that isolationists are guilty by association. In the process of dealing with the fifth column Superman takes the group‘s list of saboteurs and flees. In his civilian identity of Clark Kent, the Man of Tomorrow visits the detective that asked for help and is framed for his friend‘s murder.

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Figure 18. Superman Eavesdrops on Fifth Columnists This image is taken from Superman 8 (January-February 1941).

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Superman sets out to clear his name. The Man of Tomorrow follows Riebel, who is retreating to a secret base because he fears that he‘s been revealed as a spy. It‘s here that Superman comes across a secret military base. In the panel that reveals this Superman stands erect on a mountain poised to act. In the background we see outlines of military planes and soldiers. The text associated with the image states: ―In the valley below, a scene that might as well be laid in Europe …‖

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Figure 19. Superman Uncovers a Hidden Oppositional Army This image was taken from Superman 8 (January-February 1941).

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This panel in which we see the hidden army indicates Superman‘s superiority. He looks down upon the army. This panel functions rhetorically to alert readers to Nazis hidden in our country and to fear an attack. The enemy army on American soil is the visualization of isolationist thinking. The story argues that those involved in the movement are Nazis and then shows the outcome of following their beliefs. Superman then attempts to steal ―valuable‖ information from the army, but is caught in the act. Then he destroys the enemy army‘s planes and weapons. In an attempt to retaliate the enemy army‘s commander fires a missile that strikes a munitions factory and kills everyone except for Superman. Once to Metropolis he reverts to Kent and uses the information he stole to clear his name and write an expose for the newspaper. One of the regular features in Superman comic books is a letter written by Clark Kent to members of the Superman fan club, the Supermen of America. In this issue a brief letter to the club equates the need for rearmament with loyalty. Kent writes: ―The loyalty of individual citizens is being called on right now. Workers in all walks of life are proving their Loyalty by doing their utmost to hasten the great work of national preparedness.‖ The letter goes on to state that the government is working to ferret out ―fifth columnists‖ and others who are not as ―loyal to the government of the United States as they might be – or should – be.‖ Kent‘s letter makes two associations. The letter associates loyalty with preparedness and creates two groups: those who work to seek preparedness and those who do not. Even those who are neither isolationists nor interventionists are tacitly referenced as damaging the country‘s efforts. These people are associated with spies as they are not as loyal, and thus prepared, as they ―should be.‖ For those who read Superman stories, the message was clear: Intervention was necessary. But what of those who did not read them? Were they also exposed to the writer and artist‘s argument? Though truncated, the covers of a comic can argue just as greatly.

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Figure 20. This image is a reproduction of ―The Supermen of America‖ The image appeared in Superman 8 (January-February 1941).

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3.3.3 The Phony Pacifists In Superman 9 (March-April 1941), the Man of Tomorrow becomes embroiled in a secret military exercise and discovers a plot to the stop the nation‘s rearmament. The story follows Superman as he attempts to stop a group of saboteurs from destroying various supplies to be used in defending the country. As the story continues, Superman follows a to a senator‘s office and learns the senator was tricked into helping the spymaster. At the end Superman stops the foreign saboteurs. Near the end of the story is a long sequence in which Superman uncovers the saboteurs. After following the spymaster to Washington, D.C. the perspective switches to a group of men inside the Senator Galswothy‘s office. The reader sees Derwing, head of The Committee Against Militarism, which opposes aid to any warring democracies and rearmament. We first learn about the committee in a panel in which Derwing addresses his fellow committee members. In the panel Derwing is framed from the midsection up. His chin is raised. He is looking directly at the reader. The background of the image is black and red. The black is punctured by jagged red coloring that frames Derwing. He states: ―As you all know, I am the chairman of the Committee Against Militarism…our stand: no rearmament of the U.S., and no aid to warring democracies!‖ The black background is a metaphor for evil while the red section indicates warning or danger. By drawing Derwing in this manner the artist of the story focuses our attention on Derwing by eliminating excesses background information. The jagged red can be read as a warning to readers. The artist is foreshadowing Derwing‘s sharp and jagged nature, his true nature, which is the opposite of his committee‘s stance In the next panel, Derwing tells the committee: ―I‘ve just received word that some of the army‘s supplies stored in Metropolis are about to be exploded just so that the grafter can sell new materials…at the taxpayers‘ expense. Two well-dressed men in the panel are shocked. One states that they are going to protest.‖ In the fourth panel, Derwing says: ―When you leave this office I want you to begin the battle immediately. Organize your communities – be militant in your fight against re-armament!‖ While Derwing‘s statement is somewhat comical because the non-militant group is advocating militancy, it has a larger implication that relates to the previous story, ―The Fifth Columnists.‖ Again groups that do not want war are being associated with war. Again isolationists are show to be hypocritical.

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Figure 21. Derwing Tells Committee members that He Works for an Oppositional Nation This image was taken from Superman 9 (March-April 1941).

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As with other Superman stories the writer and artist make it a point to show isolationist arguments. This works to associate later actions with an individual or group. As the story progresses it‘s revealed that Derwing isn‘t fighting re-armament for patriotic or moralistic reasons. After most of the committee left, he tells those who remained: ―I am in the employ of a powerful totalitarian nation. My duty here in America is to see that no aid is offered to the democracies and that the U.S. fails to re-arm.‖ This series of panels works to perpetuate the belief that those seeking to stop re- armament are being manipulated by foreign powers. Again this sequence works to undermine any legitimate argument isolationists might have by showing they are associated with what is a thinly veiled German menace. As the story progresses, we learn Galsworthy overheard Derwing. Watching the events unfold, Superman questions the politician. ―(He) has been imposing upon your good faith to sabotage this country‘s best interests. Are you going to let him get away with it?‖ The senator bursts into the room and confronts the men. As the issue ends Derwing is arrested.

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Figure 22. Superman Instigates a Confrontation Between Galsworthy and Derwing This image was taken from Superman 9 (March-April 1941).

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This sequence draws attention to the government‘s role in the debate between isolationism and intervention. Galsworthy is manipulated by outside forces and once he learns of the manipulation he sets about correcting the problem. What is interesting about this sequence is that Superman goads Galsworthy into confronting Derwing before the Man of Tomorrow steps into end the fight. It is abnormal for Superman to allow a victim to confront a perpetrator. Because of this the sequence draws attention to the need for the government to examine its relationship with groups that oppose armament. As with previous stories, ―The Phony Pacificsts‖ show Superman spying on individuals. Again, the writer and artist imply that it is acceptable to spy if it is for a good cause. Superman first spied on individuals in Action Comics 1 where he eavesdropped on a senator and munitions lobbyist. In this scene Superman is not shown spying, but it is implied as he turns on a Dictaphone to capture the conversation. This reliance on spying reflects the heightened state of stress on the country caused by the European conflict. Readers are to see Superman‘s action as necessary in order to capture criminals, or more specifically those aligned with the Nazi party. In the examples, spying and eavesdropping is glorified. We do not witness Superman overhearing a delicate conversation, neither do we witness Superman question his actions. The implication of this is that readers can and should be aware of those around them; that spying is warranted. The right to privacy is trumped by the security of masses. The issue ends with Superman stopping Derwing and company from fighting Galsworthy. Superman leaves Derwing in Galsworthy‘s company. It is implied that the recording will be used to judge Derwing in court, though this is not shown. Next I will discuss Superman 9, which includes the story ―The Fifth Column.‖ 3.4 Interventionist Covers A significant rhetorical feature of comic books that I have not discussed are covers. Covers are the first things people see before they open an issue. Before any story begins, before Superman saves the day, it‘s the cover that orients readers to what they are about to read. Covers, however, are both part of a comic book but also separate. For comic book fans the covers exist as an entry point to the story, but this is not true for those who might have only browsed newsstands without reading. In this case, covers work as their own separate story, their own event encapsulated and frozen in time.

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In the comic book industry‘s early years it was common for the covers of comic books to present images that did not correspond with the story or stories inside the issue. This was true for Action Comics and Superman comics. A simple explanation for this is that the cover worked as a persuasive tool designed to entice readers to purchase the product. In this manner, the cover often presented exaggerated scenes. In the case of Superman these scenes were action-oriented, an emphasis on the character‘s power and the adventure which might be inside. The covers of Superman comics from 1938 until the start of 1942, like the stories, often presented interventionist messages. To do this the covers depict Superman battling foreign forces or in one case preventing saboteurs from destroying a munitions factory. At first the covers do not indicate who the Man of Tomorrow grapples with, but the images later change to depict German soldiers. In this section, I argue that there is a rhetorical chronology in which the covers gradually intensify their depictions of combatants. This intensification functions rhetorically to advance readers‘ fears of the Axis powers. Selective cover examples include Action Comics 35, Action Comics 39, Action Comics 40, Action Comics 43, and Action Comics 44, and Superman 13.

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Figure 23. This image is the cover of Action Comics 35 (April 1941).

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Action Comics 35 The cover of Action Comics 35 (April 1941) shows a single brown-clad combatant firing at Superman with a mounted automatic weapon. Superman is framed in the middle of the cover, his arms raised and curled, literally displaying his tremendous strength to the combatant. Behind Superman is a white circle with jagged lines that functions to contrast the Man of Tomorrow from the background and indicates action. The combatant does not have many defining details; however, it can be assumed that readers would at least be partially familiar with the European conflict and make a connection between the two. By February 1941 the war in Europe was several years old and the country was in the midst of grappling over its stance on the conflict, specifically Roosevelt‘s lend-lease plan, which he introduced in December and signed into law in March. A reading of this cover is dependent upon how one views the Man of Tomorrow. If we are to view the character as a representation of the future as noted in the second chapter of this thesis, then we can read it as the future being unassailable, that war cannot harm the embodiment of tomorrow. Nonetheless, it‘s more likely that this cover can be read in relation to the war and Superman‘s position as an interventionist. By placing Superman in conflict, the writer and artist acknowledge the political climate of the era and make the argument that Superman should intervene. Along with this, the cover functions rhetorically to show Germany‘s aggression by having the militant firing on Superman. Instead of retaliating the Man of Tomorrow flexes his arms as the bullets bounce off him. Superman is in a defensive position indicating that he did not attack the solider. If we read Superman as a representation of America, the cover implies that Germany will attack the United States first giving the country a justification for war. Just as interesting is what is not shown on the cover. This cover does not raise support for Britain or France and instead focuses on a representation of Germany. The negative impact of this is that those who would view the cover are unable to see the damage caused by Germany‘s expansion. In short, any argument to enter the war is lessened without the depiction of Allied combatants to offer a reason to enter the conflict. As it stands now, the image only works to indicate that a war exists but offers no reason for readers to enter the conflict.

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Within the rhetorical chronology this cover is vague because it relies on readers‘ past knowledge of the war. Without this knowledge the assailant could be from any nation.

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Figure 24. This images is the cover of Action Comics 37 (June 1941).

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Action Comics 37 The cover of Action Comics 37 (June 1941) shows three men trying to blow up a U.S. munitions factory. Superman is jumping into the frame from the right. In front of the munitions factory is a barbed wire fence. On the fence is a recruitment poster, a picture of Uncle Sam pointing toward a viewer. The argument presented in this cover concerns armament. The cover implies that armament plants are at risk of attack by an unknown entity in the country. An explicit link is made between the plant and patriotism. This link is made through the connection through the poster on the fence outside the plant. It is a representation of a famous World War I recruitment poster. Absent from the image is any indication of who the perpetrators are. This can be seen as a means of showing that a ―fifth column‖ exists inside the country, and thus readers should be weary. Within the rhetorical chronology this cover, like the pervious cover, is vague. However, it intensifies the threat to the nation, and thus the readers, by indicating there is a group of individuals who seek to use weapons to stop rearmament.

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Figure 25. This image is the cover of Action Comics 39 (August 1941).

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Action Comics 39 The cover of Action Comics 39 (August 1941) shows Superman dropping into what appears to be a military encampment. Two lights, operated by soldiers, cross him. The background of the image is difficult to see, an indication that it‘s dark and shadowed. A large weapon is located in the background of the image. As with the cover of Action Comics 37 Superman is again in the midst of attacking an unknown military force. Unlike the previous example, the force of the unnamed army is greater. The cannon and plane in the background along with the addition of the soldiers operating the spotlights show the potential strength of the army. The addition of the plane, cannon, and men argue that there is a growing threat. This threat, by implication, is the German army.

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Figure 26. This image is the cover of Action Comics 40 (September 1941).

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Action Comics 40 The cover of Action Comics 40 (September 1941) shows Superman punching a tank into the air. Drawn on the tank is a white cross that resembles a 1939 Iron Cross, a symbol used by the German military. The cross symbol is not an exact replica. The 1939 Iron Cross is more stylized while the picture on the tank is less so. The indication, however, is that the tank belongs to a German outfit. As part of the rhetorical chronology, the cover of this issue is more explicit than the previous example. The addition of the Iron Cross, clearly marks the combatants as part of the German military. While it‘s plausible that the pervious example might not have been German forces, linking the militants with the Iron Cross creates a direct link between them. This cover continues to indicate a need for intervention, doing so by indicating the strength of a foreign military power. As with previous examples, the cover does not include images of Allied combatants or war.

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Figure 27. This image is the cover of Superman 13 (Novermber-December).

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Superman 13 The cover of Superman 13 (November-December 1941) shows Superman punching a boat marked by an Iron Cross. It appears that Superman is saving a group of people stranded on a raft from a potential attack. The image is reminiscent of the sinking of the Lusitania, which was a significant cause for the United States to enter World War I. This is the first time a cover shows noncombatants being attacked. By referencing the sinking of the Lusitania, the cover functions rhetorically to indicate Germany will attack peaceful vessels. If Superman is read as a force for intervention the cover argues that intervention is necessary in order to protect civilians from an army who kills indiscriminately.

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Figure 28. This image is the cover of Action Comics 43 (December 1941).

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Action Comics 43 Action Comics 43 (December 1941) is the most explicit example of a cover that calls for interventionism. While the other examples call for knowledge of the event occurring in Europe and then knowledge of the Iron Cross, this third example depicts foreign powers attacking the states. On the cover Superman is flying through the air, ready to grab a frightened military man firing a gun. On the man‘s right bicep is a swastika. Other men are parachuting in the background while the bottom of the cover shows a burning building. The message this cover presented is that the United States should be leery of a German attack. By showing the burning building, which appears to be a factory, the reader assumes the German‘s seek to target American rearmament. In other words, the cover argues that the European war could spill over into the states. By showing a burning factory, the cover makes the argument the German army opposed rearmament. Conversely, it shows those opposed to German invasion support the rearmament, indicated by the factory.

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Figure 29. This image is the cover of Action Comics 44 (January 1941).

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Action Comics 44 The final example to contain combatants prior to the war is Action Comics 44 (January 1941). On the cover Superman is shown bending the turret of a German battlement while three Germans look on. This cover implies that Germany was in the process of attacking an unknown entity. In the image there are no allied powers shown on the cover. However, it‘s implied by the swastika on the cannon that the missiles are being fired toward those against the Nazi movement. This ambiguity allows readers to supplement the image with their own victims. As such the cover strengthens the concept of intervention because readers infer the attack is directed at themselves or areas and people that are significant to them. Also, the swastika is placed on the weapon as opposed to the militants. This functions rhetorically to associate Nazis with dangerous weapons. Related to this is the depiction of the three soldiers. Two of the three soldiers have their face turned from the viewer. The third soldier‘s face, on the left of the page, is only partially visible. This works to remove humanity from the soldiers. Instead they are metallic helmets, which immolate the color of the turret and the missiles in the foreground. This reading means the cover dehumanizes Germans. Within the chronology, this cover bookends the Germany‘s growing threat. Through the covers the Axis power moved from unnamed soldiers in an unnamed distant land to explicit Nazi‘s attacking the country. 3.5 Consequences of Intervention Through guilt-by-association the writers and artists of Superman comic books attempted to delegitimize isolationist arguments by indicating that those who hold power in the political movement are associated with foreign countries that seek to stop rearmament in order to eventually overthrow the United States. The most obvious argument against this portrayal is that guilt-by-association does not delegitimize an argument. Instead, by making this association the writers and artists instill a fear of debate as those who oppose the country obviously seek its downfall. A second interpretation concerns munitions manufacturers. The stories continue to imply that munitions manufacturers want armament for profits. Nevertheless, the munitions manufacturers are absent from the stories. Only through implication do readers see that munitions manufacturers are necessary. Munitions manufactures represent a neutral space,

110 attacked by isolationists but not defended by Superman. Superman implies that armament is necessary but doesn‘t actively work to support rearmament. One explanation for this is that while the writers and artists supported armament, they still had lingering thoughts associated with war profits, which they addressed in the first two issues. Interrelated to attacks against isolationism, the writers and artists use covers to display Superman fighting unnamed combatants that eventually turn into Nazis. As the first image a reader sees, covers help orient the characters‘ stance on various issues. The covers act as a means to recognize the war while keeping the conflict at a distance. By showing support of the war effort, the artists and writers show their support of distressed European nations by having The Man of Tomorrow attack combatants. The majority of the covers show Superman confronting militants with advanced weapons. By this I refer to rapid-fire guns, tanks, planes, and ships. These weapons work to show the potential destruction the combatants can bring. This too is an example of using fear to indicate the country could be attacked by a foreign power. The most explicit depiction of this occurs in Action Comics 43 in which Nazis are shown parachuting into the country. While the land the Nazi‘s occupy when they are shown is nondescript, Action Comics 43 is a clear attempt to state that the United States must fear an attack. This limits the strength of any pro-isolationist argument. 3.6 Isolationism and Interventionism Conclusion Prior to the Second World War, the nation was divided between isolationists and interventionists. Early Superman stories worked to perpetuate the myth that the government and industrialists worked together to drag the country into conflict. These first two issue of Action Comics presented isolationist messages. There was, however, a change. Isolationists messages morphed into interventionist messages. This change happened gradually as it became more apparent that the United State‘s would be drawn into the European conflict. In these later stories, Superman‘s writers and artists associated isolationists with Nazism in an attempt to discredit their political stance. At the same time, the covers of the comic books presented visual arguments in which Superman, a character associated with defeating oppression, was shown battling militants that slowly became Nazi soldiers.

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The change in the stories‘ stances reflects the country‘s gradual shift from isolationism to interventionism. The use of guilt-by-association worked to hamper isolationists but did little to show the benefits of armament. When read in relation to the covers, readers are shown the potential weapons of a foreign power. This implies a need to rearm that became more apparent as the militants eventual became Nazis and the nondescript land under attack started to resemble the United States. Nevertheless, aside from the first two issues of Action Comics, rearmament remained a vague concept that implied manufacturing military supplies but did not explicitly depict production or use. Without the visual display of the benefits of rearmament readers cannot questions the effectiveness, need, or use of the armament. This lack of depiction also refrains from making direct comment on the belief that manufacturers pushed for the war in order to make profits. As a vehicle for popular discourse, Superman comic books both reflected and reinforced popular thoughts from the time. In this sense, Superman is a representation of the populous. When the character first appeared he displayed isolationist messages that reinforced the belief that munitions manufacturers bribed politician and caused war for profit. As it became apparent that the United States would be drawn into the European conflict, Superman functioned rhetorically to argue for intervention. In the next chapter, we discuss Superman comic books that appear during the Second World War and how the covers of the issue supported war bonds.

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CHAPTER FOUR

4.1 SUPERMAN: COVERS & WAR BONDS

On December 7, 1941 Japan committed a surprise attack on the American naval base at Pearl Harbor on the island of Oahu in Hawaii. By the end of the attack 2,638 were dead and 946 wounded. The next day President Roosevelt delivered one of the most famous speeches in American history. He asked for and received a declaration of war from Congress. Scant days later on December 11, Germany and Italy declared war on the United States under the Tripartite agreement, which, among other things, stated that Germany, Italy, and Japan would come to the others‘ aid if attacked. The United States responded in kind and America‘s entry into the Second World War was secured. (Cardozier, 1995, p. 30) While the attack on Pearl Harbor shocked the nation, the United States had had an increasingly hostile relationship with Japan who sought to increase its influence in Asia. In the mid 1930s Japan extended itself into China, an act that drew considerable international disapproval. In 1935, Japan abrogated a treaty between itself, Britain and the United State that limited the number of capital ships that nations could possess. By 1937 Japan and China were at war and in 1939 the United States indicated it would not renew a treaty from 1911 with the . At the time, Japan‘s economy depended on the United States for 45 percent of its imports, including 50 percent of its petroleum. (Cardozier, 1995, p. 39-45) In 1941, Roosevelt, through an executive order, froze Japanese assets within the United States, ending trade between the two nations. The U.S. would not resume trade unless Japan returned the territories it had gained in Indo-China to their initial owners. While diplomatic actions were taken by both countries to stave off a potential conflict neither side was willing to capitulate. Thus many within Roosevelt‘s circle believed Japan would strike the U.S., though not at Pearl Harbor. As Roosevelt dealt with the growing European conflict and the Japanese threat, the nation‘s comic book industry came of age. While the war was strenuous on the country it is considered the driving force behind the most influential time period in American comic book history. Wright contends the war created an atmosphere in which readers, writers, publishers, and government policy coalesced in the industry‘s unwavering support of the conflict. The support revealed itself in comic books that attempted to raise morale and indicate the country‘s

113 enemies. To do this, comic book stories relied on a base sense of revenge as opposed to explaining the intricacies of the conflict. (Wright, 2003, p. 54-55) During the war, the government sought ways to cajole various media producers into sending specific messages. The Office of Facts and Figures and the Office of War Information (OWI) worked to spread the government‘s official accounts. Specifically, the government asked media to raise American morale, encourage public cooperation and participation in the war effort, identify the menace of the Axis powers, and inform audiences about progressive war aims. (Wright, 2003, p. 34) The OWI asked media companies to voluntarily conform to the administrations‘ guidelines by asking of their products, ―Will this help win the war?‖ (Wright, 2003, p. 34) As a result, Wright states the common man of the Depression era New Deal was transformed into America itself – and charged with extending justice and freedom to Europe and Asia. As with other media, comic books worked to foster national unity by working hand and glove with the federal government. Action Comics and Superman comic books between the start of 1942 and end of 1945 dealt with the war primarily on the covers of their issues. A significant portion of the stories from this time period invoked humor, thus creating a drastic difference in tone from that of earlier issues. This, however, does not mean that war stories were absent. Within the comics books were calls to purchase government war bonds, and the regular column written to members of the Superman fan club became a space for profiles of American soldiers. Those profiled were called the U.S. Army Supermen of America. Though the majority of the stories that appeared at this time did not directly concern the war, the ones that did conformed to the government‘s guidelines. Still, a question arises as to the two series‘ change of tone once the war began. One reason for this might be a split audience and a diversity of needs. Superman comic books needed to support the country by bolstering morale at home and abroad. Wright states that one in four magazines shipped to U.S. troops was a comic book, and that 35,000 copies of Superman were sent to military men each month. (Wright, 2003, p. 31) The series also needed to be wary of war fatigue. By this I mean constant stories of Superman helping the Allied powers at the cost of alienating parts of the series‘ audience. There could be several explanations for the relative scarcity of war stories. One explanation hinges on the character: Superman was far too powerful to be used in anything but a

114 deus ex machina style story line. If Superman were tasked to end the war, it would happen. Yet, in doing so, the writers and publishers risked placing themselves in a situation in which they still needed to support a war effort yet had undermined their message by presenting the war as nothing more than an easily halted conflict.4 A second possible reason arose from the two series‘ status as fiction. With war an ever present reality, lighthearted Superman stories created an escape or distraction while still showing support for the war on the covers of the two series. Raising morale was only one part of the various messages presented in the comic book series. Along with these came more specific messages designed as a response to specific circumstances. To fund the war the United States government sold war bonds. Because these bonds were not given on a volunteer basis it was necessary to convince readers to purchase bonds. In this chapter I will analyze the covers of Action Comics and Superman comic books between 1942 and the end of 1945. I will argue that Superman‘s rhetorical function during the war was as a proxy for the American people. I will show this through Superman‘s support of the country‘s war bond efforts. In five covers of Action Comics printed during the war Superman directly supported purchasing war bonds. The persuasive messages that appeared on the covers became more explicit as the war continued. The three most explicit covers link the purchase of war bonds to physical destruction of armed forces and conformed to patterns established on government war bond posters. I will conclude the chapter with a discussion of the potential effects of linking the war bonds to physical destruction and ways in which the association might have limited their persuasive effect. 4.1.1 Contextualizing War Bonds Eighty-five million Americans purchased $185.7 billion in bonds during the war years. To say that war bonds were a part of American life would be an understatement. An all out push was made by the government in support of bonds, which Roosevelt believed would hamper inflation and also play a strong psychological role in uniting the country during the war. (Kimble, 2006, p. 6)

4 An example of this occurred in LOOK Magazine. In February, 1940 the magazine ran a two-page spread titled What if “upera Eded the War? I the story “upera tired of the oflit, aptured Adolf Hitler ad Joseph Stalin and forced them to stand trial before the League of Nations. 115

During the war years there were eight war bond drives (called defense bonds until the bombing of Pearl Harbor). By the summer of 1940, Germany had defeated Denmark, Norway, Belgium, the Netherlands, and France. With this series of successes, Roosevelt believed it was only a matter of time before the United States would become entangled in the European conflict. This forced Roosevelt‘s administration to consider not only the probability of war, but how the country would prepare for a long confrontation. (Kimble, 2006, p. 19) The argument arose as to whether the government should enforce financial measures or use a voluntary approach. The latter approach emerged victorious and Henry Morgenthau, Jr., Secretary of the Treasury, began crafting the philosophical framework for what in April 1941 became the Defense Savings Staff. The philosophy behind the program was to unite the country through national defense. In other words, the purchase of bonds was framed as a democratic way for each person to contribute to America‘s defense. Unfortunately, the initial sales of bonds were mediocre. Only 12 percent of the nation purchased bonds for a total of $2 billion. Most of these sales came from large institutions such as banks and not the average citizen. As a propaganda tool, Morgenthau did not believe the war bond program had successfully prepared the nation for militarization. (Kimble, 2006, p. 31) However, after the events of Pearl Harbor demand for bonds quickly rose and the Defense Savings Staff converted to the War Savings Staff (WSS). The lead up to the first World War II bond drive came after debate about whether the government should forgo volunteerism and instead force mandatory savings from workers. In 1942 the bond program struggled to meet its goals and was coming under pressure from politicians. The increased pressure resulted in compulsory savings from congress in the guise of a Victory Tax that would go into effect January 1, 1943. (Kimble, 2006, p. 39) The legislation levied a 5 percent tax on individuals who had an annual income of more than $624. This was in addition to other taxes. In hoping to keep the bond program afloat, Morgenthau recognized that it needed a dramatic change. This resulted in a small test of a bond drive in Vineland, New Jersey that showed promising results. Buoyed by the success of the bond drive, Morgenthau green lighted a large scale bond drive. He hoped this drive would heighten the country‘s war enthusiasm and reenergize his staff‘s morale. This drive became the Victory Fund Drive, which lasted from November 16, 1942 through the end of the year.

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Management of the drive was split between the WSS and the Victory Fund Committee, the latter of which oversaw the purchase of more expensive bonds. This drive, which harkened back to World War I-style bond drives, was a success. The drive‘s goal was $9 billion. The public easily surpassed this as the effort brought in $13 billion. The success of the Victory Fund Drive led to the belief that periodic war loans would maximize publicity while also providing time for organizers to analyze previous drives. (Kimble, 2006, p. 43) 4.1.2 Rhetorical Function of War Bonds In his study on war bonds in World War II, Kimble argues that a key rhetorical strategy the government used to sell war bonds and to mobilize the average American was by conflating the role of solider and citizen. Evidence of this can be found in the first three war bond drives. He states that during the Victory Fund Drive war bond advertisements displayed American‘s preparing for war and began indicating that the purchase of war bonds prepared the country for battle. (Kimble, 2006, p. 47-61) During the Second War Loan, which took place in April 1943, the purchase of war bonds were equated with supplying soldiers with equipment. For example, money that was raised from the sales of bonds would be represented by a number of fully outfitted soldiers. (Kimble, 2006, p. 47-61) Kimble argues the Third War Loan, taking place in September 1943, continued to conflate civilians and soldiers, but more explicitly. In this bond drive links were made between soldiers‘ uses of weapons and civilians use of war bonds. In this sense, propaganda for the Third War Loan linked weapons to war bonds. Kimble writes: ―The metaphorical effect of casting civilians at home as participants in the fight was evident in the drive‘s appeals: for bond buyers to become participants in the war was to transform their actions into those of a militarized force.‖ (Kimble, 2006, p. 52) Kimble‘s study helps color the rhetorical trajectory of the Superman comic books that support war bonds. Like Kimble‘s examples, the covers of Superman comics conflate civilians and soldiers. Nevertheless, there is not a one-to-one parallel. We must make room for the use of Superman in these covers and his rhetorical function.

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4.2 Superman and War Bonds Within Superman comics books the efforts to persuade readers to purchase war bonds started small, but eventually turned explicit until the point at which the Man of Tomorrow is shown supporting the various bond efforts.5 The first Superman comic books that advocate for war bonds are Action Comics 50 (July 1942) and Action Comics 51(August 1942). On the cover of each of these two issues is a small poster-like advertisement in support of war bonds. These two comic books would have been published prior to the Victory Fund Drive. This indicates that Superman‘s writer and artist supported war bonds prior to the government‘s more visible public pushes. The poster-like image on Action Comics 50 and Action Comics 51 shows Superman and two members of the military walking forward. Superman is in the middle of the three men. On the Man of Tomorrow‘s right appears to be a member of the Army. On his left appears to be a member of the Navy. The three men are shown mid-stride and appear jovial. The military men have their faces turned toward Superman, while the Man of Tomorrow looks out at the reader. The poster readers: ―Superman says: Buy Defense Stamps! Help National Defense.‖6 If we read Superman as a representation of the American people, the argument is made that through war stamps the average citizen joins the fight against the country‘s enemies. This argument is made visually through the image of Superman interlocking arms with the two military men. In the image, Superman is in the middle of the military men. This placement indicates the character, and thus the American people‘s, role as the central figure in the war. The placement is strengthened by the two military men‘s gaze toward the Man of Tomorrow. This gaze emphasizes the military‘s reliance on Superman and thus the American people. The argument is further strengthened by the depiction of the three men in mid-stride. Each is stepping forward with their right leg in unisons. We see that Superman is literally marching with the military. What is more suggestive is the act of forward movement. We can read this as a visual short hand for progress. As such the nation‘s military can only progress, or move forward, with the support of the American people.

5 Kimble explains that in the summer of 1942 the Treasury released Victory . The comic book was filled with failiar haraters purhasig war ods. Aog these were Gree Horet, Li’l Aer, ad “upera. (Kimble, 2006, 34) 6 War bonds and stamps are similar items. Stamps were targeted at those who could not afford large bonds. A person could purchase a series of stamps, save them, and then turn a stamp album in for a bond. (Kimble, 2006) 118

In addition to the depiction of the three men, there is also the use of the term ―defense.‖ The image tells readers to purchase ―defense‖ stamps and to help national ―defense.‖ The use of the word implies that the nation will or is in the process of being assailed. This implies that the purchase of stamps would strengthen the nation‘s ability to forestall a potential attack. In this sense, war bonds are not shown to be destructive, but are needed to ward off potential threats. The argument being made in the poster-like image is that war bonds support the military, which in turn, protects the home front.

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Figure 30. This image is the cover of Action Comics 50 (July 1942)

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Figure 31. This image is the cover of Action Comics 51 (August 1942).

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Figure 32. This top image is taken from the cover of Action Comics 50 (July 1942). The bottom image was taken from the cover of Action Comics 51 (August 1942).

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As the war progressed, so did the messages presented within the comic books. The covers moved from using small pictures to support the bond effort to full-covers being devoted to the message. These images reached their peak with Action Comics 58 (March 1943), Action Comics 59 (April 1943), and Action Comics 86 (July 1945). The cover of Action Comics 58 shows Superman operating a giant metallic printing press. On the paper coming out is a yellow caricature of a Japanese man being slapped by a disembodied arm. The paper states, ―Superman says: You can slap a Jap with a war bonds and stamps.‖ This image conforms to common themes used by artists and writers to sell war bonds. For example, Samuel writes that one of the most significant ways in which the War Savings Office spread its message was through posters. He states there were five broad themes: to supply the government with funds to win the war; a call for sacrifice, establishing a community, the portrayal of war bonds as the price of freedom, and an urging for Americans to join bond payroll deduction plans. (Samuel, 1997, p. 51) The cover of Action Comics 58 conforms to the first theme: war bonds are the rhetorical equivalent of combat. This is shown in a number of ways. Because Superman is operating the printing press, the implication is that the Man of Tomorrow supports both the way in which the various war bond messages are presented and their content. Associated with this is the actual poster. One of the arguments the writer and artist present is that the purchase of a war bond is the same as attacking a Japanese solider. This is made clear by the caricature of the Japanese militant. The image shows the man‘s tongue hanging out with two red stars on either side of his head. Speed lines trace away from the open palm of . Because of this the image is literally a precursor and visual symbol of the power of war bonds. In addition, this cover supports the argument that Superman was a proxy of the American people because his abilities limit the fictional role he could play in combat. In the image a disembodied hand slaps the Japanese caricature. In this instance the hand and palm that struck the Japanese caricature does not belong to the Man of Tomorrow. The hand is then a visual representation of the figurative reader. This is clear because the poster has the word you written in large capital letters. Superman is then arguing that he wants the reader to purchase war bonds in order to negatively affect the Japanese forces.

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Still, there is a second reading. In this instance Superman can be read as an agent of the government. In the cover Superman is used to support war propaganda. In this sense the writer and artist of the comic book rely in the character‘s background as a hero to argue that those who put forth propaganda are also heroic. This stymies arguments against war propaganda.

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Figure 33. This image is taken from the cover of Action Comics 58 (March 1943).

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Figure 34. The image is taken from the cover of Action Comics 59 (April 1943).

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This argument is made again in Action Comics 59. In Action Comics 59, Superman is shown tearing open a tank to reveal open-mouthed Germans, who seem surprised, but also in awe of, Superman‘s act. Over the image is a white box with text asking for bond and stamp support. If Superman represents the will of the American people, the image reinforces reader‘s morale by indicating German‘s fear of the United States. There is, however, an interesting juxtaposition occurring in the cover. The poster suggests that bonds and stamps ― Axis tanks, too!‖ Yet the image does not show Superman smashing the tank. Instead, he is ripping it open. Why is this? One reading of the cover suggests that Superman is capable of fighting the Axis powers, but not to the degree of which the poster suggests. We can read this as a persuasive attempt to guide readers to purchase bonds and stamps in order to help Superman fulfill the poster‘s promise. On the cover Superman reveals the Germans inside the tank but there is no indication of him stopping the machine. By purchasing war bonds and stamps the readers can then ―smash‖ the tank, suggesting that the power the American people hold in war bonds is even greater than that of Superman.

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Figure 35. This image is taken from the cover of Action Comics 86 (July 1945).

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A third example of war bonds support occurs later in the war. As with other examples the cover art works to support war bonds; however, this is the only cover to explicitly advocate the name of the loan. The cover of Action Comics 86 shows Superman dropping a large stack of war bonds on Japanese military leader Hirohito, who is flailing in the paper. Superman states: ―And it‘s not Superman who‘s doing this – it‘s the American People!‖ The corner of the issues read: ―The 7th War Loan.‖ With the war coming to an end a push was made for the nation‘s seventh war loan – nicknamed the Mighty Seventh. Occurring after Germany‘s surrender the loan was aimed at helping the nation end the Pacific conflict. As part of the loan‘s public campaign, the nation‘s five-star generals and admirals signed a public letter for its support. Subsequently, the letter appeared on the cover of more than 3,000 national magazines. (Kimble, 2006, p. 101) It shouldn‘t be surprising that Superman also supported the loan. The message is clear: Hirohito represents all of Japan. The transference of the war bonds from Superman to Hirohito makes it appear as if the militant is drowning in war bonds. Therefore it is the American loan effort that will defeat Japan. It is also important to note Superman‘s choice of words. The speech bubble indicates a message clearly designed for those on the home front. This tactic immolates war messages that sought to link those in the home front with combat. In essence, it kept the home front in a militant mindset by indicating their actions, through the purchase of bonds, had a direct impact on the war. This is not the only reading of the image. In this image Superman acts as a messenger. This is apparent from his speech bubble: Superman isn‘t stopping Hirohito it is the ―American People!‖ Why not show Superman stopping Hirohito instead of delivering bonds? This refers back to my earlier claim that as a fictional character the writers were hamstrung by the character‘s powers and abilities. As such the writers and artist needed to negotiate a means for the character to support the war effort while not stopping the war entirely. In this case, Superman is used to strengthen morale by bowing to the power of the American People. 4.3 Superman & War Bonds: Conclusion The sale of war bonds presented a rhetorical situation in which the writer and artist of Superman comic books sought to persuade readers to purchase the items. The sale of war bonds was seen as a way to both raise funds for the conflict and to psychologically prepare the nation

129 for the coming fight. Like the propaganda in support of war bonds, the covers of Superman comic books associated the purchase of war bonds with direct physical representation of their effect. The purchase of war bonds resulted in specific, visually representable, attacks on the United State‘s opposition. This is significant because these depictions allowed for a belief that the entirety of America was involved in the war, not only the military. As Kimble argued, war bond solicitations linked civilians to soldiers. The covers of Superman comic books did the same. Because Superman could not directly fight in the war he became a representation of the American people. This representation indicated the effects of the war bonds. Using Superman in this manner, however, limits the agency of the American people. The images show the benefits of the war bonds but the covers do not show soldiers fighting or average citizens purchasing bonds. While this make senses as the comic books are a vehicle for Superman stories, using depictions of American soldiers would increase the relevancy of purchasing war bonds and strengthen the link between purchasing war bonds and helping soldiers. Furthermore, by not showing how readers purchase war bonds there is no link created with the average purchaser or the benefits of the bonds. By linking the typical purchaser to the bonds and then the bonds to their use, the covers could have increase morale by transferring the soldier‘s agency through the bonds to the purchaser. Another implication of linking war bonds with directly attacking the Axis powers is that it limits the use of the bonds. In this sense, bonds are only seen as vehicles for destruction, while they were used for more. The bonds were used to fund the entirety of the war. This limits the agency of those who were not involved in direct combat. By expanding imagery to show how the war bonds support ancillary positions, the publisher could have increased the average understanding of the uses of the bonds. By increasing this imagery the publisher would have increased the chance that readers would identify with other war supporters. The covers of Superman comic books worked to support purchasing war bonds. Nevertheless, there was a lack of diversity in how this support was shown. A more dynamic depiction would have linked the purchaser to the war effort in a more direct manner.

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CHAPTER FIVE

5.1 CONCLUDING REMARKS

What are we to take from a close reading of early Superman comic books? In his analysis of superheroes Danny Fingeroth (Fingerother, 2004, p. 20) wrote that superheroes change with the time period. Superman, perhaps, exemplifies this statement. During the character‘s early adventures he showed New Deal sympathies. The Man of Tomorrow battled corrupt businessmen, stockbrokers, and the perceived social menace of slums. As World War II loomed, there was a shift in the character‘s politics. At first his stories relied on cultural myths to argue against entering a foreign conflict. In his first two issues Superman was an isolationist. This gave way to a more nuanced approach as it became apparent that the United States would enter the European conflict. The stories inside Superman comic books gradually showed more interventionist messages by associating isolationism with Nazism. Immediately prior to and after the attack on Pearl Harbor the government saw the need to ready the American people for military action partially through campaigns to purchase war bonds and stamps, which Superman comics emulated on their covers. Throughout this study I have attempted to indicate a need for studying the ways in which comic books both reflect and reinforce political and cultural messages. In the remainder of this chapter I will provide an overview of this thesis‘ main arguments, the projects‘ limitations, and areas for future study. Chapter 1 In the first chapter I introduced a definition of comic books, an historical overview, and academic research into the medium. The chapter ended with a discussion of historical and visual rhetoric and combining these critical methods to read Superman comic books for their persuasive messages. I relied on Harvey‘s definition of comic books that stressed the blending of the verbal and visual, as opposed to other definitions I believe to be either too broad or subjugate the verbal or visual aspect of the medium. The area of academic study with which I‘m most concerned is qualitative works that review the medium. There have been a variety of qualitative studies to decode messages that comic books present to their readers. In the rhetorical field these studies have mostly used mythic

131 criticism to dissect superhero narratives. Reynolds‘ Superheros: A Modern Mythology is the key example of this criticism. Nonetheless, mythic criticism isn‘t the only way in which comic books can be critiqued. Historical and visual rhetorical criticism can be blended to study comic books‘ persuasive messages. In my analysis of Superman comic books I relied on David Zarefsky‘s methodology for doing rhetorical history. He argues for four types of rhetorical history, or what he calls ―senses,‖ that provide scholars with different tools with which to examine the broad concept of history. These four senses are: the history of rhetoric, the rhetoric of history, historical studies of rhetorical practice, and the rhetorical studies of historic events. This study, and myself, are concerned with the final sense in which history is viewed as a series of rhetorical problems that call for public persuasion. Superman comic books functioned rhetorically as texts that responded to rhetorical problems. The texts argued for New Deal beliefs, isolationism and then interventionism, and for the purchase of war bonds. The second type of rhetorical criticism I‘m concerned with is the visual rhetorical method. Cara Finnegan claims there are five ways in which scholars study visual artifacts of public address: production, composition, circulation, reproduction, and reception. In a 2009 essay, she outlines ways in which visual and historical rhetorical methods might be combined. She called for combing two of Zarefsky‘s senses (historical study of rhetorical events and rhetorical study of historical events) and three portions of her methodology, specifically production, reproduction, and circulation. The examples she provides are reproduced photographs in LOOK magazine. Her study, however, is predominately image based. Because of this it is not entirely suited for a medium that is a blend of the verbal and visual. In this study I combined Zarefsky‘s fourth sense of historical rhetoric with Finnegan‘s argument for composition. In this way I examined Superman comic books from 1938 through 1945 for various ways in which the stories worked to advance or hinder audience action related to historical events. Chapter 2 In the second chapter I examined Action Comics and Superman comic books that were published in 1938 and 1939. I argued that Superman comic books showed New Deal sympathies. This was accomplished through examining three comic book narratives. I showed that the stories

132 supported workers rights, the popular myth of moral decay caused by slums, and admonishment of stockbrokers. In making this argument, I relied heavily on New Deal legislation. I discussed the Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938 and how ―The Blakely Mine Disaster‖ argued for workers rights. Afterward I discussed the popular belief that moral decay was associated with living conditions. ―Superman in the Slums‖ reflected this opinion. Finally, I detailed ―The Black Gold Oil Well,‖ which reinforced popular public opinion that bankers and stockbrokers were responsible for the country‘s economic troubles. Though the three stories support popular New Deal policies, I concluded that the narratives prepared readers for government intervention but also limited readers‘ agency as the stories did not show how the stories‘ victims could better their own circumstances without Superman‘s aid. Chapter 3 In the third chapter, I analyzed the first two issues of Action Comics for isolationist messages and demonstrated how Superman stories gradually shifted to interventionist messages. In the stories that supported isolationism the writer and artist drew on the memories of the World War I by showing the government and the munitions manufacturers worked together to entangle the country in an unnamed European conflict and by showing a South American war orchestrated by a munitions manufacturer. I detailed that these stories matched thoughts presented by the Nye Committee. Interestingly, this story – which appeared in Action Comics 1 and Action Comics 2 – relied on Superman confronting the munitions manufacturer, while forgoing a confrontation with the corrupt government official. This lack of confrontation implies that the government can be corrected through the removal or reformation of those who seek to use their wealth for political gain. Unfortunately, this implies that the average reader cannot directly confront government officials. As U.S. involvement in World War II became more likely, Superman stories that presented interventionist messages used ―guilt-by-association‖ to link isolationist groups to Nazism. The stories implied that groups opposed to rearming the country were headed by foreign agents and organized to either overthrow the country or prepare the nation for an invasion. These stories worked to delegitimize arguments for isolationism depicting those involved in the

133 movement as puppets of Germany. This tactic was similar to tactics used by the Roosevelt administration to attack key members of the isolationist movement such as Charles Lindbergh. The chapter ends with a discussion of comic book covers that work in conjunction with interventionist stories. Comic book covers are significant because they are both part of a comic book yet function rhetorically as their own complete stories. In other words, a comic book cover is the first thing a person sees, regardless of whether the person purchases the comic book. Covers then are their own rhetorical texts. I concluded that within the comic books rearmament was a vaguely defined term and that the issues failed to show armaments benefits. Because of this readers were unable to fully grasp armaments need or lack thereof. This means readers were unable to argue for or against armament and instead could only argue against those opposed to armament. Chapter 4 In fourth chapter I reviewed Superman comic books from 1942 through 1945 and how the covers worked to persuade readers to support the war bond effort. In the chapter I argue that Superman came to represent the American people because he was unable to fully participate in the war due to his godlike powers. In other words, the writers and artists of the Superman comics were in a position where they supported the conflict but could not have Superman simply end the war. One result of this was to have Superman support the purchase of war bonds and become a representation of the American people‘s power through the purchase of war bonds. The covers of the comic books functioned in a similar manner to war bond propaganda. James Kimble argues that war bond propaganda conflated the concepts of citizen and soldier so as those who remained home during the conflict saw war bonds as their ―weapon.‖ Covers of Superman comic books that explicitly advocated for war bonds worked in a similar manner. I conclude that this decision to depict war bonds in this manner limited the agency of the reader because the covers did not indicate how or where to purchase war bonds. Furthermore, by not depicting the average person on the cover of the comics there was no visual link between war bonds and the readership. Instead, this position was filed by Superman. 5.2 Accessing Superman What we can take from this study is that critics can use other rhetorical methods to study comic books. Just as important is that critics of comic books must also include discussion of composition and not only the stories that are told. By closely examining a comic book for both

134 its written text and its visual elements a critic will open the text to a deeper and multi-facetted reading. One example of the failure to read a comic book‘s images and text comes from Yanish‘s thesis that attempts to link the entirety of the comic book industry to New Deal concepts. While I agree with Yanish that Superman does represent the New Deal, his reading of the text failed to detail ways in which the composition worked to sway readers‘ opinions. In short, Yanish painted in broad strokes, relying only on the verbal aspects of the comic books. A second, and related, reason for this study was the increase in the amount of rhetorical studies that use comic books as texts. It‘s understandable that critics have relied on mythic criticism to read superhero narratives. But just as superhero narratives tell us about portions of our culture, they also attempt to persuade readers to take a specific stance on issues. 5.3 Limitations and Future Studies This study was not completed without some difficulties. I chose Action Comics and Superman comic books because the character was prominently featured in these series. This study did not take into account other comic books that Superman appeared in such as World’s Finest Comics or the Superman newspaper strip that also ran at that time. I did not include these comics because of lack of space and availability. Furthermore, while newspaper strips and comic books have similarities there are differences that could make it difficult to discuss the two in conjunction. One example of this is the lack of cover art in comic strips. Two other limitations were reproductions and publication dates. I relied heavily on scanned and digital forms of the comic books. This resulted in uneven reproduction quality of some of the images. DC Comics has reprinted a number of high quality anthologies but these are limited and expensive. A major difficulty was pinpointing publication dates. Noted previously, the publishing date on the cover of the issues does not correspond with the exact date the issue was released. This means that the comics could have appeared two or three months prior to the publication date. This made it difficult to pinpoint any direct response to political events. For simplicity I assumed that each comic book was published two months before the publication date. Critics seeking to do similar readings should consider a variety of issues when starting a project. The main goal of this project was to show that comic books can be used a response to specific historic events. This does not mean that every comic book is worth the time and attention needed to do a critical reading. In this sense, comic books from the industry‘s early and

135 most formidable years are likely to have higher readership and a larger impact on society. Additionally, critics should consider the prominence of the specific comic book series and whether the series has transitioned from comic book culture to a wider audience. Future studies should also consider the timeframe for when a comic book is published. In using Zarefsky‘s fourth sense, it is important to recognize the cultural and political climate of the chosen time period. While this might go without saying, not all comic books are a direct response to political events, and, in fact, most rely on oppositional narratives (superheroes versus ). Furthermore, modern comic books are less ham handed in their messages compared to the industry‘s early years. This means critics will need a closer reading and the ability to draw parallels that are less apparent than in earlier comic books. Still, there are many examples of comic books used to respond to political events. One example is Marvel Comics Civil War miniseries, which is in many ways a response to the United State‘s Patriot Act. The narrative follows the aftermath of the U.S. government requiring superheroes to register with the government. In studying Superman specifically, there is much more to be said about the character. In the fourth chapter, I discussed only a small portion of the messages presented through the war years. This was done because of limited space. Indeed, there are multiple messages that can be analyzed within the pages of the comic and not just on the covers. While Superman stories during this time are humorous a number of them deal explicitly with the war. Future studies could analyze these stories to glean how the comic book presented Allied and Axis combatants. Furthermore, Superman was not limited to comic books. The character was active both on radio and in newspapers. Though I was more interested in visual messages, a study that looks at Superman‘s radio program could result in a better understanding of the era‘s view of the character. Similarly, the Superman comic strip, while not fully reprinted in book form, represents a space in which the character was prominently placed in a dominate mass media. 5.4 Consequences of Superman When each chapter is viewed as part of a whole it seems that Superman changes to fit the needs of his readership. This change might contribute to the character‘s popularity because he is constantly evolving to the cultural climate. When viewed from afar these early issues show a character who upholds popular sentiment. The character becomes the embodiment of the dominate public. Nonetheless, this embodiment comes with a price. Because Superman confronts

136 conflicts with maximal ease, there is little room for debate about the necessity of his actions. This is more true because his actions occur against the general populous‘ perceived enemies. One example of this is use of eavesdropping to learn about his opponents. Furthermore, Superman stories reinforce myths that might not be entirely accurate. For example, successful businessmen are prone to evil, as are stockbrokers, the government is corrupt, oppositional viewpoints lead to the destruction of the country, and large or abnormally shaped men are corrupt. One aspect of the character that seems to run across all the stories is that he is the arbiter of justice, working through the will of a disenfranchised people. Though he operates as a representation of the American people, we do not see mass change, only small victories. He seeks to right problems but not show the people how to right them themselves. This is both a positive and negative when reading Superman comics. A lesson is given, but the application is lost. In summation, the Great Depression and World War II helped cement comic books as a dominate mass media. Superman led this new media. His actions during the Great Depression, the beginning of World War II, and America‘s entry into the conflict, function rhetorical through comic books to overcome historical circumstances. Looking back at the often crude and sometimes nonsensical stories some might lambaste the need to study such a popular culture artifact. But it is clear that the character‘s popularity helped sway millions of American minds. Superman might be best known for his strength and speed; it‘s time to consider his messages.

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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH David J. Cross was born in Ohio and earned an undergraduate degree in journalism from The Ohio State University. Prior to attending Florida State University for a graduate degree, he worked as a journalist in central Ohio. He is a lifelong comic book fan.

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