&RH 395 Spring 1994 Shamanism in Moche Art and Iconography. The Shaman and His Deity
by Ed Barnhart
Flnal Paper AHH 39; Spring 1994 TabLe-~-f-C~nt~!_t.z.
Tntr~ductiori...... ,...... ~~ 7
Modern Peruvian Shamanism ...... 4 'The Shaman and His Deity in Moche Ark ...... JF The Hur~ners...... ,...... B
Tiahuenaco-H1.1ari...... ~.....9
Psracas Necropolis/Na~ca...... ~. u~...... o.sv.....il~J
Cha~in...... ~...... ~...... l.3
'The fires~?ntation Ceremony...... I&
Floating Spirits ...... u...n.,, 17
I'he Decapitator...... 19 The Puppy...... I: 7 -2 Se>:~talPnttery...... 23
The Mesa de Hrujo...... L.~?17 r- Manioc...... #-..26~ The Sione Novice E:cperience...... 28
Conclusion...... u..s..v..,,2Y
Bibliography ...... "...... m...... 31 List of Figcu-cs...... ,7..
r .. Introduction.
The Moche are the major focus of this paper. 01-LI~S, sex, puppies, and headhunting will be shown to be related to anti ent Moche shamanism. Shamani em was instit~ltional ized in
Moche c~~ltureand there were standard methods of depicting the shaman. These methods of depicting shamans in Moche art were not unique to them. Chavin, Paracas, Nazca and Tirhuanaco-Huari art all display essentially the same iconography when depicting I. shamans. Thro~rghthc e:cwmination of this art it becomes clear that there was only one deity, with many aspects and at.tendants, who is the master of the spirit world as such was the patron deity of shamans. The concept of t,his deity reigned western
South America for at least 2000 years and still survives in part into today (Figure 1).
Various ethnographic accounts of shamanism from modern and contact period sources will be used as supporting kvidence r .- througho~ltthe paper, Eastern Peruvian cul turcs di5CL1~SE.!d Wj. 11 b~! tho Cul ina, the Watisi genka, and the Shipibo-Conibo. From Flcl.~ador and Sc~~.~Cl?ernColombia the cult~lresof the Jivaro, Desana, and
Siona will be discussed. From western Peru, enhtnographies from the 1940's and 5(:~'sin the areas once occ-upied by the Moche and the Nazca will be used(Figure 2). Some scholars would find 6ault .J
in the use of modern Amazonian ethnography as a tool to interpret
pre-TI-rca art. It is tho cnntention of this paper, however, that
the pra,ff~lsinnof jaguar and snake jconography in pre-Inca art of
the Andes and the coabtal regions of Peru is strong evidence that
the cultures who prod!.~ced it were heavi l y in+luenced by Amezoni, an
l.deology.
Mod~Peruvi.annSham_ani~m
There are many indigenous cultcrre groups living in Peru and
the surrounding areas today. Each of them have distinct
traditions and mytholngiec,, the majority of whj.c:h are undoubtedly
of New World origin. @e curitnfn that binds these cult~rres
together is shamenism. Again, each group have their own ?;hamanic
traditions. The $01lowing, however, are elcments of shamanism
all indigenous cultures in modern western South America share: C1)k All siclrnrss is supernatural attack irom th; athmr world. Evil spirits, acting on their own or at the request of a shaman, are
the perpetrators. The healing shaman divines the identity 0.f the
attacker and repels the malevolent power. . .- ($) jpil shamans have the power to heal and harm. Thoy are bath L feared and rv~spnctedin their cornfnuni ties. The power ig the game
i.n both; the abi1i:ky to contact the otl-leu-warld, the place 0.6
Heal.inf~is a group endeavor. Healing rituals are rarely i performed with only the healer and patient. Shamans have
attendants, who are also his apprentices, to assist them. Often
the shaman will also request the participation of relatives and
commcrni ty members.
$&aIlucinogenic drugsare ingested to allow the shaman to make
contact with the other world. - Spirit companions, guides and guardians are consulted and at times convinced to da a shamans bidding.
The otherwarld where shamans contact spirits and the afterlife,
where people go to aCter death, are the same place. TheShaman_a_nUsJeitY_..a-M.Rch.e-Art
Father Antonio de la Calancha, an Hug~tetinemonk in Northern ': Peru published in 1638 that curers, Oquetlupuc, were public
officials of high privilege and ware providrd for by the statg.
'There are a +ew images in Moche art that have been recognized as
healers for many years. Individuals shown "laying on hand''
(Figures 3 and 5) and individuals holding a tharactcrietic vessel
and accompanying dipping stick(Figure 4) have both bsen
identi+ied as healers. The vessel is a lime gourd used to crush
coca leaves and lime to chew. The lime helped to liach minute . .- of cocaine out of tho leaves (von Hagen 19645 104,. It
is the hypothesis of this paper that the headdresses worn by the z3- individuals in Figures 3 and 4 are only worn by people with
ahamanic powsr. Further, the individuals depicted with jaguar
heads projecting from their foreheads are impersonating the deity that Elizabeth Nenson called the Fanged Ueity(Penson 1972;27).
The snaC::es caming off the Del t of th@ h@sler in Figl..rre 5 are also reserved sol ely for the depictions of shamans.
.The four individl.lalcs in F'ig~lre6 wear both l.::'inds of headdresses shown in the previous figures. Three of the men nit wi.th lime gourds while the fourth stands head and hands held Lip towards a dout:)led headed arch which represents the sk:y. Floating. ara~lnd~1.1.1. fo~lrmen are lar'gv9 dots which may be e:.:plainecl as entoptic forms seen in the first stages of hall~~ciriations(Ostcr
:l.Y?0;87). Supporting e!vj.dence for that e::pl.anat,ion can be found j.n the lower- 1,rf.t carner of Fig~.tre4. 'The two plants thrz.rc may be identified as; San Pedro cactu!ii; and the Misha Negra plnn.t, both '; are lhal lucinogr?nic plwnts employed by the moder-n Mochc? shaman in hr.a:l..irlrJ r'i. tual so. The ?jt~\r~clirlg man's moi.lth is oper~ I. t is proposec:l
'that he is singing. Singing is a standarF.d methnd of cal.lin$; oi.lCr the spirit.: enlp:l.oyecl by modern shamans irl west.ern Sontt~lAmerica.
Tri OLI%i ~na and IMatisigenl.:a healing rit~.ra:ls, the shaman reqr.rires a chart-1% n,i women whn call the spirjts out of the forfist w5.t.h their sing:ing (1'01 lock 1992~33arid Haer 1992;90). Ilodern Nazca and
Plorhr? ter-ritory shamans do the singin9 them~elvegwh1.1~ . .- a-ktendarits perSorm the actions(Hadingl1arn 1987i247 and Gillin
1947; 121). Tn S:i.ona society each spirit has a speci.iic song, the more song:; one k:nows, the mnre pawer he has!Matte!son L.angrlon
1'7c9;lg 5::;) "
There are many ntheie- depictions of men weari.nc] a jag1.1ar headdress such as the one displayed in Figure Si;(Figures 7-9).
There is, however, another contest in which the same headdress is worn by a deity(Figurrs 1Ct-13). This deity has charactel-istics which separate him from the depictions of shamans. Round eyes, elongated fangs, wrank:le lines an his face, snake earrings and the jaguar headdress are his principal elements. The "Fanged
Ueity" is Elizabeth Benson '5 term for this Deity (Denson 1972;27) ..
In the same way as the deity is the master 0.f the spiritrs, the
Shaman emulates him in costume to identify himself as a human master of spirits.
The Desana say that a deity named Viho Hahse was placed in tne Milky Way by the Sun a5 an intermediary between the worlds.
'i His name comes from the word Viha which means hallucinogenic snuf.f. He is lord of the spirit world whom the Deeana payes visit during trance(Heiche1-Dolmatoff 1968; 411). It is also said that th19 Sun created the jaguar as his representative on
Earth (ReicheX-Dolmatoff 1968; 28). ~ukdredsbf milea to the south in Bolivia, Aymara is the name of a great feline deity that is both a protector and a destroymr(Hadingham 1987;247). Modern lil~lechuasick are said to suffer from attacks by Ccok, flying .- feline minions of the Mountain/wcather Deity (liadingham 1987; 248).
All of these beliefs may well be relatmd to concepts about shamanism and the other-world that developed long before Inca society began.
Music is another component of ritual well known to be connected to shamanism and the calling out of spirits. Many of the individuals playing flutes or horns displayed in Moche art can be seen wearing the jaguar headdress(Figure5 14-16).
Musicians are most often shown in ceremonial or processional scenes. Fj.gure '17 shkws a Yanamamo shaman playing a set o.F pipes , . over three piles of Banisterapsis vines, a hallucinogen boiled into a drink used during healing rituals all over the fimazon.
Tb!-!.u_r,!e_rr
The Runners are a frequent theme in Moche vessel paintinge.
The 5tandard runner scene shows a singe file row of men running
I. across a landscape of cactus and pllnts(Figures 18-20). tan alternate sccne is one in which the men are replaced by anthropomarphs(Fig~~res21-24). In both versions nf the scene most of the runners wear the jaguar headdress of the shaman.
Some marly rcholars connected them td ths iniza and chimu messengers who ran along the roads(Way1e 1965;67). Others be1 ievad them to be warriors (Ubbclohde-.,Doering 1992; 183).
Elizabeth Benson suggested the bags the runners carry may hold . . Lima bvans ~tsedfor divination purposes (B@!nson 1972; $13). The bag of herbs found on the Nesa de Erujn of the modern Moche s.hamans is anothmr possible eandidwte(Gill in 1947;23). The landscape itself indicates the runner are indeed shamans, as Wenson implied. The plant epocics depicked may once again be identified as the hallucinogens, San Pedro cactus and the.Misha Negrr plant.
Examined through the 1 enss of shamanism, the anthropomorphs who replace the men in the runner scenes may be explained as shamans in the process of transformation.
The runners are consistently shawn running over hi11 y landscape or uphll l (Figure 24). 'The ethnographic record is lacking in accuunts describing ceremonies of this nature thaugh the follnw two examples may be related. First, in th~!Nazca
Val l cy community of Puquiu, the Portgo {the most powerful shaman in the village) and fellow brujos used to climb a sacred mm.~ntain near Puq~tioeach August to make offerings for water (Hadingham
1987;247). Secand,in 1985, Johan Reinhard witnessed a ceremony ~. in a Bolivian village in which a line'(1ike the Nazca lines) was follpwed single file to higher ground where the people prayed for water from the Mountains (Hadingham 1987;294). It is possible that the Moche shamans depicted on vessels as the runners may also be going to make of+erings for water.
Tiah~~anaco-HuarieuJ. ture dominated Peru from thcsixth to - .. tenth centuries. Moche art was heavily influenced by Tiahuanaco- kluari style in its final phases and bscomes the Lambayeq~.te culture. The Gateway of the Sun (Figure 27) , Tiahuanaco culturer, most famous monument, appears to display shaman iconography such as the types previously discusshd in Moche art, The central figure 04 the top frieze wears a jaguar head at his forehead(Figure 28). There are also depictions of the Fanged
Deity in mainstream Tiahuanaco-Huari style pottery (Figure 29).
The cli~s?:ic Mochc round eyes, elongated fangs and jag~~ar headdress motifs arc all preserved in the face of cultural change.
EL_a-aca~..Necr~l?.~~~~N_a-zrra_
F'aracas has ten archaenlogically identified phases from
1.400-400BC and apparently develops into Nazca c~11t1.1rewhich coritinues f rum then up until the Tiahuanaco-~Hua~".iera. Paracas
is a peni~~sulanorth of the Nazca Valley(Figure 30). Over 400
I: mummified males were recovered from the part of the peninsula desi,gnated the Necropolis. The mnmmi en were placed inside a series of bundles which each contained sometimss hundreds of textiles and other art~facts(Figure31). The motif embroidered
Into Paracas textiles most often is f loat~n$anthropomo~phs
(Figures 52 and 33). In other examples, the same floating individuals are shown as humans. They may identified as the same
individ~mlsbased on their costumes and accoutrements. The .. standard individual portrayed in F'aracas textiles has a fan, a severed head, snakes coming off its waist, a headdress with a
+ace at the ,forehead and 0ccar;ionally a staff or stick. Thest? items have been Sound within the mummy bundles and their inclu~ionmake a strong case for ider~tifying the mummified individuals as the individ~~alson the te:ctiles, Early scholars have referred to them as deities, demons and spirits. Evan
Hadi,ngham has suggested that they are in fact shamans in trans+ormation (Hadingham 1987; 178). The paper agrees with
Hadi ngham's int.erpret'ation and purposes further supporting evidence by linking the costume of the Paracas shaman with that of the previous1y identified Moche shaman. Figure 35 shows flying Mache shamans with animal headdress, one jaguar, one bird,, snakes extending off the waist and out of the mouth, just re in the standard Faracas textile image. The headdress of the Faracae shaman.; is an abstracto?d jaguar head with elungated whiskers which are sometimes snakes. Images painted on pottery from the '; Nazca, the inheritors of Paracas c~~lture,strongly sl.~pport this observatl on (Fig!.~res 37-3'7). An image from a Nazca mural shows shamans trarisforming in the same costume as portrayed in the
F'aracas textiles of centuries earlier (Figure 36). Though rare, images of both Paracas and Nasca shaman can 'be found in which the abstracted jaguar headdress is replaced with a more recognizable depiction !Figure 40 and 41). The abstracted jaguar headdress was an important enough imaye to be displayed in one of the famous . . . Nazca Lines(Figura 42).
The Paracas/Nazca style of depicting shamanrs differs from the Mocha depictions in one important way; the incluaion of severed head%. They are displayed in the shamans hand or hanging off his waist i,n many examples. Severed heads were apparently part of the Paracas shaman's equipment or costume. A brief
discussion of the Jivaro culture of the Eastern foothills of ths
Ecuadorian Andes may shed light on the practlee of headhunting.
Up unti X this century, the Jivaro culture practiced blood
fe~tdswhich resulted in the decapitation and shrinking of the
enemy heads. They are now broken of that habit by the Ecuadorian
government. The Jivaro revolted in 1599, twenty thousand strong,
killing everyone in the closest Spanish village and pouring
molten gold down the throat of the unfortunate Alcalde. 6s a
result, they were left alonr unti 1 anthropologist Michael J.
Harner 'tuuk an interest in them in the 1950's(Hadingham 1987;163--
164). ': Harner spent fourte~nmonths among the Jivaro and acquired
some. intriguing information about their culture. All men take
Daturata powerful hallucinogen) at a young age, around six, and
acquire an ancestor spirit called an Arutam. It comes t the
novice as a menacing jag{-~ar,an anacdnda or 'a severed ~LIan head. It lodges itself in the chest. The experience en~pwwersc nd enrages the man. Within a few days of the ilcq~~isitionof an
Arutam the novice must participate in a killing raid on enemies. .. Participation entitles him to ano'ther Arutam and "locks in" the
,first soul. Killing is a dal.?yerous busi~iessbecause if not: done correctly the man's SOLIIbecomes a i.lui+ak or avenging soul. It
comes out in the form of venomous snakes if not controlled.
After death thfs head must he chopped off and shr~tnkin hot sand. This process locks the power of that enemy's ep~.11.into the head.
'I"h@ power- o.(: the hcad may then t:c? harnesr;ed by a shaman. The more broads one owned, the more power they had(Hadj.ngham IRE479 1.65-
1bh).
Four ht.~r'~dredyears earlier- then Harner'r, st~ldynf the
,livarn, Mig~lelDe Estete ,who accompanied F'irraro on hie third verit,r.tre to Sc>~\thAmer-ica, wr~~te?an account of head shrinking natives off the coast of Ecuador. He explained the process of her+cl shr:i.ni::i.rig and noted that. they were kept in the cnmnn.tnj.ty's temple (Hadingham 1987; 16'7).
Archaec~l.oc~y at F'eracas and the Wazca Val ley con+ irms the c.:,:istence of rjsvered heads. Shrunken heads witli ho1.c.s tn .fit
I: fcnrd through are common. Eleven were fo~tndin one grave at thc? cemetery site of Oliavina in the Wazca Valley. Intere:~tingly, at least one of these heads belonged to a woman and another to a child ~..~nt:lr?rthe age of ten (Hadingham 1987; 169). Consider-j.ng the accc>l..lnts nf Warnc?r c~ncl Estetc? it seems very '1 I. kely tha,t the Ihlaxca who bur-i.ed their dead at Chavina, and F'aracas ct.11 ~LII-ebe.for-e them, remc:vecl human heads t:o contra% evi 1 spj.ri ts, 1 :i b::~ the
Jivar-o i.lu.isaks, before they could become a dange;-. : The ?.ncl~!s?.on , . of severed lhi+ads in the hands o-f shamans on F'i31-eca~t@:.:til.&?:; i.;~.~gq~si;t.;f:..ir-thw- that the head's powr?r was beinrj harncescztl to in+luencc. ,l:Iie otherworld. At 10,200.Ft, the site of Chavin de Huantar is named for the ri~arbyv:i.ll.age u+ Ckiaviri and was occupied from 1200-90t:)BC. In
196'7 John Howe wrote a paper entitled "Form and Meaning In Chavin
Art" in which he attempted to identify the iconographic program of the sculp't~~reat the temple ~itr~ictt.\rcsof Chavin de Huantar.
'The ianzi.~~,is the- central image in the Old Temple at ~havinde
H~~anter,Rows calls it the Great 1mage(Fig~~tr&43).. Tht? image has. c?.longatecl fangs and snakes extending off its head and waist.
Rnwe .then st.\ggests that the hlew Temple is dedicated to another
:image with elongated fangs and sn;~kes e:.:tending off its head and wais+ he nwmes the Sliaf.6 God (f'j.g~.~re44). HI? al.so identiSies a third deity in the Old T'??fliple's courtyard he names the Smiling
I: r.,?c.)d (I-igurc:? , -" 413). Thc three images are separated from one another on th6.? basis of: post~lreand .faciill. o:pre:;riion. Rowe tool.:: the fanged mr~l.cth as a general. indictor of deity status. I't is thr? position of this paper that post\.ire and facial. ~xpressior.1are nnt re1iable indicators of iclentity and that the 'three imager, are in
+:act +:he same deity. Further, t,his "fanged deity" is the same ~4s;; the fanged deity Moche ghamans imitate in costume centuries later. Other- scholars have notd the connection bekween the . .. f i3rlged r magss in Cl~avinand Moche art (Kublcr 1984; 394).
'Thr? co~trtyardof the old temple at Chavin de H~tantwris flankcd by bird anthrapomorphs. Howe calls these figures g:..!ar.i::l:i.,7n.;::l:i n ancl .Chi $5 paper agr-~?eswith hi!; assessmfi?row? 19h7; .
'The Plonhs Fanged Deity is fl-eq~~entlydepicted with bird anthropomorph attendants. The Chavin fanged deity appears to have the same attendants.
In a paper given at the 1968 Dumbarton Oaks Conference on
Chavin, Donald Lanthrap put forth the hypothesis that Chiavin culture originated ir~the jl.tnqles and sighted e:;ampl.es of
Tuti:=hca.znyo pottery from Eastern Peruvian Amazon from la00-30i:)BC similar to early Chavin pottery. He also brought to light the
important point that the snakes and jaguars so frequently portrayed in Chavin art are jt.~ngle creat~~res,not found in the
Andes. Eleven years later, in 1979, Chiaki Eano, with the suppol.-t 0.f Uumharton Clalts, published 'the theory that the fel1 nr? clwity at Chcvin e.)rigiriated by a fusion of a f1.11ly feline deity and the costume of the shaman in re-~havin r~~lt~lres.Kana al!sn belrever:; ther-c is> orily one dc?ity worshipped in both temples at
Chavin (}::;an0 1979; 36).
The fanyecl dwit-y at Chavin is also portrayed on the vessel form that wa~~ldbrzcon~e the standard in ~oche'c~ll,k~~re(figr.~rr: 4h).
64 Chimu vessel from no less than 1500 years later can be
id~r1ti.fled a?; an archaism of Cllavin style depictions of the f:angt?d db!!~. try (Figl..~re47). Upon closer analysis can '-be smi. d to be . .. an archaism of Paracas art as well. The nose of the image is iri the shape of: the typical I"'arace\s shaman headdress and sit:% where whisl::er-a normal 1y wm..!ld. Eqtlally tel 1 ing is the sever-ed head clisplayed near the? baa@ of the image. The import:ance of this
Chimil archair;tic e: The Presentation Ceremony. In his 15'76 boob Moche Art and Iconoqraphy., Chrioopher Donnan identified a theme in Moche art he named the Presentation Ceremony. Using a particularly elaborate dnpiction of the ceremony, Donnan separates major actors and elements in the scene alphabctically in descending order by importance to the ceremonyifig~~re48). Donnan suggests the ceremony involvas the sacrif ice of prisoners and identifies the contents of the CLIPS being presented to Figure A as human blood, In a series of ': exciting excavations at the sites of Sipan and Huaca del Brujo in the .late 1980's, tombs of Moche individuals wearing costumes similar to those worn by Donnan's Figures A, R and C have bean mq '@ -% discovered. Jk;b hop&# that Flg~treD's discovery will be +?+-& forthcoming. Figure D is separated +;om theyactivities of /7 40 6,- Fig~.~resA, B and C. Figure D holds no cup, appears to be singing, and, most importantly, wears the jaguar hmaddress. He is also .the largest of the individ~talsrepresented Pn the scene. * The importance of singing to the calling out of spirits in modern shamanism around the Andes has already been discussed in a previous section of this paper. Figure D has a smaller figure floating just behind him which Donnan explains as personified a spear and shield. Upon closer analysis, however, it is actually a f~11.I.yhc~man figure about to drink from a CLIP. It is the hypothe?;is of this paper that Figure D is a shaman and the floating figure behind Figure D is an ancestor spirit being called ocrt by his singing. 'The fact that the spirit drinl:s from the same type c2.f cup as is being presented to Donr'li.tn's Figure R suggests that the ceremony is in his honor, despite his minimal size in the scene. Further examples of the depicti.on of floating. spirits in Noche art will be discussed in the following section. F-1-0.a~t~~s.~S~Lri_t__s. The C~tlinabelievc r;pirits may be human or animal and call them Toki:~rime. They live in the underworld where shamans go to I: receive advice. The Tok-arine arc offered Kirin'za, fermented manioc, tn quell their dangerous and violent tendcnciee. Wives d@ the same for- their hi.[r'iter h~tsbands(Pol lock 1992; 29-34). The Conibo visualize the o'therworld as a dangerous p1.ace of spirits with spears and e~l-rows. ~aguarspir'its protect thc (,c~riibo shaman. Other spirita, who advise Conibo sham;in~, are called Incas and are said to be people inhabiting cloud citie.1.~1912673). .. In Mochr, "evil" brr.tjos have spirit slaves called Shapirigils who do tt>c?ir bidding (Gillin 1947; 128). In Nazca PLI~LI~O,th~ spirjta are called #aman~l;and are fearless lords of the mnuntains, both generous and destruckive (Hadingham 19879 248). Each of the above e:.:i!mples speal: of spirits who .take ani~nal. or lhuman form. The singi.ng of a shaman calls the spirits and the ingesticrr? of ha1 l~~ciringmrisal, lows him to comm~.tnicate with them. As mentioned in the previous section, the floating figure behind Donnan's Figure D may well. he an ancestor spirit called to the ceronony by the shaman. In another image showing Donnan's Presentation ceremony a f lnating spirit may once again be identif ied (Figure 49). J~lntbehind and above the individual Donnan identifies as Figure C is a small jaguar with a cup in one hand and a prisoner in the other. Interestingly, thc? roles of Donnan's f(3~1rmain f igt.rres in this depiction of the ceremony seem . . to haw swl.tched. Figure A now presents the CLIP, Fig~.lreD rmctaives it, and Fig1.1t-e (3 cal.ls ot..tt the ancestor spirit, who appears as a jaguar drinl,ring frnm a 'CLIP. In F'ig~.tre50, a pr-oc.e.;.jiorl of men who wear the jaguar hewddrees presen'k a cup *el a central individl.ta1 standing on a platform. Small armed f igt.lrc?s f 1oat over each man's head. Floating spirits also appear in'battlm 'scenes asnnciated with shaman!;. Figure 51 ~~liowc~an elahc~rate scene in which all individ~t;:~lsare armed or capti.lred save one. J~.tstto the right of the pyramid strc.tct~lre stands art t.lnarmed man with animal heads * .. r~l-utrl.rdingf I-0111 his headband. Above him floats the mast ,fantastic creat:ure in the scene. A giant Tumi knife, the sort +I-eqi.teri+:ly depic'l:ed in the hand of the Decapitator, wit:h a head protr~ldirigfrom its forehaad and WI-inklr? marks on its face. It is a1mos.t rertainly en ancestor spirit the shaman has cal. lecl to assist his side in the battle. Figure 52 is another battle scene in which the only figure in the scene with a jag~larheaddress conjures a spirit to aid his side. The shaman blows into a conch shell over a Nisha Negra plant as a spirit,'throwing a spear makerializes above him. In Figure 53 a spirit floats over the head of the opponent of a man who wears the jaguar headdress. This shaman has his weapons held away from tho opponent and looks. up tnwards his protector spirit. These are but a few examples of a common theme in Moche art in which Moche shaman are depicted an the process of calling out the spirits. TheDe_~.,s~~tator a. The Decapitator is the name gicen to an individr.lal who is freq.uently depicted in Moche art. In his most standard pose he stands arms outstretched, a severed head in one hand a tumi knife in the other (Figure 54). Elizabeth Benson notes diffic1.11ty in telling gods apart and considers the'Decapiifator simply the Fanged Deity in another circumstance(Benson 1972;JO). Donnan separates the Decapitator from Benson's Fanged Deity calling it a supernatural being relatod to sacrifice(Alva and Donnan , .. 1993; 139). The Decapitator is frequently shown capturing an - opponsnt. In some scenes the opponent is a terrestrial creature(Figures 55-57), in others the opponent is an ocean dweller (Figures 58-62). A1 1 opponents of the Dscapitatnr are %c..~pernaturalas evidenced by human limbs on sea creatures and other indicators. Henson notes that the Fanged Deity as derapit.atc~rtaker; many form:;. 'The crab is one of the most freqr..rent forms taken by the I.nterest:.i ng observat,ion the Fanged Dt2j.t~is the captures the crab (figure postulated tl.lst the crab is of the Fanged Deity wi.t:h whom he str~rggle depictions of decapitators captl-ring decapitators seem to SLIP~OI-t tier hypatkiesis(fj.gures 57 and 59). The Nazca "St,orm God" is, as e:.:plairied by modern Nazca V L9t37.;24'7). The Dfisana de:?it.y, Vrho flahse, is said to be a being of eqr-la1 good and evi 1 (Reiche1.-Dolmatof f 1968;45). ,These are just two example3 of many westerr- South American CL~~~LII-cswho believe in a creator-/destroyer deity. Therm,fore, one possible explanation of scenes involving the Decapitator in action is that they are the a3pect.s of the Fanged Deity, one henevnlent,'the othcr- violent, str~tggling agairi%t one ariothel- for dnmlinarice. . .. A smund pn!ssible iritcrpret~~tionof the Decapj.tator scenes is that. they are shamans battling in th~other world. The landscapes when present and creat~lresportrayed all appear s~.tpernetural. Plor~impnrtar1t.l y, all, b~lta few depictions n-f ttic? Dccapi tator west" the jaguar headdress and snakes a5;snci atrsd with the Moche shaman (Figures 54-62). Modern inhabj.tants 0.F the town nf Moche believe that when a c~rringshaman journeys to thcr! otherworld he will be in conflict with the bad shaman or spirit responsible for the illness. Caminn ~alderonin 1752 and Gillin in 1?47 both witness Moche +haman assistants pick up a ct?remonial bife 0f.f: the filesa de BruJo and flash it at invisible spirits trying to disrupt the ritual (0illin 1Y47; 127-129). Modern Naica shamans have swords as part of their Nesa:? for the same purpose(Hadingham 1987;174). The Wamani~,or spirits, they summon are both feared and revered., They are gensrot.[s and de~trtrctj.ve(l-.lmcfirighc7m 19137; 240) . The Jivaro ~~1.1ture o::ample ancl the 1527 island account already discussed both seem to ctmriect a. shamanic practices with severed heads. Possibly the most convincing hit of evidence that the Decapitator- scener, may be dc?picting shamans cnmes from the Nazca/Paracms art. 1.6, as propozed earlisr and si.!pportcd by the worl.: of iladingham, the ritandard inclivid~.tal depicrted on Paracas ~ecrnpolis te:.:ti leci c:a17 be identified as a stlamarl, then ~~sversdheads is a major c:ompnnent of F'aracas shamani. sm. Similar to the Ji varo shaman%, the acq!.iisiti on of sevc:rmd heat.]% may have boen essEnn'tia:l. to .. gai.ning pc!wer- in the spirit:. world. :Tt seems e:jpeci;~ll.y pla~.[sit~:le 2000 years. The Pl'loche Wi:?c;.~pitatnr scenes are purpnrsecl to il l:..c!z,kra%e trio same bt?lief s. ILcmking once agaj.r? to Donnet? 'r, r:::c!r.ltr-a1 e::iamp.l e i mage (Fig~..~rc 43) , the 1 ower registar incl~.[cle.j scenes of prisoners in the process of losing their heads as well as severed h~imanheads hanging from a kitty. Gs a final point of ethnographic evidence from +the Moche area itself, in the June 1990 ~ationalt so graphic a Moche shaman h isshnwn blowing wat'r- and perfume on a skul ;l .from a pre-hispanic ruin. The article explains that he does so to release the spirits from the skull to protect those involved in the ceremony (Long 1990j46). This incredible example demonstrates even today in the Moche areii shamans use human heads as portals through which spirits may enter our world, over 1000 years after Moche artists painted the Decapitator on their ceremonial vessel s. Ih-ee.2%-umzx A recurrent character in Ploche art related to shamanism is a p~..~ppy.He is usually asrjnciated with men who wear the jaguar headdress or Lhe Fanged Deity whom tk{ey imp&-sanate (figures 63- 65). Figr..ir-e 56 is apparently an effigy vessel made to honor the puppy, The puppy is also included in both examples of Donnan's Presentation Ceremony included in this paper(Figures 40 and 49). . .. but decided it: was a punla nr jaguar notes the puppy 's presence in both th@Pree~nta Lr-'ion theme c;lr~dthe Burial theme but re+ars to them as dogs. In most depictions it is clearly a p~lppyand in one image it is even shown chasing its tail (Figure 49). The archaeologiral record also bears witness to the importance of puppies. In 1967, at a cemetery site named Chavina (in the Narca Valley) , eleven shrunken skulls were found in a burial with a mummified long yellow haired puppy (Hadingham 1987; 169). Duri'ng th& 1987 excavations at the site of Sipan, the rnnst celebrated Moche f~lnerarysite today, two of the tombs fo~lnd incllrded dogs in the burial party (Rlva and Donnan 1993). The Inca had a superstition that if one tied up their dogs outride their crying would guilt the gods into sending rain (Hadingham 1987;258). The most widel y held be1 ief , however, was that dogs were the guides to the otherworld. Whatever their function might have heen in Moche c~~ltureit seems certain it related to their concept of shamanish. Sexual Pottery Kubler remarks that only 2% of ail Mochi pottery is sesually explicit (Kuhler 1984:385). Donnan's opinion is that all rrotic Moche art is ceremonial (Donnan 1990123). This paper agrees with Dnnrian's assessment and suggests further that the purpose of the .. ceremony is healing. E. Renson notes that the Fanged Deity is shown having sex with a woman in an enclosure on a number of vessrls(Fignre 67). Shs separates these images fram the rest of the so:~.~al.pottery pointing out low relief, unlike the normal 3-D erotica vessels. Shc also noted a connection between sex and skeletal death figures(Henson 19723144-148). Donnan shows three different versions of the same scene describing it as a ceremony i r~volvirtgse:.:ual intercourse and human cannibal iEm (figure 68). Therie tt.~reescene% have most a11 of the components this paper has shnwn were cnnnecteij tn the Moche concept of shamanism. Attendants stand outside the enc:lnsLlre with spirits fl.04a'king overhead. The puppy scratcher, at the outside wall. In two of the thrr!~:?scenes severe13 heads +%oatnearby. In a nearby c?riclc~!;r..~r-e,wnmen appear tn be singing, ij. I::@ the Cul ina and Malisige?nka wnmerl of the Peruvian Clmazon who cal l out the spi~".itr; of the f orest wi,kt1 their- singing .to as!;i .jk the shami?n tjr.~r:i.ng hc?aling r-:i.'tuiilr,. Most important1y, the j.ndividua1 sl'inwn having I: sex wi.,kh the woman wears .the jag~~arheaddress and snaL::es hang fro111his waist. In the f irs'lz picture the indivitli.1~11lonks hr.rman but in the ,follc~wingtwo it rnay well he the Fanged Deity hi.msc?l,f: at the center 04: the scene(or the shaman fully transformr?cl into the Fanged Deity). In a part.ie~.~larlyam1.1sirig pierre 04 Plochc? art, the pappy who accompanies the Fanged Deity has se:.:with a willir~g wo,nari (Fignre 69) . This irnage s~lppnrtthe contenti on that pr.rppies imcl irltercourse are both rmlated to sham~~ni.:sm- siinul. tariern.~sly at * .. that! The 1::)el I. i:!f ,that semen ha%drs zihamani c power has Qrna;:nr~i an s~lppnrt. Dori, the word for power in Cc~linasociety rnay be lost by the novice during coi,ku.i, thus celibacy is maintained (F'ol1ncl.c 1Yc?2;28). The Uesnna speak of the supreme deity's power to create the wor-ld his "yellow intention" or "yellow purpose", a referencm to semen. They also speak of the shaman's journey as penetration into the otherworld and in other passive sexual contact terms (Heichel-Doimatof f 1971; 47). The Conibo novice sucks phlegm out 0.f his master throat after the master has drank tobacco juice. This happens nightly for a week and the novice soaks up Nihue, or power, from the master which he may now build upon(lllius 1992;65). Though from different areas and contexts, a.11 of those stories eli.tde to a concept that the fluids of a shaman have power in and of themsrlves. A scepter found in the 1987 Sipan @cravationalso shows the Fanged Deity having sex with a human woman inside an ': er~clusurc?(F'ig~ire70). Donnan suggests that it may represent an erotic legend involving the deity. This paper agrees with Donnan's hypothesis and %uggests further that the scene involvee ritual healing in which part of the patient's treatment is intercourse with the shaman. The Mesa d~ Brujcr of the m~dernMoche shaman is'notably . r .- absent from the depictions of pre-Inca Moche shamanism. As it is the central el+?rnr:'nt of modern Moche healing rituals, it shorrXd be present in the ancient art if the two are indeed related. It. is proposed hpre that the ancient eq~livalentof the klesa de Brujn is the enclosures roofed and/or surrounded by spears so frequently depicted in association with shamans. The scepter from the tomb at Sipan discussed in the previo~lssectian is a perfect example(flgure 70). There are many other examples. Around the modern Mesa de Bruju are swords and knives stuck into the ground(Figure 71). She wrapone are meant to keep the bad spirits at bay during the ritual (Hadingham 1987;174). The Spanish mirjsionaries no doubt frowned upon healing rituals and both good . and bad hrujeria is against the law in the modern village of Moche. What once could be done in a permgnent location was thus forced to become more mobile, hence the creation of the Nesa de Brujo. 'i t?_a.~.~oo~ Wenson noted that the Fanged Deity is sometimes depicted as corn and other vegetables(Figures 72 and 75). The Treasurer of Sipan exhibition currently traveling through the U.5. includes an ceramic image identif icd as "the ~anioc~od'~. It is the Fanged Deity's head emerging from the tubers. In the ceramic piece shown in Figure 72 the Deity emerges from the manioc roots eating manioc. Turning one more time to the image Donnan: uses to . .. explain the Fresentation ceremony (Figure 48), one can now see that the animal heads on either end of the sky band are eating wflnicJc. Manioc dnes not grow in the coastal i-egi.ons and falls intn the same category as jaguars and snakes; 0.F Amazon:ian origin. To find reasons why manioc would be involved in scent!+ of known shamanic content in Moche art, the enthnographies of the made!rn Amaaoni an tribes are once again of invaluable assistance. Koidza is fermented manioc and Culina women make it(the same women are the ones who sing to call the spirits of the forest in curiny ceremonies). 67 cup of Knidra is part of the cul.ina healing ceremony. As menti,oned earlier, the fermented manioc is for the visiting spirits; and is said to q~~elltheir violent tendencir?s(F'ollocI.: 19C?2;34). Matisigcmka people with special so~~lsare said to have "eye souls" lucated in the pupils. Those peop1.c are said to live ma]. r1l y on divinc! manioc, the non-poisunous variety given to the Matisigenkia by the Father Moon (B~er1992; 81). 4. Ilesana patismts drinl: hoi led manioc juice tr~cleanse thc!m, purg.".' them tnetaphorically o.f illne%~;(Huchilkt 1992j2113). Mochc shamans and attendants bnth snuff alcohol out of a flat shell in thw prnrszs do!.icribed as raising the tabla. T~F!purpnsc? c~f this ' . action ie; to purify and protect the table. The pati.ent is also "raised"(Gi1lin 1947;20). The cnnnection between the series of accounts above is the process of ritually purifying the area in preparatinn for . .. hea1,ing. In eai:::h case 1.t. involves the use of alcohol. Despite ,tl,r? fact that in the jungle it is made from manioc and in modern Mach?? it is bo~lghtat the store, alcohol as LISC~ in healincj ritual i.5 similar in both contexts. The ancient Mochc? may have LISC~ *:hi'cha, or corn beer, considering manioc dues not grow in that part of the coast. he sacredness of manioc, however was strong enough for it to remain in the shamanic portrayals in Moche art and stand as one more prsce of evidence that Moche culture had its origins in the Amazon. The Si ona Novice Experienre As the final section of this paper, the story of a Slona novice shaman's first experience in contacting the ntherworld will be recounted: A person apprentices to a master shaman and becomes his attendant. To prepare for the first journey to the otherworld the novice goes through isolation, fasting, enemas and celibacy. ': Next comes days of drinking YagolBanisteropsis). The novice has visions of his death and of being reborn as a child of the Jaguar Mother. Its frightening and exhausting. The first two days of the drinking prudl.rce visions familiar to every Siona hecatase they are compared tu an often told creation story.' In Siona mythology, stars once walked on the Earth. They were called the Pleiadcs people and they were the first to drink Yage. The youngest brother, a trickster involved in a n~~mberof- stories, was the first to drink it. He vomitad, feinted, urinated and went crazy, rubbing feces over himsel+. The Moon is said to have gone through the same process and he was taught by his grandfather, the 9~1n. During the visions of death the apprentice has visions of snakes p~tlling him underground, wrapping aro1.1nd nim. lhey are sald to symbollzu the vine. The many little snakes transform into one big snake called the Drinking Stick Snake who is recognized as the owner of Yage. Since both the snake and the shaman are the master of Yaqe, the apprentice realizes that they are one in the same, The snake is then ridden to a water tube (Mil1::y Way?) that the shaman goes up into and arrives in heaven with the Sun people, who befriend him(Langdon This example is important beca~~seit demonstrates that th~ otherworld is not entirely mysterious but is instead rather well I.::nown. Shamans and their patients ~[nderstandwhat they wi1 l see in trance and know how to interpret it. The Sj.nna examp1.e o? the '; f:irst vi~jionsof the novice duplicating the actions r-ecc'l~.!ntc?din myth demnnstr-ates how ,the %<>meperception o.( the otherwor:ld co~.lld persist for long periods of time transmitted through oral I tradn t~on. u_sAo_n Y worshipped in ancient Moche culture and he is lor13 o,f the o+.herworld, the master of 5piri.t~. Benson identifies him as the Fanged Deity and ancient shamans impersonated lhirn in costume arid in having attczndants/apprenti~es~ Uocapjtiition was done to variqi.~j.sh avenging spirits be+ore they were created. Prisoners were i~ral.lght to areas where their heads rrn~~ldbe i-emoved in si.lch a way that the power of their so1.11,s was caught in the head. Once trapped, the power in the head could be harnessed by shamans and used in the otherworld. Alcohol may have been used to purify sacred space before ritual began and hallucinogenic drugs such as San ~edrocactus and Misha Negra were used in order toallow the shaman to communicate with the spirits. Singing and music was used to call the spirits ta the ceremony. In certain healing rituals, intercourse with a shaman , was necessary to enact or divine the cure?. Finally, individuals in Moche art who are portrayed wearing the jaguar headdress wnd\or snakes hanging from the waist are capable of contacting the otherworld. These costume elements are iconographic devices that wau1.d be used q~titecarefully by an a-literate culture such at the Mache. Not all shamans wear'the jaguar headdress but no one .else but shamans may wear it. The nature and methods of shamanism in Peru were essentially the same in Chavin, Pitracas, INazca, Moche and Tiahuanaco-Huari cul 'cures, spanning over 2000 years. Chavin, 'Paracas, Nazca, Tiahuanaco-Huari and even Chimu art can be said to display the same iconographic programs ae in Moche art when representing shamans and their associated deity. Tho gansi ett+!r~t.theme. of jungle animals throt.~ghout all of pru-Incia art sclggests that the above rclltures share a deeper Amaronian heritage going back thousands of years. By proxy, thc Inca mc.~st be: irlcl~~dedj.n this group. After over 20C)O years, the Amazonian coric:ep'k 0.F %hamanism had covered all uf western South America and must be viewed as at least partial ancestor- of the Inca civi1 ization. Accepting this concl~~sionleads directly to a more startling one. The modern peoples of the Amazon, connidered marginal by their countries and constantly threatened by big businkss interests, are the progenitar cultures for the "hi yh cultures" that developed in the Andean and coastal regions of Peru. Like seedlings arrested in growth by circumstance, Amazonian cultures 1 i ke the ones discussed in this paper have been frozen in time and location far longer then anyone can estimate, Thousands US years earlier, penple frnm c~lltureswith the same traditional Amaznnian concepts of shamanj.am struck nr.vt to make new lives in the Antics and the c:lotier?: coastal rsgions;, event~la1J.ydevelapinq j.nlzo the Per-~..~vian 0. ci.11tures who le+t behind .them a legacy of beautiful art admired the worlcl over. gi.3 i oaram , .- fllva, Wal tsr and Chrisopher R. Donnan 1'775 R~_Y;I.I, Tombs of S,!.J~=,. Fowler Ml.~se~.rmof CulL~~ral History, University of California, L.A. Anton, Ferdinand 1972 The Art of Ancient Peru. G.P. P~~tman'sSons, New York. Raer, Gerhard 1992 "'The One Tnt:o:,:icated Xy Tobacco - Matisig~nl,::a Shamanism",, F_grtals.of Power - Sliam~~_.i.~.mmmmm~in South... Flmeri ca. University of New Me:.: icn F'resc,, A1buquerqae. 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