Andean Past

Volume 5 Article 9

1998 The eT mple of Blindness: An Investigation of the Inca Shrine of Ancocagua Johan Reinhard The Mountain Institute, [email protected]

Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/andean_past Part of the Archaeological Commons

Recommended Citation Reinhard, Johan (1998) "The eT mple of Blindness: An Investigation of the Inca Shrine of Ancocagua," Andean Past: Vol. 5 , Article 9. Available at: https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/andean_past/vol5/iss1/9

This Article is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@UMaine. It has been accepted for inclusion in Andean Past by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@UMaine. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE TEMPLE OF BLINDNESS: AN INVESTIGATION OF THE INCA SHRINE OF ANCOCAGUA

Johan Reinhard The Mountain Institute, Franklin, West Virginia and The Field Museum o/Natural.History, Chicago

"In the district of Canas there was a temple which they When I first began searching for clues to called Ancocagua: there they made sacrifices according to their blindness." the location of Ancocagua in the historical ac- Pedro Cieza de Le6n1 counts, I did not find its name directly associ- ated with a temple. However, it does appear in historical records from the province of Ancocagua must be one of the most enig- Canas. In a list of communities dating to 1575 matic Inca sites mentioned in early colonial one called Ancocaua3 is listed next to Copo- documents. The renowned Spanish chroni- raque and Yauri (in Hatun Canas), as it was in cler, Cieza de Leon (1977 [1554]:107), listed it as the fourth most important temple in the lists prepared in 1583, 1599, and 1812 (Glave . Yet, there is no description of 1987:64-66) (Table 1; Figure 1).4 Today, the the site, nor of its exact location, and this natu- towns called Coporaque and Yauri are 12 Ian rally gives 'rise to some b~ic questions. apart and in the same wide valley, about 140 Where was it? Why was it so important? Ian. (in a straight line) to the southeast of in the province of Espinar. Because the Given its significance, why did so few of the communities noted are listed in geographical Spanish writers refer to it? The only way one sequence, the settlemept of Ancocagua must could hope to answer these questions w~s by not have been far from them. In addition, by gathering together the historical references and by investigating !!Ie region in which the site 1581 the people of Ancocagua had been "re- might be found. duced" (brought together) into a landholding unit that was a part of the community of Co- Beginning with Cieza de Leon's (1977 poraque '(Aparicio 1982:96). It consisted of 275 people and 28 tribute-paying Indians, but [1554]:107, 153) account, we know that an the Indians would have presumably kept their ancient ("muy antiguo") oracle was highly venerated at Ancocagua, and that the temple landholdings outside Coporaque proper. was somewhere in the province of Hatun The reason for the "reduction" is said to Canas.2 Aside from the Incas, people from all have been that the Ancocagua Indians poured around came to worship at the temple. Ani- melted gold down the throat of the Spaniard to mals and humans were sacrificed and gold whom they owed tribute. Those responsible was offered to the deity there. Cie:zade Leon ran off to other provinces while the remainder (ibid: 107) heard that gold valued at 30,000 pesos was taken from the temple by the Span- iard Diego Rodriguez Elemosin. Even more 3 "Ancocagua" is also spelled "Ancocaua", "Acon- treasure was found, and there were reports that cagua", "Anccocahua", "Anccoccahua", and "Hanco- gold and silver were buried by the Incas in cagua" . places still undiscovered. 4 The orthography of Quechua tenns has varied through the years and depends upon the author. Thus, one can find such spellings as AncocagualAncocaua, I My translation. See Cieza de Le6n (1984 [1553]: MullucaguaIMulluccahua, Suyckutambo/Sucuitambo, 223). etc. I have maintained the use oftenns that appeared to me to be the best lrnown ITomthe literature and have 2 Hatun in Quechua means "large" or "principal" indicated alternative spellings of some words because (GonzalezHolguin1989[1608]:158). they appear in various documents and on maps.

ANDEAN PAST 5 (1998):89-108. ANDEAN PAST 5 (1998) -90 settled in Coporaque (Celestino 1982 [1792]: We know today that the area south of Co- 78). Whether this is fact or legend, in the late poraque is the source of the Apurimac River. 1700s Ancocagua was listed as one of eight That this was also known by the Spaniards is groups (ayllus) fonning Coporaque (Hinojosa further demonstrated by a list of rivers pre- 1987:232). It was described as having once sented in 1792 by Celestino (1982:75). Ac- had its own parish (curato) (i.e., prior to the cording to him, the Apurimac River has its incident with the Spaniard), but in 1792 it origin in Vilafro Lake, which is 12 kIn west of fonned part of Coporaque (Celestino 1982 the town of Cailloma (Caylloma) where the' [1792]:78). It is suggestive that when the lists list begins, and this is, in fact, close to its true follow a clear north-to-south progression origin. Only through the use of modem tech- throughout, as in those of 1575 and 1583 nology has the source of the Apurimac's fur- (Glave 1987:64, 66), Ancocagua occurs last. thest tributary been traced to the foot of the This indicates that Ancocagua originally bor- mountain Mismi ca. 30 kIn to the south of dered Coporaque to the south. Cailloma (McIntyre 1991:20).6 The Acon- cagua River was first in the list of Celestino, Support for this hypothesis comes from an reportedly flowing into the Apurimac after it examination of the rivers noted in historical passed through a steep gorge below Cailloma. sources. In a document of 1586, the Apurimac Of the rivers that follow, all those that I could River is stated to have its origin in a village locateon the 1:100,000seriesmaps7 produced called Ancocaua, which lay on the road from by fern's Instituto Geognifico Nacional8 occur the city of (i.e., to Cusco) (Fomee downstream from the AconcagualApurimac 1965 [1586]:28). Many tributaries to the confluence (moving £Tomsouth to north) in south of Coporaque contribute to the origin of the same order as they do in the list. the Apurimac River, and the road between Arequipa and Cusco passes through this area I could not find a river with the name (Agurto 1987:42;' Alicia Quirita, personal Aconcagua on any map, but it is probably one communication 1994). Thus, it is possible of the rivers that originate near the town of that the place called Ancocaua was the temple Suyckutambo (Sucuitambo) or between it and of that name.5 the pass of Apacheta Rayada some eight km distant (Figure 1). The Safiu River, which follows the Aconcagua River in the list, flows into the Apurimac just below the Inca site of Mauccallacta, approximately 20 kIn south of 5 According to a 1:100,000 map (, Instituto Coporaque. The next river listed, the Quero, Geografico Militar, Carta Nacional, Cailloma, Hoja 31- flows in near Coporaque. These rivers both s), there is a small settlement with the name of Ancco- have their origins in the lakes in the mountains cahua seven kIn to the south of the town of Cailloma above Cailloma near the town of Suycku- (Caylloma), at the origin .of the Unculle River (Figure tambo (4,800 m). This is at a divide where 1). This settlement is not situated on a high point, and, rivers flow in all directions. The majority, therefore, does not fit the description of the site of An- cocagua. No ruins of significance have been noted in 6 The Incas were aware that Mismi Mountain, on which the area (Alicia Quirita, personal communication 1994). In any event, this Anccocahua is not located in the they made important ritual offerings (Ross 1980), straddles the continental divide, and that rivers start province of Hatun Canas and thus is an unlikely candi- date for the temple. However, it is possible that this flowing to the Pacific Ocean &om its western slopes, settlement was named after the temple or the land and and also &om only a few km to the west of Vila&o Lake. people associated with it. There is a mountain called Anccoccahua (see the IGM 1:100,000 map Callalli, Hoja 32-t), but it is 100 7 These include the Cailloma 31-s, Velille 30-s, Con- kIn to the southeast of Coporaque in the province of doroma 31-t, and Yauri 30-t sheets. Collagua. Thus it is too far away to have been the site of the temple, even if ruins exist on the mountain. 8 Formerly the Instituto Geognifico Militar. 91- Reinhard: Inca Shrine at Ancocagua however, eventually sweep around to merge fied temple. After some time the rebels ran with the Apurimac. Although we do not know out of water and were about to surrender. which place the Incas considered to be the ex- However, it snowed heavily one night, and act source of the Apurimac, it seems reason- thus they were able to continue their resistance able to assume they would have perceived it to (ibid.:293). be in the region south of Coporaque. The Spaniards asked members of the Inca Aside from Inca ruins leading south from nobility who had accompanied them how the Coporaque along the Apurimac River as far as Incas had captured Ancocagua when they bat- the archaeological site of Maria Fortaleza tled the people living there some years before. (Quirita and Candia 1994), there is evidence The Spaniards were told that the Incas filled in suggesting an Inca presence higher up the the breach between the two high points using Apurimac Valley. One part of the name Suy- rocks, bushes, and bunches of wild grass. ckutambo, (tambo means "way station" in Employing the same method, the Spaniards Quechua) could indicate an Inca presence at captured the fortified temple (Betanzos 1987 this place, and the name apacheta (Quechua - [1551]:293-294).9 for "cairn") suggests that traditional worship was performed on the pass of Apacheta Ray- ada. Inca potsherds have also been reported 9 Hemming (1970:185-186, 572 footnote 186) synthe- from the Suyckutambo area (Alicia Quirita, sized material provided by some chroniclers about a personal communication 1994). More re- battle at a fortified, rocky outcrop called Ancocagua search needs to be done to establish the Inca located in "bad, humid country". Monica Barnes (per- sonal communication 1995) kindly provided informa- presence in this little-known.area. tion from three sources cited by Hemming: Herrera y Tordesillas 1615; Pizarro y Orellana 1639; and the One other tributary of the Apurimac, the "Probanza de servicios . . ." of 1538, the latter pub- Callomani (also sp~lled Cayamani) River, also lished in 1940 in a collection of documents edited by begins near Suyckutambo and meets the Padre Victor M. Barriga (hereafter referred to as Ar- Apurimac just above Mauccallacta and imme- chivo General de Indias 1940). Pizarro y Orellana re- diately before Maria Fortaleza. Because it is lies heavily on Herrera y Tordesillas, which is the most the first .significant tributary downstream from complete account. Only one of the men involved in the the gorge, it might be the one that was called battle, Diego de Narvaez, mentioned that the land was Aconcagua in 1792. When placed beside the humid and bad ("tierra hUmeda y mala") (Archivo information about the community (ayllu) of General de Indias 1940:49). However, he did not state Ancocagua noted above, the evidence pointed that it was hot, and it is even unclear if the country de- to the temple of Ancocagua as having been scribed was at Ancocagua or that crossed while he re- located to the south of the town of Coporaque. turned to Cusco. This takes on significance when the However, this still left the problem of what the two other participants, Tomas Vasquez and the priest temple looked like, because there are several Pedro de Varco [sic], described suffering from the cold Inca sites in the area. during the campaign (ibid :45-46). The highland region of Hatun Canas was well- The discovery of the missing part of the known for its cold climate (Cieza de Le6n 1984 1551 book by Betanzos (1987 [1551]) has [1553]:224), and we have seen that Betanzos described meant we now have important information it snowing at Ancocagua. Given that the battle must concerning the physical description of Anco~ have taken place in the South American summer cagua. He noted that the temple was on a for- months of late 1535, it makes sense that the wet season tified spur directly opposite a hilltop. Based would have begun, with snow at higher elevations and on events he described that occurred in Cusco, rain lower in the valleys. This would make Diego de we know that a battle took place at Ancocagua Narvaez's discussion of humidity understandable. in late 1535. There had been an uprising in According to the accounts of Herrera y Tordesillas the area and local inhabitants had killed a (1615:231-234) and Pizarro y Orellana (1639:199-200), Spaniard. Juan Pizarro led a group of Span- Indians killed Pedro MArtirde Moguer, while Diego de iards and native allies to lay siege to the forti- Narvaez (Archivo General de Indias 1940:49) stated that it was Pedro Martin Dominguez. Spaniards under ANDEAN PAST 5 (1998) -92

Given' the above infonnation, it was now dia 1994). Lacking the infonnation provided possible not only to narrow down the location in Betanzos' more c.omplete account, Quirita of the temple in Hatun Canas, but also the and Candia (1994:23) hypothesized that the number of sites fitting its description. Unfor- temple of Ancocagua may have been on the tunately, the reported presence of Shining Path summit of the mountain Quimsachata near terrorists in the region meant that I delayed Coporaque. In August 1994 Alicia Quirita several years in beginning my search for An- and I were able to examine sites in the region, cocagua. However, in 1994 I had the good combining her archaeological survey and my fortune to meet Alicia Quirita, one of two ar- own historical research. . chaeologists who had recently conducted in- vestigations in the area (see Quirita and Can- There are numerous ruins in the area. However, few have been described in the lit- erature, and we initially could not find any the leadership of Gonzalo Pizarro attacked the rocky that fit Betanzos' description of Ancocagua. outcrop in 1535. Later Juan Pizarro arrived with rein- For example, the important Inca sites of forcements. They attacked using a siege blanket, but Kanamarca (K'anamarka) and Mauccallacta were unsuccessful. Finally a member of the Inca no- (Maukallakta) are not on high points (Angles bility came nom Cusco to help. He had four Spaniards 1988, vol. 2:571-601; Bonnett 1983).10 disguise themselves as Indians, shave their beards, and dye. their faces. During the night, he and the four One of the most significant sites we visited Spaniards (Mancio Sierra, Francisco -de Villafuerte, is that of Mullucagua (also spelled Mullocca- Pedro de Barco, and luan Flores) were admitted within the first and second entrances of the walls. The five hua and Muyuqhawa) located on a hilltop at about 4,100 m in elevation and about 12 km to men were able to fight off the Indians long enough for the rest of the Spanish forces to 'enter and capture the the east of Yauri (Angles 1988, vol. 2:593, 597; Pardo 1948:15.;20). The hilltop is a trun- fort. Many of the natives leaped to their deaths nom the cliffs. The SpaniaJ'dscaptured 5,000 gold castella- cated cone dominating the surrounding area nos and used these to help-build the church in Cusco. (Pardo 1948: photo 7 between pages 18 and Although the exact location is not noted in these 19). The site is constructed with points of en- sources, and they do not mention Ancocagua as having try protected by bastions, contains funerary been a temple, these accounts appear to describe the towers, and has some fine Inca stonework capture of the fortified "temple" of the same name. (Angles 1988, vol. 2:577, 582, 584, 593; This is made more likely when we remember that both Pardo 1948:15-20). It was reportedly one of the battle described by these writers and the one re- the fortified places used by the Canas people counted by Betanzos occurred at the time of the upris- prior to Inca presence in the region (Celestino ing of the Collao Indians in late 1535. Both took place 1982:75). However, it did not fit Betanzos' on a rocky outcrop with steep cliffs, and both were un- description, nor the location as detennined dertaken due to the Indians having killed an en- from the list of communities and rivers de- comendero. Both also note the cold, both involved a scribed above. Furthennore, the name of An- Pizarro brother, and both places were named Anco.- cocagua was unknown to the local inhabitants cagua. we questioned. Betanzo~ wrote about the battle for Ancocagua a few years after it occurred, and his account does not Ijowever, as soon as we went to the south mention Ancocagua as having been captured by de- of Coporaque, we encountered people familiar ployment of disguised men. However, this may not with the name Ancocagua. It was not used for have been brought to his attention, and in any event it a particular site, but rather to denote an area, does not contradict his description of the use of materi- Ancocagua Manturca. This is a plateau lo- als to "fill" the space between the hill and outcrop. cated about 10 km south of Coporaque. We Indeed, the siege blanket may have been used at this were told that it is bounded on the west by the time or it may have been part of a combination of tac- tics involving the entry through disguise and an assault by means of reaching the upper area of the fort by the 10 It should be noted that even the bottoms of the val- method described above. leys in this area are above 3,800 m in elevation. 93- Reinhard: Inca Shrine at Ancocagua

Apurimac River and on the east and south by the outcrop and river bottom are both strewn mountains, among which (as labeled on the with boulders and certainly water could be 1:100,000 .JGM map) were Huicho Pucara, said to trickle amidst the boulders at the river Vila Pucara, Chita, Huayna Condori, Sayuta, and even on the outcrop when it rains (Figure and Checorume. Ancocagua Manturca con- 2). sists of several small settlements in an area of more than fifty square km (see the 1:100,000 The physical dimensions of the outcrop are map Yauri Hoja 30-t). The altitude of the impressive. Quirita and Candia (1994:87) es- plateau is around 4,000 m with some houses timate the top area to be about five hectares~ as high as 4,400 m. Used for grazing animals, i.e., some 50,000 m2, on which hundreds of this is also the first area (aside from small ruins exist (Figure 3). According to my al- patches of land along the rivers) where agri- timeter, the summit is at 4,170 m, which is culture (primarily of potatoes, but also quinoa) 134 m above the river. can be carried out to the north of the conti- nental divide and the source of the Apurimac Based on Quirita's and Candia's (1994) River. It is, therefore, also the first area where investigation of the ruins and ceramics, the a number of permanent settlements can be site became particularly important during the maintained. Middle Horizon (ca. A.D. 540 to A.D. 900) when it was occupied by the Huari (Wari) .Wecouldfindonly one archaeologicalsite people.11 It continuedto play a key role in the in this region which fit Betanzos' description, region through the Late Intermediate Period and it. turned out to be the most important: (called Collao in this area; ca. A.D. 900 to Maria Fortaleza. It would seem to be no coin- A.D. 1476) and the Late Horizon (i.e., the Inca cidence that it is the only major archaeological Period; ca. A.D. 1476. to A.D. 1534 in this complex in the region to have a Spanish name. region) (ibid.). There are also ceramics dating This indicates that the Spaniards may have from the Early Horizon (ca. 1400 B.C. to 400 wanted to suppress the indigenous term for the B.C.) through the Early Intermediate Period site. The Spanish toponym is itself sugges- (ca. 400 B.C. to A.D. 540). However, it is not tive: fortaleza means "fort" and Maria is, of clear just how important a role the site played course, the Virgin Mary, implying that the site before the Middle Horizon. Nonetheless, the had a religious element. As noted above, An- ceramics indicate that the site may have been cocagua was a fortified temple. occupied for around 3,000 years. According to local tradition, the name One of the best preserved structures is at dates to the time long ago when a woman the western foot of the outcrop about 15 m yelled out "Jesus, Maria" after being surprised above the Totorani River (Quirita and Candia while she was urinating. The Virgin Mary 1994:99-102) (Figure 4). It is a large (over 16 instantly appeared and was converted into a m long) rectangular building of Inca origin, as rock, while the urine of the woman became a demonstrated by its trapezoidal doors and river. The rock is near the confluence of the niches and typical Inca construction tech- Totorani and Apurimac Rivers just below the ruins (Quirita and Candia 1994:44, 88) (Figure 2). This legend could have its roots in an 11 I have only provided a summary of the fmdings older one, as discussed below. made at Maria Fortaleza. Further details on the archae- ology of the site can be found in Quirita and Candia The local name of the site is now T'acra- (1994) and in a forthcoming publication based on their chullo (Tajra Chullo on the 1:100,000 map). thesis. They were the first to survey Maria Fortaleza in According to local inhabitants, this comes 1991-92, and they conducted seven I x 1 m excava- from the words t'acra meaning "disarranged tions: two in Sector A, two in Sector B, two in Sector rocks" and chul/o meaning "trickling water" C, and one in Sector D (Quirita and Candia 1994:104). (Quirita and Candia 1994:88). The name It must be emphasized, therefore, that archaeological would seem appropriate for the place, because work at the site has just begun. ANDEAN PAST 5 (1998) -94 niques (el, Agurto 1987; Gasparini and Mar- tains several funerary towers (Figure 6) and golies 1980) (Figure 5). The majority of the tombs, mostly pertaining to the Late Interme- ceramics found in and near the building (lo- diate Period (Quirita and Candia 1994:97, cated in Sector D as denoted by Quirita and 167, 197). Over 200 circular structures exist Candia 1994) were of Inca or Collao origin. on the summit, and these also primarily date to Four trapezoidal windows are in the front wall the Late Intermediate Period (ibid.:92). and four trapezoidal niches are in the back one. A cleared area (delineated by a retaining Little archaeological work has yet been wall) is in nont of the rectangular structure, undertaken at Maria Fortaleza, and Huari while several circular structures exist behind ceremonial structures have not yet been identi- it. Of interest is that the central doorway is fied. However, a religious component at the directly in front of a door in the back of the site during the Middle Horizon is suggested by building. The impression is that people may the presence of fine Huari ceramics (John have had to pass through the structure before Rowe, personal communication 1994). Maria ascending to the summit of the outcrop. Fortaleza was probably much more than a re- ligious center. It is at the farthest limit of A trail leads from this building to the Huari expansion to the east (Chavez 1988),I highest point of the notch between the outcrop and it likely would have played a role as a and the hill opposite it to the south, and from control point for trade between the coast and there on to the summit. At this-point a trail highlands during both the Middle and Late from the Apurimac River converges with it Horizons (Quirita and Candia 1994:196, 201). (Quirita and Candia 1994:88). Remains of walls line the trail above tl}.enotch, and one Taken together, th.e ruins indicate that stone gateway still exists about halfway to the many people lived at least part of the time on summit. The trail reaches an area on the the summit of the outcrop of Maria Fortaleza. summit with large Inca structures (as in Sector The site was occupied from at least the Middle A) and passes near a number of funerary tow- Horizon to Inca times. Religious activi!ies ers (ehullpas) (as in Sector C) (Figure 3). occurred there. What additional evidence ex- ists to support Maria Fortaleza's identification Sector A includes a large enclosed area as the Inca temple of Ancocagua? (eaneha) (ca. 80 x 40 m) with an Inca struc- ture on its western side (Figure 3). According Returning to the information supplied by to Alicia Quirita (personal communication Betanzos, we need to see if Maria Fortaleza 1994), the Inca structure was built on the base fits his description of the site. The narrowest of a Huari one, and the ceramics encountered part of the notch between the outcrop and the during an excavation in its interior support this hill facing it to the south is only about 14 m conclusion (see Quirita and Candia 1994:109, wide. The notch naturally begins to wideJ1.as where more than half the ceramics are Huari). it rises higher. Once level with the summit of the outcrop, it is so wide that it would have Quirita and Candia (1994:89-90) hypothe- been difficult, if not impossible, for the Span- sized that the eaneha may have been a place iards to fill it completely, as described by Be- where ceremonies were conducted. It is at the tanzos. However, Betanzos was not an eye- center and highest point of the summit area. witness, and if we assume that the Spaniards Huari ceremonial pottery was found in and built up a rampart to reach the less steep sec- near it; and the natural bedrock in the cancha tions about 20 m above the notch, then the de- contains four circular holes and one rectangu- scription makes sense. It is about 73 m from lar one (ca. 1.5 m in diameter) that could have the notch to the highest point of the summit, played a role in rituals. but the steepest area occurs in the first third of the ascent. It should be added that on all the Sector B has structures and ceramics other sides of the outcrop the drop is vertical which indicate that it is of Huari origin (albeit for some 60 m or more. with some Inca occupation). Sector C con- 95- Reinhard: Inca Shrine at Ancocagua

In any event, Betanzos noted that Anco- called Huaylla Apacheta. It is believed today cagua was built on an outcrop close to a hill to influence livestock fertility and to have a equal to it in height, and this fits well with the lake on its western slopes where "many cows site of Maria Fortaleza. The outcrop of Anco- graze" in its depths (Roel 1966:28). This is a cagua had no water source on its summit, be- belief which conforms to one found through- cause Betanzos described that the Spaniards out the , including during the Inca hori- nearly forced the natives to surrender due to zon. It is thought that domesticated livestock the lack of water. This, too, fits the outcrop of originated out of lakes and that mountains Maria Fortaleza. Snow could have easily were their ultimate owners (Arriaga 1968 fallen on the site in the latter part of the year, [1621]:115; Duviols 1974-76:283; Flores as it did in mid-September 1991 (Alicia 1988:249-250; Gowand Gow 1975:142, 148; Quirita, personal communication 1994). Isbell 1978:59). It also accords with beliefs Maria Fortaleza is in an area called Ancocagua about mountains throughout the highlands. and it is in what was Hatun Canas. In addition There pastoralism plays an important role, as to our own unsuccessful attempts to locate an- has been the case in the province of Canas other archaeological complex which might be since at least the Inca Period (Cieza de Leon the fortified temple, we could not find anyone, 1984 [1553]:224), and at Coporaque for centu- either a local inhabitant or outsider, who has ries (see Hinojosa 1987:230 for a report dating visited the region and who knew of any other to 1689). important site in the area that fits Betanzos' description of Ancocagua. Thus, taken to- Ritual battles still take place ca. 40 km to gether, there are several reasons. for identify- the north of Coporaque. These are believed to ing Maria Fortaleza as the site of the fortified augment crop fertility, and offerings, along temple of Ancocagua. with any human blood that might be shed in the battles, are thought to go to Pachamama It might be of interest to turn now to 'eth- (Mother Earth) and the mountain deities (Bar- nographic and historical information about rionuevo 1971:79,82; Gorbak et al. 1962:278, religious beliefs in the region of Maria Fortal- 287, 290). eza. In 1792 it was reported that a mountain above Coporaque was thought to be very As we have seen, there is also land suit- powerful and that it contained an enchanted able for the cultivation of potatoes and, to a lake (Celestino 1982:77). Much the same be- lesser extent, other native crops such as qui- lief has been noted in recent times about a noa, on the plateau of Ancocagua Manturca magical mountain with a lake on its summit and along the river valleys. Mountains not far from which treasure is said to have been taken distant, such as Ausangate, continue to be (Hinojosa 1987:230). This mountain is almost worshiped for agricultural fertility (Gow and certainly the one called Quimsachata (4,759 Condori 1982:40-43; Reinhard 1991:81). m), dominating the town of Coporaque. We Thus, agricultural and livestock fertility were found that basically the same legends about principal reasons for the establishment of Quimsachata and its lake exist to the present shrines on the summits of mountains through- day. Although no major ruins were seen by a out much of the Andes (Reinhard 1985). local man who had been to its summit, he did say that people traditionally made offerings River confluences were often considered there during Carnival (in February) to ask for sacred by the Incas (Betanzos 1987 [1551]:72; an increase in livestock. According to Quirita Murua 1946 [1590]:312). They were used as and Candia (1994:23), Quimsachata isconsid- places to wash and be cured of illnesses (ibid. ered a tutelary deity (apu) of the entire prov- 1946:312) and to perform rituals relating to ince of Espinar. It stands out prominently to the dead (Guaman Poma 1980 [1615]:272). In the north when viewed from Maria Fortaleza. the Cusco region, they are still viewed as be- ing powerful and dangerous places (Allen Not far from Maria Fortaleza (ca. 30 km to 1988:205). Maria Fortaleza was built on an the northwest of Coporaque) is the mountain outcrop which overlooks the confluence of ANDEAN PAST 5 (1998) -96 two major rivers at a critical ecological point, Valley to the south (Valderrama and and this surely would have added to its sa- 1988:206). credness. Today, Maria Fortaleza is still perceived to There is little ethnographic information be a female, and we were told that offerings available on Maria Fortaleza itself, but what are made on its summit in August, and during does exist is significant. In local tradition, Carnival, for the fertility of crops and live- selected elements of the physical terrain are stock. Offerings are also made to Pachamama perceived in terms of a body metaphor. Maria (Mother Earth) and to the surrounding moun-. Fortaleza is believed to be at the center of the tain deities (e.g., Quimsachata, Choquepirhua, body, i.e., the navel. The head is the Callo- Machula, and Laramini) for the same reason. mani River, the right arm is formed by the Every day, coca leaves are offered to the Llaska River, and the left by the Totorani mountain deities so that they will give the River. The right foot is the archaeological site people strength during the day (Quirita and of Inti Pucara and the left foot is composed of Candia 1994:46-47). It is common throughout the ruins of T'eraqara Pucara, located on the the central Andes to make' such offerings to east and west sides of the Apurimac River, deities associated with the land (Allen 1988). respectively (Quirita and Candia 1994:42-43). Thus its head is to the south (the source of the The meaning of the name Ancocagua may Apurimac River) and lower members are to .also provide some clues as to site. The word the north (the direction of the .flow of the appears to be of Aymara origin, the language Apurimac). spoken in this region at the time of the Span- ish conquest (Bertonio 1984 [1612], vol. The use of a .body metaphoris known for I:A2). In Aymara anco (hanco) means other regions of the Andes (Bastien 1978; "white" and cahua (i.e.: cagua , the "g" and Valderrama and Escalante 1988:206) and is "h" being used interchangeably in the Spanish clearly a way of providing meaning to signifi- writings of the time) means "the last or hin- cant geographical and. cultural features found dermost of a village" (ibid., vol. 2:32, 118). in an area. In this case the focus is on rivers The use of cagua makes sense when one con- and ruins which are united through the meta- siders the location of Maria Fortaleza. It is phor. Based on the long tradition of the body indeed at the hindermost part of the area called metaphor in Andean beliefs (Bastien 1978; Ancocagua Manturca.12 According to Girault Salomon and Urioste 1991 [ca. 1600]), Maria Fortaleza's role as a symbolic center could date back at least to the Inca period. Indeed, 12 The chroniclers consistently spelled Ancocagua with Cusco itself was perceived by the Incas to be a single "c" and not "cc" when referring to the temple the "navel" of the world (Garcilaso 1966 fortress. The double "cc" is distinctive in both [1609]:93). This metaphor suggests one role Quechua and Aymara and indicates forceful pronun- that the deity of Ancocagua may have played. ciation (el, Betanzos 1987 [1551], vol. 2:32,41; Gon- zalez Holguin 1989 [1608]:9-10). Betanzos, in par- We saw above how the name of Maria ticular, was fluent in Quechua and would presumably Fortaleza is believed to have come from the have caught the difference in pronunciation. Thus it Virgin Mary, who was converted to stone. seems unlikely that "ccagua" (the Aymara word for The urine of the woman who called out her "tunic,"; Adelson and Tracht 1983:50) was the word name was the source of a river, i.e., the intended, despite its apparent appropriateness in the Apurimac River after its confluence with the context of Ancocagua, i.e. as being like a "white tunic." Totorani River at the foot of the outcrop. A (This might, however, explain the spelling of the symbolic link between urine, water courses, mountain Anccoccahua discussed in note 5 above.) and fertility has been noted in other regions of I initially searched for possible meanings of Anco- the Andes, including Chumbivilcas not far to cagua in Quechua, but could not find spellings and the west (Roel 1966:25-26) and the Colca meanings that I felt were reasonable alternatives to the Aymara etymology presented here. There is the possi- bility that because in Quechua "anca" means "eagle" 97- Reinhard: Inca Shrine at Ancocagua

(1988:140), anco also has the meaning of setting in an area suited for pastoralism and at "fertile," and this appears to have been the the beginning of the agricultural zone would case during the Inca period (Bertonio 1984 have reinforced the importance of such wor- [1612], vol. 2:118). Use of the term anco be- ship. comes even more understandable when one sees the white coloring of the rocks which These factors all would help explain Maria make up the outcrop of Maria Fortaleza. Fortaleza's regional significance, but it still leaves open the question of why the Incas con- Based on the use of the name Maria and sidered the site to be so important.13 Indeed~ the beliefs noted above, it would seem reason- Cieza listed it as the fourth most important able to assume that the deity of Ancocagua temple in the Inca empire. He would appear was perceived to be female and that it was to have been influenced in his list by someone closely associated with the Apurimac river. with a vested interest in Ancocagua, for surely Maria Fortaleza's strategic situation relative to ceremonial centers such as the Island of the trade between the higWands and coast may Sun and Pachacamac, to name only two, have also carried with it religious connota- could, with more reason, have been on it. But tions. Deities of the hills and mountains were this does not detract from Ancocagua having widely invoked for success in trade, both dur- been held in very high regard among the In- ing the Inca period and in modern times cas. So why was this the case, when any (Reinhard 1990:167). In addition, as we have number of other temples in the empire could seen, the summit complex of Maria Fortaleza have been selected? is within view of both a river confluence and sacred mountains, including snow-capped With Ancocagua there is support for a peaks over 100 km away,. which we know conceptual link between the temple and the were especially sacred to the Incas, and stirely origin of the Apurimac River. As we have long before them (Reinhard 1990, 1991, 1995, seen, the source of the Apurimac River is lo- in prep.). Whateve~ other roles it played, cated to the south of Coporaque, near the town Maria Fortaleza was likely used as a place of of Cailloma (Figure 1). The Apurimac was a worship for obtaining the fertility of crops and river higWy venerated by the Incas (Garcilaso animals. and success in trade. Its ecological 1966 [1609]:527). A temple was built on its banks near a steep gorge downriver from the and cagua could be a variant of "qhaway," "to look," town of Curahuasi, just prior to its descent Ancocagua could mean something like "eagle look- into the tropical lowlands. The main idol was out" (Monica Barnes, personal communication 1994; . female, and the deity Apurimac spoke through cJ, also Angles 1988, vol. 2:593 for his use of"qhawa" this idol (Cobo 1990 [1653]:108). Indeed, for "cagua"). However, I doubt this was the case, since during Manco Capac's rebellion against the the "qh" is like the "cc" noted above, and the "a" and Spanish, the deity spoke to the Inca emperor "0" were not switched in any of the spellings of the in the presence of a Spaniard, Francisco name by the chroniclers. These vowels are distinguish- Martin, who was being held as a. prisoner. able as phonemes in Quechua (as opposed to "u" and The temple's guardian was a woman of the "0" which are allophones of the same phoneme) (Gon- zalez Holguin 1989:9-10; Salomon and Urioste 1991:79, note 307). Furthermore, the name, if 13 It was reported by Celestino that silver mines were Quechua, would lack a nominalizer. Many of the worked in ancient times in one of the two mountains names of the huacas of the Cusco ceque system are also near Suyckutambo, and many other mines were re- best read in Aymara (Beyersdorff in press), supporting ported in the area (Celestino 1982 [1792]:78). The my interpretation of Aconcagua as an Aymara topo- Incas worshiped mountains for their minerals (Cobo nym. Given the Aymara presence in Hatun Canas and 1990 [1653]:45). However, mines were located in the common usage and spelling of both words forming many parts of this region, and it would seem unlikely the name Ancocagua in that language, I believe that it that this was a major reason for the Incas to have con- is not necessary to search elsewhere for the etymology sidered the temple of Ancocagua to be of such impor- of the term. tance. ANDEAN PAST 5 (1998) -98

Inca lineage, and it was one of the most fa- have perceived that it was where the Apurimac mous of the Inca sanctuaries (ibid:l08). River truly began, and thus that it was located at the conceptual, if not the precise, origin The river's name meant "the speaking point. Important rivers converge at or near captain or leader," and it was also called Ca- Maria Fortaleza, and this would also explain pac Mayu, a name indicating that it was a why the name Aconcagua was applied to the major river of the Inca realm (Garcilaso 1966 first river noted as one of its tributaries in the [1609]:527). The use of the phrase "muy an- late 1700s (Celestino 1982 [1792]:75). Inca tiguo" by Cieza de Leon to denote the temple sites in and near the valley below Maria For-' of Ancocagua, the statement of Betanzos that taleza indicate that the area was of signifi- the Incas had to defeat local people at Anco- cance to the Incas. Assuming that Ancocagua cagua, and the archaeological remains, in- was already a place of worship for the indige- cluding fine ceremonial pottery dating to the nous peoples, the Incas would have gained Middle Horizon, all point to Ancocagua as a prestige and economic/political control by place of worship for the people of the area building up the site and making substantial prior to the arrival of the Incas. The Incas contributions to it. This is a tactic that they may have added to its importance by relating used in several other areas (Albornoz 1984 it conceptually to the source of the Apurimac [ca. 1582]; Salomon and Urioste 1991 [ca. River. 1600]; Reinhard 1985).

It is suggestive that the temple of ViI- In summary, I have used the following canota, noted as the third most important tem- evidence to identify Maria Fortaleza as Acon- ple in the Inca empire by Cieza de Leon (1977 cagua: 1. It is located in the province called [1554]:106), was located ~t the pass of La Hatun Canas at the time of the Spanish con- Raya, the source of the ViIcanota River and at quest, and it is in the precise area which can the divide of two major river systems (Rein- be deduced from the list of communities and hard 1991:38, 1995). Cusco, the center of the rivers noted in the historical sources. 2. Its Inca empire, lies between the Apurimac and physical description matches that provided by ViIcanota river systems (Figure 1), and we the chroniclers in that it is situated on an out- know that the Incas paid considerable atten- crop with steep cliffs, and opposite a hilltop at tion to hydrology and attributed ritual impor- nearly the same elevation. It is fortified and tance to river sources (Sherbondy 1982).14 virtually inaccessible. 3..It contains some of Rivers were also fertility sources which par- the most important Inca and pre-Inca ar- took of the powers and sacred characters of chaeological remains in the area, including the mountains at their sources (Reinhard artifacts suggesting a religious significance for 1991:37-38). the site. 4. The climate fits the description of the chroniclers, and the site is in an area where Maria Fortaleza is situated on an outcrop brush and branches could be obtained (as de- overlooking the first wide valley which the scribed for the siege); such vegetation was not Apurimac entered that was both of agricultural available at higher elevations. 5. The name and pastoral significance. Along with the fact Ancocagua is used to denote the area in which that many minor tributaries contribute to the the site is located. 6. The site is the only one origin of the Apurimac River, it is possible that has a Spanish name, a name which in turn that the place called Ancocaua, noted in 1586 indicates both the site's fortress aspect and as being at its source (Fornee 1965 [1586]:28), suggests a religious role. 7. Local tradition was the temple of that name. The Incas may points to the religious significance of the site and its location. 8. Its location, in terms of both sacred and physical geography, provides 14 We know the significance that dualism had in Inca a reasonable explanation for why the Incas thought, and the Incas may have also viewed the temple considered it to be of such religious impor- of Ancocagua as fonning a logical counterpart to the tance. 9. The meaning of the name of Anco- templeofVilcanota. . cagua is appropriate for the site. 10. No other 99- Reinhard: Inca Shrine at Ancocagua

known site in the area meets the description of noted by the Incas interviewed by the Span- the chroniclers. Given all the evidence, it iards after the mid-1500s. seems likely that Maria Fortaleza is Anco- cagua. Ancocagua was not an exception in this regard, because Vilcanota and Coropunal6 This still leaves us, however, with the (noted as being third and fifth in Cieza dC? question of why Ancocagua was noted by few Leon's list of the five most important Inca chroniclers, yet was described as being so im- temples) were also not described in any detail portant by Cieza de Leon.15 Writing in the in later chronicles (Reinhard 1995, in prep.). mid-1500s, both Cieza de Leon and Betanzos Although Vilcanota was mentioned occasion- were among the earliest chroniclers of Inca ally, this seems to have been due to its having religion following the Spanish conquest of been situated on a major route used by the 1532. Cieza de Leon (1977 [1554]:107) noted Spaniards, and to Inca priests having annually that Ancocagua had been looted only three made pilgrimages to it from Cusco (Molina years after the Spaniards won the battle for 1959 [1575]:38). Being situated in relatively Cusco. By the late 1500s, when several ac- isolated areas and having their exact locations counts of Inca religion were being written, it unknown, both Ancocagua and re- would have been a distant memory. ceived little attention from historians and ar- chaeologists. The site at Maria Fortaleza had been aban- doned after the Spanish conquest (no colonial Although this article helps to clarify some remains were found on the. summit), and the issues relating to Ancocagua, while admittedly Spanish presence in the area was maintained raising others, the temple's meaning has yet to instead in settlements built in the valley below be well established. Nonetheless, this exami- the site. By all appearances, they simply re- nation of the evidence relating to Ancocagua named the site, placed a cross on it (according serves to focus attention on a site of great im- to local lore), and presumably restricted access portance to the Incas, and it helps further our to it, because there is little evidence of a later understanding of Inca beliefs in one of the occupation. Currently, only local pastoralists lesser known regions of their empire. 17 take their sheep to graze on the summit. It was a common practice for the Spaniards to build a chapel or church on an important sa- cred site, but they did build a church at the site of Mauccallacta not far downriver from Anco- 16 Near the Mountain Coropuna in southwestern Peru cagua, and this would have served the Spanish (Reinhard in prep.). settlers and native peoples (Angles 1988, vol. 2:598, 601; Bonnett 1983:56). Ancocagua 17The temple of Ancocagua may also contribute to our apparently played no enduring role in Inca understanding of an Inca ceremonial site on the moun- mythology, because it was not especially tain of Aconcagua over a thousand miles distant (Scho- binger 1991, 1995). At 6,960 m, it is the highest mountain in the Andes and is located in the southern tip 15 The chronicler Vasquez de Espinosa (1948 of the Inca empire in west-central . As we [1617]:558) stated that the temple of Viracocha at saw in note 3 above, Aconcagua was an alternative Cacha (Rajchi)was called Ancocagua. His account spelling for Ancocagua in the accounts of both Cieza de was written in 1617, much later than those of Cieza de Le6n and Betanzos. Le6n and Betanzos, and he clearly confused Ancocagua We know that the Incas sent colonists to populate with Rajchi (Cieza de Le6n 1984 [1553]:223). An idol areas in distant parts of their empire and also that these of a deity called Ancocagua (written Hanco Caua in the colonists reestablished their traditional deities in the original text) was confiscated by Catholic priests in the new areas (Albornoz 1984 [ca. 1582]:198). Thus the late 1500s far to the west of Coporaque (MilIones possibility exists that colonists from the region of An- 1990:274), but it is unclear if this was meant to repre- cocagua could have been responsible for both the name sent the deity worshiped at the temple of Ancocagua. of the mountain and the ritual sacrifices performed high on its slopes during the Inca period. ANDEAN PAST 5 (1998) -100

Acknowledgements los archivos de Arequipa y Sevilla, edited by Padre Victor M. Barriga, Mercedario. Volume 2, pp. 42- 53. Arequipa: La Colmena. The writing of this article was made possible Arriaga, Pablo Jose de thanks to a fellowship (No. ROM22297-91) 1968 [1621] The Extirpation of Idolatry in Peru, from the National Endowment for the Hu- translated by L. Clark Keating. Lexington: Uni- manities. My research on sacred geography in versity of Kentucky Press. the Cusco region has involved numerous visits Barrionuevo, Alfonsina 1971 Chiaraqe. Allpanchis 3:79-84. Cusco. undertaken since 1981. The organizations that Bastien, Joseph supplied the principal financing for this re- 1978 Mountain of the Condor: Metaphor and Ritual search are Rolex Montres, the Organization of in an Andean Ayllu. New York: West Publishing. American States, the National Geographic So- Bertonio, Ludovico ciety, and the Social Science Research Coun- 1984 [1612] Vocabulario de la lengua Aymara. . Cochabamba: CERES. cil, with additional support provided by Jo- Betanzos, Juan de seph and Sharon Richardson, and Bob and 1987 [1551) Suma y narracion de los Incas, edited NancyMerritt. Research in the Department of by Maria del Carmen Martin Rubio. Madrid: Cusco was greatly facilitated by the National Ediciones Atlas. Institute of Culture and its directors Gustavo Beyersdorff, Margot in press Suggested Glosses of Huaca Names. Ap- Manrique, Oscar NUfiez del Prado, Danilo pendix 3 in The Sacred Landscape of the Incas, by Pallardel, and Femin Dias. For the past few Brian S. Bauer. Austin: University of Texas Press. years I have been a Senior Research Fellow of Bonnett, Percy The Mountain Institute, Franklin, West Vir- 1983 Sitios arqueol6gicos de Espinar: Restos de ginia and a Research Associate of the Field Mauka-LIaqta. Arqueologia Andina 1:56-61. Celestino, Pedro Museum of Natural History, .Chicago. I would 1982 [1792] Descripci6n €orogrMica de la Provincia like to express my gratitude to all of these de Tinta. In Kanchi: La Provincia de Canchis a people and institutions for their support. traves de su historia, edited by Vicente Guerra, pp. 74-78. : Editora Humboldt. References Cited . Chavez, Sergio 1988 Archaeological Reconnaissance in the Prov- Adelson, Laurie and Arthur Tracht ince of Chumbivilcas, South Highland Peru. Ex- 1983 Aymara Weavings. Washington, DC: Smith- sonian Institution Press. pedition 30(3):27-38. Cieza de Le6n, Pedro Agurto, Santiago 1977 [1554] EI Seiiorio de los Incas. Lima: Edito- 1987 Estudios acerca de la construccion, arquitec- rial Universo. tura, y planeamiento incas. Lima: Camara Peru- 1984 [1553] La cronica del Peru. Lima: Editorial ana de la Construcci6n. Inca. Albornoz, Crist6bal de Cobo, Bernabe 1984 [ca. 1582) Instrucci6n para descubrir todas las 1990 [1653] Inca Religion and Customs, translated guacas del PirU y sus camayos y haziendas. In and edited by Roland Hamilton. Austin: Univer- "Albornoz y el espacio ritual andino prehispanico", sity of Texas Press. edited by Pierre Duviols. Revista Andina 2(1):169- 222. Duviols, Pierre Allen, Catherine 1974-1976 Une petite chronique retrouvee: Errores, ritos, supersticiones y ceremonias de los yndios de 1988 The Hold Life Has. Washington, DC: Smith- la prouincia de Chinchaycocha y otras del Piru. sonian Institution Press. Journal de la Societe des Americanistes 63:275-97. Angles Vargas, Victor 1988 Historia del Cusco Incaico. 3 volumes. Lima: Flores, Jorge 1988 Mitos y canciones ceremoniales en comunida- V. Angles. des de Puna. In Llamichos y Paqocheros: Pastores Aparicio, Manuel de llamas y alpacas, edited by Jorge Flores, pp. 1982 Historia de la Provincia de Canchis. In Kan- 237-251. Cusco: Centro de Estudios Andinos. chi: La Provincia de Canchis a traves de su histo- Fornee, Niculoso de ria, edited by Vicente Guerra, pp. 85-121. Lima: Editora Humboldt. 1965 [1586] Descripci6n de la tierra del corre- Archivo General de Indias gimiento de Abancay. In Relaciones Geograficas de Indias - Peru, edited by Marcos Jimenez de la 1940 Probanza de servicios del Presbitero Rodrigo Espada. Volume 2, pp. 16-29. Madrid: Ediciones Bravo para presentar a S.M. y al Consejo de Indias, Atlas. Cusco, 23 de diciembre 1538. Legajo 93, No.8, Garcilaso de la Vega, el Inca Rama 4 [old numeration]. In Documentos para la 1966 [1609] The Royal Commentaries of the Inca historia de Arequipa, /534-/575: Documentos de and General History of Peru. Part One, translated 101- Reinhard: Inca Shrine at Ancocagua

by H.V. Livermore. Austin: University of Texas Hispanica. Volume 2. Madrid: Consejo Superior Press. de Investigaciones Cientfficas, Instituto Santo To- Gasparini, Graziano and Luise Margolies ribio de Mogrovejo. 1980 Inca Architecture, translated by Patricia J. Pardo, Luis Lyon. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. 1948 Dos fortalezas antiguas poco conocidas, Huac- Girault, Louis crapucara. y Molloccahua. Revista del Instituto y 1988 Rituales en las regiones andinas. La Paz: Museo Arqueol6gico 12:3-23. Cusco. CERES. Pizarro y Orellana, Fernando Glave, Luis 1639 Varones i/vstres del Nvevo Mundo. Madrid: 1987 Sociedad, poder y organizacion andinas: el sur Diego Diaz de la Carrera. peruano hacia el siglo XVII. In Comunidades Quirita, Rosa Alicia and Maritza Rosa Candia campesinas: cambios y permanencias, edited by 1994 Arqueologia de Maria Fortaleza (Tacra- Heraclio Bonilla, pp. 61-94. Lima: Ediciones chullo), Cuenca del Apurimac-Espinar. Unpub- Exodo. lished thesis. Cusco: Universidad Nacional San Gonzalez Holguin, Diego Antonio Abad del Cusco. 1989 [1608] Vocabulario de la lengua general de Reinhard, Johan todo el Peru /lamada lengua Qquichua 0 del Inca. . 1985 Sacred Mountains:An Ethno-Archaeological Lima: Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Mar- Study of High Andean Ruins. Mountain Research cos. and Development 5(4):299-317. Boulder, Colo- Gorbak, Celina, Mirtha Lischetti, and Carmen Paula rado. Muiioz 1990 Tiahuanaco, Sacred Center of the Andes. In 1962 Batallas rituales del Chiaraje y del Tocto de la The Cultural Guide of , edited by Peter Provincia de Kanas (Cuzco-Peru). Revista del McFarren, pp. 151-181. La Paz: Fundacion Museo Nacional31 :245-304. Lima. Quipus. Gow, Rosalind and Bernabe Condori 1991 : The Sacred Center. Lima: 1982 Kay Pacha. Cusco: Centro de' Estudios Rura- Nuevas Imagenes. les Andinas. 1995 House of the Sun: The Inca Temple of Vil- Gow, David and Rosalind Gow canota. Latin American Antiquity 6:340-349. 1975 La alpaca en el mito y el ritual. Allpanchis in prep. Coropuna: Mountain Temple of the Incas. In 8:141-174. . Architecture and Ritudl Space as Sacred Land- Guaman Poma de Ayala, Felipe scape, edited by D. Gundrum, M. Aviles, and R. 1980 [1615] El primer nueva cor6nica y buen go- Connolly. bierno. 3 volumes, edited by John V. Murra and Roel, Josafath Rolena Adorno, with Quechua translated by Jorge 1966 Creencias y practicas religiosas en la Provincia Urioste. Mexico: Siglo Veintiuno Editores. de Chumbivilcas. Historia y Cultura 1(5):25-32. Hemming, John Lima. 1970 The Conquest of the Incas. New York: Har- Ross, Peter court Brace Jovanovich. 1980 El Cerro Mismi, fuente ultima del Rio Ama- Herrera y Tordesillas, Antonio de zonas. Revista del CIADAM (Centro de Investiga- 1615 Historia general de los hechos de los castella- ciones Arqueologicas de Alta Montana, Argentina) nos en las islas i tierra firme del Mar Oceano. 4:27-29. Madrid: Juan de la Cuesta. Salomon, Frank and George L. Urioste Hinojosa, Ivan 1991 [ca.1600] The Huarochiri Manuscript. Austin: 1987 Poblacion y conflictos campesinos en Copo- University of Texas Press. raque (Espinar): 1770-1784. In Comunidades Schobinger, Juan campesinas: cambios y permanencias, edited by 1991 Sacrifices of the High Andes. Natural History Heraclio Bonilla, pp. 229-256. Lima: Ediciones . 100(4):62-69. Exodo. 1995 Aconcagua un enterratorio incaico a 5.300 Isbell, Billie Jean metros de a/tura. Mendoza: privately published. 1978 To Defend Ourselves: Ecology and Ritual in Sherbondy, Jeanette an Andean Village. Austin: University of Texas 1982 El regadio, los lagos y los mitos de origen. Press. A/lpanchis 20:3-32. McIntyre, Loren Valderrama, Ricardo and Carmen Escalante 1991 Amazonia. San Francisco: Sierra ClubBooks. 1988 Del Tata Mallku a la Mamapacha. Lima: Millones, Luis (editor) Centro de Estudios y Promocion del Desarrollo. 1990 El Retorno de las Huacas. Lima: Instituto de Vasquez de Espinoza, Antonio Estudios Peruanos. 1948 [1617] Compendio y descripci6n de las lndias Molina, Cristobal de occidentales. Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collec- 1959 [1575] Ritos y fabulas de los Incas. Buenos tions. Volume 108. Washington, DC: Smithsonian Aires: Editorial Futuro. Institution. Murua, Martin de 1946 [1590] Historia del origeny genealogia real de los Reyes Incas del Peru. Biblioteca Missionalia ANDEAN PAST 5 (1998) -102

Table 1. Tribute paying population according to landholding units (repartimientos) in the prov- inces of Canas and Canchis in 1575 and 1812. From Glave 1987.

Repartimientos 1575 1812

Checacupe - Hilave 488 211 Cangalla 115 368 Combapata 161 70 Combapata - Chiara 118 171 Tinta 671 441 Cacha 323 445 San Pablo (Charrachapi) 59 129 Sicuana 400 1,162 Lurucache 322 179 Maranganf 120 200 Yanaoca 679 350 Languisupa 256 157 Layosupa 227 239 Checasupa 322 515 Pichigua 922 510 Yaure 660 651 Coporaque 239 393 Ancocaua 29 172

TOTAL 6,111 6,363 103- Reinhard: Inca Shrine at Aconcagua

Location of site of Marla Fortaleza in the Upper Apurrmac Valley Southern Peru . ToWns and Inca sites .. Mountains ~ Lake {-..,-" Snowfields

,'- ,'1,-.. ., \, I ...' ~ Ausangate , ,~ ,'"p372m , .. ' ',', ,"~',:" " '.1"" , ,I ,, , , ,,.J , N (..., ( '\ \)" ~.

,~ *', , t l. Chimbol/a ..., 5472m

. . Ca10m ~

ViIs'ro Lako / 50 ~.f 0 ~ -J)g " Mismi~ ~ KM .5596m

Figure 1. A map of the region in which the temple of Ancocagua was located, including sites, towns, and geographical features noted in the text. ANDEAN PAST 5 (1998) -104

Figure 2. The rocky outcrop of Maria Fortaleza rises above the confluence of the Apurimac and Totorani Rivers. The main archaeological complex is found on the summit of the outcrop in the upper center of the photograph. . 105- Reinhard: Inca Shrine at Aconcagua

MARIA FORTALEZA Approx. 74°40'$ 72°00'W

Co;) Circular structures ~ Structures .. Funerary towers and tombs .-::e...::::.Rock. . ". Walls ,,-" Trail Contour Interval 20 meter$

Figure 3. Plan of the ruins of Maria Fortaleza (after Quirita and Candia 1994). ANDEAN PAST 5 (1998) -106

Figure 4. The notch between the outcrop of Maria Fortaleza (at the upper left) and the hill to the right is clearly visible. A large Inca structure can be seen in the lower left-center of the photo- graph. 107- Reinhard: Inca Shrine at Aconcagua

Figure 5. This Inca structure stands in the route of access to the swnmit ruins of Maria Fortal- eza. ANDEAN PAST 5 (1998) -108

Figure 6. One of the many chullpas (funerary towers) found on the summit of the outcrop of Maria Fortaleza. Person in photo is Alicia Quirita.