Revitalizing the Medina of Tunis As a National Symbol

Home , Dar Ben Abdallah, Dar Lasram, Dar Othman, Medina of Tunis, Tunis

2008 Vol. 62 · No. 2· 129–141

REVITALIZING THE MEDINA OF TUNIS AS A NATIONAL SYMBOL

Anton Escher and Marianne Schepers

With 2 tables and 2 supplements (II, III) Received 07 May 2007 · Accepted 26 October 2007

Summary: Many Arab old towns in Maghreb and in South West Asia have been gripped by a fundamental and dynamic urban renewal during the 20th century. While the renewal process in most old towns can be attributed to global dynamics, the actors involved in the old town of Tunis are almost exclusively from a local and national level. This paper aims to highlight the processes and strategies for revitalizing the old town of Tunis, to analyse its motives and explain why the renewal process is spurred by local interest instead of global dynamics. For instance, the medina serves primarily as a national symbol. The symbolic significance of the old town of Tunis in terms of establishing identity coincides with the strategies of a state- funded revitalization process and increasing efforts to showcase the old town.

Zusammenfassung: Zahlreiche arabische Altstädte im Maghreb und in Vorderasien wurden im 20. Jahrhundert von einer grundlegenden Dynamik der Erneuerung erfasst. Während in den meisten Altstädten die Erneuerungsprozesse auf eine globale Dynamik zurückzuführen sind, finden sich im Fall der Altstadt von Tunis die Akteure fast ausschließlich auf lokaler und nationaler Ebene. Dieser Artikel zielt darauf ab, die Prozesse und Strategien der Revitalisierung der Altstadt von Tunis aufzuzeigen, ihre Hintergründe zu analysieren und herauszuarbeiten, warum der Erneuerungsprozess einem lokalen Inter- esse statt einer globalen Dynamik geschuldet ist. Dabei steht die Medina als nationales Symbol im Vordergrund. Die symbolische Bedeutung der Altstadt von Tunis in Bezug auf die Identitätsbildung geht einher mit den Strategien einer staatlich geförderten Revitalisierung und einer zunehmenden Inszenierung der Altstadt.

Keywords: Urban development, urban geography, Arab old town, Maghreb, identity, revitalization, mise-en-scène, Tunisia, medina.

Introduction In 1979, together with the old towns of Damascus and Cairo, the medina of Tunis was one of the first Planning and preserving the old town of Tunis Arab old towns to be designated by UNESCO as a has been a topic of national interest in Tunisia and World Heritage Site. The medina of Tunis can be re- has attracted the attention from the western world garded as the best, scientifically researched Arab old since the mid-20th century. For instance, in 1967, town. There are a wide variety of studies performed the Association de Sauvegarde de la Médina de by European, American and Arab architects, urban Tunis (ASM), a society for protecting the old town planners, geographers and sociologists, that not only of Tunis, which focuses on furthering scientific re- deal with the structural situation but also with the search, preserving and ensuring a sustainable revi- society of the medina. In addition to that, studies talization of the technical infrastructure and tra- are also available on the economic and social situ- ditional residential quarter of the old town, was ation of the medina. Noteworthy examples include founded at the suggestion of the mayor of Tunis.1) papers by Eckert (1970), Revault (1980, 1983), Zannad Bouchara (1984, 1995), Wagner (1996), Larguèche (1999) and Zeghlache (2004). There 1) The Association de Sauvegarde de la Médina de Tunis are also extensive scientific studies, which focus on (ASM) carries out research, planning, development and res- the historical and urban planning perspectives of the toration projects etc. together with the city council of Tunis old town of Tunis, such as the works of Daoulatli (Muncipalité), the Agence de réhabilitation et de rénovation urbaine (ARRU) and the Ministry of Tourism und Culture, in particu- (1976), Hakim (1986), Woodfort (1988) and Sebag lar the subsection of the Institute Nationale du Patrimoine (INP). (1959, 2000). McGuinness (1997) provides an excel-

DOI: 10.3112/erdkunde.2008.02.03 ISSN 0014-0015 http://www.giub.uni-bonn.de/erdkunde 130 Vol. 62· No. 2 lent analysis of the interaction between politics, ur- Formen (Cassirer 1994), it plays an integral role in ban planning and ideology taking the old town of the shaping and understanding of life-world reality Tunis as an example. for the people of Tunisia; as a symbol the medina Just 12 years ago, Gangler and Ribbeck (1994) of Tunis lends identity (Schwemmer 2006). It speaks asked a question, which actually applied to almost for itself and unites the people of Tunisia “against all old towns of the Arab culture area: “Is it possible all rationality” (Soeffner 2004, 165). This symbolic to save the medina still?” Nearly every old town in meaning of Tunis’ medina did not always exist, how- North Africa and Near East seemed to be falling ever. Instead it evolved over the course of various inevitably into disrepair. Since then, the situation has ideological attributions and processes. The medina of changed considerably. Many Arab old towns are Tunis was established by Arab tribes, which settled no longer abandoned to decay slowly but are now at the location of the old Tunes after conquering the gripped by dynamic renewal. That is especially true region during the 7th century AD. Historically speak- for towns and cities in Morocco and Syria. In the ing, the significance of the city of Tunis began to old town of Marrakesh, for instance, residential flourish in the mid-12th century, when Tunis was the buildings are being bought primarily by Europeans capital of Ifriquia (Sebag 2000, 631). The identity of and renovated and frequently used as guesthouses the city and country is established after the mid-16th (Escher et al. 2001). An improvement that is now century, when the rulers of the city lay claim to dom- defining the old town of Damascus is the opening ination over the country. The name of the city Tunis of restaurants for international guests (Escher is extended to the entire country (Sebag 2000, 633f.). 2001). The renewal processes described are usually During the French protectorship of Tunisia, a “sec- part of global contexts; the predominantly tourism- ond”, new westernized city, inhabited by Europeans oriented use ensures the preservation of buildings and referred to as ville nouvelle or ville européenne, started and structures and contributes to transforming to evolve as of 1881 right next to the medina2). This the given infrastructure and character of the old city, which is different in morphological, functional towns. and social terms, forms the antithesis to the medina. The situation in the medina of Tunis is differ- The medina is marked off as another urban form by ent, however. Compared to Moroccan old towns, the ville nouvelle. Owing to this contrast, the medi- it is evident that, in spite of local efforts and the na is able to evolve into something special – a unique interests, it attracted internationally early on, there specimen. This is facilitated and reinforced by the is little evidence of the global dynamics that is cur- fact that the architecture of the buildings and neigh- rently characterizing many old towns of the Arab bourhoods that have developed in Tunis during the world. For instance, there are almost no foreign- subsequent years was modelled primarily on Europe. owned real estate properties in the old town of Thus, the cornerstone was laid for the medina’s cur- Tunis. Nevertheless, the old town and preservation rent symbolic meaning, which has evolved through efforts continue to gain more and more importance interaction of foreign and domestic influences, as is for the people of Tunisia. In this case, the actors to be illustrated. are almost exclusively local and national. To under- During the French protectorate, the medina was stand which processes and strategies are driving the viewed by all actors at that time as the antithesis to preservation of the old town of Tunis, it is necessary the ville nouvelle. This difference is based on morpho- to discuss the symbolic meaning the old town of logical opposites. The layout of the old town focuses Tunis has before addressing the state-aided revitali- inwardly, as can be seen in the closed-off culs-de- zation and the increasing mise-en-scène of Tunis’ sac and the Arab residential houses, where the inte- old town. After all, these strategies for revitalizing rior is arranged around the center. The ville nouvelle, the medina of Tunis are singular and unique in the however, is dominated by an open, angular and wide Arab world. design and layout of streets, the buildings are multi-

1 Tunis’ medina as a symbol of national iden- 2) The Arabic word “medina” does not refer to any spe- tity cial quarter or neighbourhood of a city like old town. Instead it is just the word for “town”.�� In French, however, the expres- sion “médina” has come to mean old town. The people of Today, the medina of Tunis is an architectural Tunisia have in the meantime adopted in their French lan- symbol that has great significance for the national guage use the French meaning of “médina” such that it has identity of Tunisia. In the context of the Symbolische now also become the proper name for the Arab old town. 2008 A. Escher and M. Schepers: Revitalizing the medina of Tunis as a national symbol 131 storeyed, with front windows facing outwards. The champ de la rationalité, rejetant ainsi la société tradi- buildings here with their European spirit differ com- tionnelle et ses productions culturelles dans celui de pletely from the buildings in the old town. Based on l’irrationalité“. It is interesting to note that the argu- these contrasts, both the French and Tunisian actors ments previously used by the protectorate govern- provided completely different ideological attributes. ment have been adopted. The medina is referred to as For the protectorate government, the medina sym- an “archaïsme, cause et symbole de la décadence his- bolized the backwardness of the Tunisian people, torique” (Abdelkafi 1989, 252). It becomes a symbol and this was equated with the irrational, as described for opposing western rationality and thus progress by Berque (1958, 33f.): “Irrationnel, déraisonnable: and advancement. Moreover, it is associated with the ou du moins ce qui semble tel. Et telle apparaît la decadent and wasteful life of Tunisia’s bourgeoisie médina à ses nouveaux occupants. Telle elle apparaît and the Bey government. It also bears, as a symbol of encore là où elle se conserve, encore que, de notre decadence, responsibility for the conditions resulting côté, la méfiance du soldat et l’effroi, de l’ingénieur se in the development of the colonial rule over Tunis soient mués, respectivement, en critiques de l’urba- (Abdelkafi 1989, 232). This in turn diminishes the niste et en émois de l’esthète. Le dangereux s’est ainsi religious symbolism of the medina. The historical di- mué en «insalubre» ou en «pittoresque».” The streets mension, however, remains preserved. At the same of the Arab city were characterized by the protector- time, the negative attributes result in a cultural defi- ate government as a “tangle”, whereas the social life cit, after all the traditional values generated by the in the medina, which was incomprehensible for the Tunisian culture are dismissed without allowing for Europeans, was construed as a “chaotic hustle and a gradual adoption of western values (Schulze 1994). bustle”. Consequently, the protectorate government As a result, a new nation evolves which is bereft of identified the French way of life and European ur- any cultural identity and local entrenchment in fig- ban development policies as superior social organi- urative terms. Although, according to Abdelkafi zational structures that legitimized a French hegem- (1989, 232f.), the Ministry of Culture is charged with ony over Tunisia. The medina, the “ghetto musulman”, creating a new, national culture and thus the basis of became an accessory of the “actual” town, the ville a national identity, this authority indulges in empty nouvelle (Abdelkafi 1989, 251). discussions about history and authenticity. Between On the other hand, the Tunisian people and the 1969 and 1974, Tunisia suffered an identity crisis; by political resistance movement in Tunisia view the the mid-1970’s transformation started to take place medina positively; after all, it serves the locals not gradually; the Arab traditions once again became only as an identifying symbol but also the active more important for cultural life and national iden- resistance as an ideal basis for action. Since the tity (Abdelkafi 1989, 233). And with that, the sig- mid-20th century, the medina has become the focus nificance of the medina is on the rise again. Starting of political, national and cultural discussion. At in the historical area of the medina, a movement is the same time, the people of Tunisia have become developing once more. This movement views the more committed to traditional and religious values. medina as a symbol of national identity and cultural The image of the medina, which arises from these authenticity. Religious values and Muslim symbols attributes, is ideologically charged and politically gain popularity again. “Islam in its idealized original instrumentalized. In short: the medina became a form evolves as a counterbalance to European iden- symbol for the resistance against the colonial yoke tity” (Schulze 1994, 15) and the medina increasingly (Abdelkafi 1989, 251). serves as a symbol and anchor for the sought-after After Tunisia gained its independence in 1957, illusion of an idealized Islamic society. Cultural iden- the medina changed its role remarkably for the po- tity and social principles become merged (Béji 1982, litical designers of the new country. The ideological 113f.). Hakim (1986) focuses on this topic by taking attributes of the Tunisians were changing their para- the old town of Tunis as a model to illustrate the nor- digm. The attributes which were positive until then mative principles of social organization for Muslim became negative. An attempt is made to establish a urban planning. Politically speaking, the medina acts national identity that does not relate to the medina as a social mirror during the period of the identity society (Eckert 1970), but instead differentiates itself crisis and is now finally a symbol of national identity. from it while tying in with the democratic rational- The medina is becoming a Kollektivsymbol (Soeffner ity of the Europeans. By making reference to Béji 2004), which constitutes the community. As a “sign (1982), Abdelkafi (1989, 232) states: „Le Nouvel for an unshakable community” and due to its sym- État inscrit son action de modernisation dans le bolic character in this regard, the old town merges 132 Vol. 62· No. 2

“opposites into a uniformity, unsynchronized events tural embellishment and to redefine as an effort to into simultaneous events and coexistence into an preserve the existing order. Taking up cultural tradi- entity” (Soeffner 2004, 163). It is not sufficient, tions is especially effective for such instrumentaliza- however, to talk about the medina as a symbol of tion, since it represents reversion to a common own- cultural identity. Instead, it is necessary to address ership of beliefs and principles” (Schwemmer 2006, the kasbah, or to be more precise, the spot where the 14). In this case, the ‘symbolic medina’ is based on kasbah used to stand, as a representative place of na- interaction and legitimizing the claims to authority, tional authority. This is where the production of na- establishing identity, and the constitution of the cul- tional identity is attributed to in terms of symbolism tural community. and ideology. With regard to the location of Tunis’ It is clear that an identity is perceived between town hall (Hôtel de ville de Tunis), which was built after Tunis’ medina and that of the nation Tunisia, which gaining its independence, a brochure published by is also established linguistically: one and the same the Institut National du Patrimoine (INP, 2005) states: word in Arabic describes both the city of Tunis and “ �Lee choix du site de la �K�a��sbah pour abriter une �œ�u�- the nation Tunisia. Based on the foregoing state- vre architecturale aussi importante comme celui de ments it follows that the medina of Tunis is not only l’hôtel de ville de Tunis, est strictement symbolique”. a symbol among other symbols of the Tunisian so- The symbolic and representative significance of the ciety, but also the national symbol per se, since it is place of the former kasbah, and this is a peculiar- an element of the society and symbolizes the entire ity of Tunis, stems from the fact that this location society while representing it as a symbol.4) Therefore, served as the seat of Tunis’ rulers since the end of the the Tunisian authorities are pursuing in accord with 12th century almost without interruption. According the Tunisian society a preferably national revitaliza- to Woodford (1988), this tradition sealed the fate of tion and Tunisian structuring of the medina. Tunis as capital city. That is why it is not surprising that following Tunisia’s independence the first government maintained this seat of government and set 2 Strategic goals and ideological contexts for up many ministries here besides the seat of the prime shaping the medina minister, even though it abandoned many Tunisian traditions in many other issues (Woodford 1988, The strategic goals for shaping the medina are 74). By selecting the site of the former kasbah, a clear to be viewed in direct connection with the symbolic signal is sent, emphasizing the significance of pre- significance of the medina and the significance of colonial traditions in order to legitimize the claim to the old town for the national identity of the nation national authority historically and create a starting Tunisia. First of all, the point is to brand the me- point for a national identity, as an ASM representative dina as a cultural asset and to vitalize it. The medina explains: „Voyez ici la kasbah, c’est la citadelle, c’est should be presented as the ideal place for the people le quartier militaire, politique, administratif, comme of Tunisia. In this case, it should accommodate the avant …“ (Interview 1, May 17, 2005).3) The sym- entire stratification of all social classes of the nation bolization is tied closely with the goal to “increase and thus serve as a reflection or miniature version of domestic political or economic interests through cul- Tunisia to a certain extent. According to staff mem- bers of ASM: “C’est un peu notre rôle de garder cet 3) The study is based on surveys conducted between équilibre […] Ce mixe sociale, il faut le réussir à le 2005 and 2007. The paper makes reference hereinafter to the garder. Il ne faut pas la perdre même avec un pré- following interviews: texte de socialisme trop poussé, ni avec le prétexte Interview 1 with department head of ASM; May 17, 2005 in ce qu’on appelle «gentrification» d’embourgeosise- Tunis. ment” (Interview 10, March 22, 2007). That is why Interview 2 with director of ASM; May 18, 2005 in Tunis. Interview 3 with employee 1 of ASM; Sept. 2, 2005 in Tunis. the image of the medina is to be limited to “typically” Interview 4 with employee 2 of ASM; Oct. 20, 2005 in Tunis. Tunisian representative elements. Mouhli (2005, 11) Interview 5, 6, 7 with residents of Hafsia; Nov. 12/13/15, 2005 in Tunis. Interview 8 with student of University of Manouba; Oct. 11, 4) The fact that the symbolic function primarily involves 2005 in Tunis only the medina and not the entire city of Tunis can be ex- Interview 9 with building owner in the medina; Aug. 15, 2006 plained by looking at the historical entrenchment of the me- in Tunis. dina in Arab history and the significance of its originally Arab Interview 10 with employee 2 of ASM; Mar. 22, 2007 in architecture. Both are prerequisites that are not present in the Tunis. other neighbourhoods of Tunis. 2008 A. Escher and M. Schepers: Revitalizing the medina of Tunis as a national symbol 133 maps out the major steps that have been undertaken obsolete, it is necessary to find new purposes. “The in the meantime while renovating the medina in or- fundamental approach to appreciating this heritage der to stop the progressive decay of residential ar- is to restore it, and to follow a new relocation pro- eas in the medina: “De grands pas ont été franchis gramme if the original function no longer exists” dans le domaine de la sauvegarde et la protection du (Akrout-Yaiche 2004, 68). On a legal level the goals tissu traditionnel, dans l’installation et l’amélioration should be safeguarded through measures such as cre- des infrastructures, l’assainissement des problèmes ating a development plan and establishing stringent sociaux, de la surdensification et de l’habitat insalu- specifications for implementing structural changes bre ainsi que dans la revalorisation de l’image de la in the medina (ASM 1981 and ASM undated). médina et la sensibilisation des promoteurs privés à Tourism-oriented use and the aim to preserve the y investir.” This clearly shows that the measures do medina as a symbol of national identity can easily be not only involve buildings but also social and public inconsistent with each other. To ensure the establish- life in the city. Buildings, structures and infrastruc- ment of an identity, it is necessary to guarantee that ture are only viewed as a starting point for preserv- visiting the medina also appeals to local residents and ing and renovating the medina. In addition to that, that its image does not become characterized by mass particular attention is placed on shaping the image tourism. The medina was not declared formally as of the medina, as can be seen in the publication of zone touristique5). A medina that is kept alive by means ASM (1990) Pour la promotion de la médina. Projets et of mass tourism is not the goal of revitalization. réalisation 1980 … 1990 (cf. Section 4). The visual im- Instead, it is desirable to establish a culture-oriented age of the medina must be linked strategically with tourism that should contribute to attracting individu- reference points so that the images can be assigned. al travellers (Interview 4, Oct. 20, 2005). In fact, the “… c’est devenu à la mode, non, ici, c’est pour créer suqs, especially around the Djemaa Zitouna, are char- des références visuelles pour la restauration, pour les acterized in particular by the tourist travel groups at habitants […] ils n’ont pas beaucoup de références certain times of the day. Nonetheless, tourism in the visuelles, bien qu’ils soient dans la médina, donc, on medina of Tunis is limited primarily to tour groups, veut leur sortir ces références de travailler plus sur un which complete tours lasting several hours, and day parcours etc.” (Interview 3, Sept. 2, 2005). tourists from the zones touristiques from the coastal re- Achieving the set goals is nowadays associated gions. The medina does not have any hotels geared with the cultural potential of the locations and the to tourists. The Dar el Medina, which opened in the many varieties of tourism. In this context, Tunisian spring of 2005 as a four-star Maison d’hôtes, represents planners and responsible designers of the medina the only exception, together with two hotels for back- make their ideological objectives clear: the medina packers in close proximity to Bab el Bahr and the youth should not become a dead museum or an exagger- hostel. ated tourist attraction, and there should not be any The medina should not be influenced by European sell-out of the medina to foreigners: “Honnêtement residents alone; this is guaranteed by control and moi je n’ai pas envie [...] que la médina de Tunis vive regulation of the real estate market. To purchase real ce que la médina de Marrakech est en train de vivre, estate in Tunisia, foreigners must obtain permission qui est aujourd’hui pratiquement habitée un mois ou from the governor in accordance with a law passed on deux mois par an par des étrangers. C’est pas ça sau- June 4, 1957. Although permits are issued on an indi- vegarder une médina et puis donc c’est pas qu’on veut vidual case basis in the medina of Tunis, obtaining a pas qu’y vivent des étrangers, au contraire, mais il permit is frequently a long complicated process that faut pas que ce soit un arrivage en masse.” (Interview may extend over a period of years and which tends 10, March 22, 2006) Steps should even be taken to to discourage or frighten-off investors. “C’est �lour��- prevent the mummification and museumization of deur administrative qui prend que ceux qui sont pas the medina. “Elle est centre de ville et centre de vie patients, qui ne prennent pas leur temps, ils peuvent et nullement ghetto culturel” (Mouhli 2005, 11). A désespérer partout”, reports a department manager at representative of ASM explains this in greater de- ASM (Interview 1, May 17, 2005). Getting permission tail: “On n’a pas voulu restaurer la médina comme un grand musée, ça nous intéressait pas” (Interview 5) 1, May 17, 2005). The medina should highlight the The concept zone touristique relates to the legal and functional status of an area; investments for tourist use are subject actual Tunisian society and not become a lifeless or to special favourable conditions. Conditions such as areas are ethnic museum. The cultural heritage must be set in made public in the JORT (Journal Officielle de la République life and function and wherever the use has become Tunisienne) in the form of legal texts and decrees. 134 Vol. 62· No. 2 is more than a formality, since there is no legal secu- 3 Location-specific dynamics and public rity without such a permit. Even though there are, project work in the medina according to the managing director of ASM, almost daily inquiries submitted by Europeans interested The official and informal economic development in purchasing and renovating a house in the medina in retail sales and in part in small trade, which has (Interview 2, May 18, 2005), there are (practically) increased considerably over the past few decades, rep- no foreign-owned properties.6) resents an important aspect, and yet greatly disputed A global opening of the real estate market to aspect in term of its effect, for revitalization (Wagner Tunis’ medina has been prevented by the government. 1996). The locals, who live outside of the medina, and This was done to ensure that the medina from Tunis Tunisians from other parts of the country as well as should remain Tunisian and to prevent a “second international tourists play an important role for the colonialization”. A sell-out of the medina to foreign extensive retail trade that characterizes the major investors, such as in the Moroccan city of Marrakesh, thoroughfares of the medina. Another factor is the has not been feasible thus far. Instead, official bodies revitalization of traditional small trade, which is sup- and representatives expect that Tunisians invest in ported by the Tunisian government, e.g. by setting their houses and thus contribute to preserving the up schools in former madrasas (theological schools) old town. To encourage this, awards are presented (Wagner 1996, 345). For the old towns in North and corresponding representative announcements African countries, the economic dynamics of retail are made in daily newspapers and book publications sales and small trade are a generally known phenom- (e.g. Binous and Jabeur 2002). enon and not a particular feature of Tunis’ medina. It is necessary to wait and see to what extent In the medina of Tunis, continuity represents the this strategy, which focuses primarily on a nation- special feature of the revitalization measures, which ally defined medina, can be sustained and the state is maintained in the seat of the government of the regulations can be implemented over the long term city Tunis and the nation Tunisia, with its placement to address the increasing global interest in acquir- at the former kasbah. Altogether nine ministries and ing real estate in the medina and the investment re- other representative buildings have been located here quirements of foreign financers. There are already or in close vicinity to the kasbah, such as the na- indications pointing to an initial change in the real tional archive (Les Archives nationales), the newly built estate laws. According to a law passed on May 22, National Library and part of the University of Tunis I 2006, foreigners are permitted to own property, (see Suppl. II and Tab. 1). among other things, within a zone touristique and for Even the significance of the many schools that tourism-oriented projects without foreigners having make a major contribution to revitalization within to obtain administrative authorization (JORT 2006). and directly next to the medina should not be under- Admittedly, this pertains only to a designated zone estimated. The elite school – the Collège Sadiki situated touristique and not to the medina (at this point in right next to the former kasbah – is a prime example. time). Special effects include the secondary effects that occur as a result of the special location of the government district and the large-scale projects Hafsia and 6) Aside from some European tenants in the medina, Oukala which are constantly advanced by the govern- there are currently only a couple of houses in the medina, ment (see Suppl. II). Both projects aim to improve which are owned by non-Tunisians. 2 German women, for- the living situation and demographic situation in the merly married to Tunisian men, bought a building (Maison medina through structural and social renewal. Bleu) and restored it; a Dutchman also purchased a house A consequence of the location of the government without the requisite permit from the governor. The house district and its close spatial connection with the was then taken during the resident’s absence from the medina. Moreover, there are also 2 French photographers living in the medina is that palaces and town houses in the medina. An Italian woman, who has been renting a building medina are restored by the state and then utilized to in the medina for a couple of years, is since the beginning accommodate state institutions as well as cultural and of the year 2006 in the process of applying for a permit to social facilities (see Tab. 2). purchase the said house. A French couple recently bought and Moreover, there are many revitalization projects renovated a property on a side road to Rue Sidi Ben Arous. that concentrate on two “boulevards” which run right All in all, no more than 5 buildings are owned by foreigners. Albeit very isolated, there are other properties owned by next to the government district: The Rue Dar el Jeld Italian and French individuals, dating back to the first part of and Rue Sidi Ben Arous which becomes Rue du Pascha the 20th century. due to its extension. Both of these streets stand out 2008 A. Escher and M. Schepers: Revitalizing the medina of Tunis as a national symbol 135

Table 1: Buildings in the government district N° Name Function 1 Hôtel de ville de Tunis Town hall 2 Ministère de la Culture et de la Sauvegarde du patrimoine Ministry 3 Ministère de la Défense nationale Ministry 4 Ministère de la Culture et de la Sauvegarde du patrimoine Ministry 5 Premier ministère Ministry Ministry / cultural 6 Premier ministère and El Rachidia music academy institution 7 Ministère des Finances Ministry 8 Ministère des Affaires religieuses Ministry 9 Maison de la Partie Party building 10 Poste de Police Administration 11 PNUD: Programme des Nations Unies pour le développement UN building 12 Partie du Palais de Justice National court 13 UNTF: Union National des Femmes Tunisiennes National organization 14 Ministère des Finances II Ministry 15 Palais de Justice National court 16 Ministère de l’Education et de la Formation Ministry 17 Ministère de la Justice et des Droits de l’Homme Ministry 18 Tunisie Telecom; PTT (Post) State-owned enterprise Ministère des Affaires sociales, de la Solidarité et des Tunisiens à 19 Ministry l’étranger 20 Bibliothèque Nationale – Library Library 21 Archives nationales – National Archive Archive 22 Université Tunis 1 – Faculté des Lettres University 23 Collège Sadiki – School School in comparison to the rest of the medina, since there The Hafsia project relates to the former Jewish is a particularly high density of remodelled buildings, district of the medina, the Hara with an area galleries, jewellery stores and first class restaurants of approx. 13.5 hectares (ASM and HARVARD that can be found here. Another secondary effect UNIVERSITY 1994). According to the studies of of the specific location of the government district Larguèche (1999), poverty and deterioration have is the functional socialization of the complimentary defined the district since 1860 at the latest, and it institutions of the services sector. A wide variety of accommodated one of the four quartiers réservés, the clerk’s posts, stationery and copy shops and a large quarter, where prostitution was practiced. At the number of food outlets have settled at the edge of end of the 19th century, impoverishment, deteriora- the medina – to the north of the government district tion and overpopulation in the area now known as and across from the district court (Palais de Justice). Hafsia heightened with the departure of the pros- There are more than 140 restaurants and food out- perous Jews, who first moved to newer city districts lets of different categories and price classes in the outside of the medina, then to France and Israel and medina and numerous cafés where employees of with the subsequent immigration of poorer classes the government district, neighboring authorities and of people from other parts of the medina; more and tourists can eat (Suppl. III). The government district more buildings began to fall into disrepair (Sebag generates secondary effects that can be interpreted 1959). as strategies for revitalizing the medina of Tunis. The aim of the Hafsia project was to rebuild the The most extensive official measures include the area which fell within the scope of the project, to Hafsia and Oukala projects in the medina (see Suppl. fully revitalize it socially and economically, and to II), since both projects make substantial contribu- integrate it into the existing urban infrastructure of tions to reshaping the buildings and changing the the medina. Buildings that were still standing and population structure within the medina. existing ruins were torn down and then rebuilt to 136 Vol. 62· No. 2 a design that reflected the traditional style of the The project was carried out in four phases between medina. The network of streets was maintained for 1991 and 2004. During each phase 12 to 98 build- the most part. Some parts, however, were simplified ings were classified as immeubles menaçant ruine (IMR) and the typical structure of culs-de-sac opened up, and expropriated from their original owners.7) All as an analysis of the official city maps from 1930 in all, the project included more than 400 buildings, and 2005 illustrates (see Suppl. II); the layout of in which more than 1,500 families lived (Béjaoui et buildings was schematized. The Hafsia project has al. 1996). It was possible to preserve some buildings been implemented in three phases so far. Both, the by performing minor renovations, while other build- first and second phase, were distinguished with the ings were torn down and in part rebuilt. Some of Aga Khan Award for Architecture in 1983 and 1995 the residents of the oukalas received new apartments (Bahri-Meddeb 1997). Nowadays, many apartments within the medina. Most families relocated to the are used as storage areas for businesses and for newly constructed districts Douar Hicher, Hay el Walid wholesale trade. If one were to ask residents about and Agba with favourable financial conditions. These their motivation for living in the Hafsia district, ide- districts are located far from the city centre in the pe- ological reasons that make reference to the symbolic riphery of the Greater Tunis Area with a completely function of the medina are mentioned as motiva- different atmosphere. For instance, the Agba district tion for living in the medina. Economic and prag- is located more than one hour away from the medina, matic reasons, such as central location with regard when travelling with public means of transportation. to work, schools for children or favourable property Relocation affected for the most part poorer peo- prices and loans, are also cited as decisive factors for ple and individuals frequently suspected of having selection of their residential area (Interview 5, 6, 7, committed a misdemeanour. This led to a decrease Nov. 12/13/15, 2005). in the percentage of the lower class in the medina Unlike the Hafsia project, the Oukala project and the fact that many buildings became the prop- involved the entire medina with its outskirts. The erty of the state due to expropriation. There was a word oukala – which had been reserved to designate similar project implemented by the government with a hotel or guesthouse, accommodation for mer- the goal to counteract the associated deterioration chants and travellers (Callens 1973) – experienced through expropriation and relocation of oukalized a change in functionality and meaning during the buildings in the Hara area during the 1930’s. The 20th century. In the context of the medina of Tunis project was interrupted, however, by World War II with regard to urban planning, oukala now refers to and never continued later on (Sebag 1959). an overcrowded house, which accommodates sin- Mapping out the medina according to public, gle individuals or multiple families without kinship. social and cultural institutions, as well as record- Oukalas develop when the buildings are abandoned ing areas which the government had access to via by their rich owners and are occupied by a poorer the Hafsia and Oukala projects, shows that the me- class of people or when their owners plan and rent dina is characterized predominantly by state activi- them as oukalas. The oukalization process frequently ties (Suppl. II). If one were to take the secondary involves structural changes to the buildings: large effects initiated by the government district, such as rooms and central courtyards of the buildings are restaurants, cafés, etc., and considered that the cen- subdivided into smaller units and rooms with tem- tral core area and parts of the main axes are mainly porary walls erected as a means of privacy protec- distinguished by commercial use (Suppl. III), there tion. The social and sanitary conditions are more are only two districts left where people live, in the than insufficient due to overcrowding: large families northwestern and southwestern part of the me- living together in one room, where sanitary facili- dina. Many buildings in Tunis’ medina are vacant ties and kitchens are lacking or insufficient or poorly and still in a state of disrepair, requiring renovation. improvised. The available residential floor space (and thus the Privacy, which is considered to be characteris- number of inhabitants) has been reduced considera- tic and important for homes in Tunisia, is not avail- bly due to the aforementioned factors. Large parts of able under such living conditions. The structure of these oukalas increasingly fell into disrepair, since 7) no improvements or only the bare minimum were The decrees which were passed with regard to expropriation were published in JORT. The following are relevant: being made. In the 1990’s, the ASM documented Décret n° 91–1648 du 5 novembre 1991; Décret n° 95–1042 and classified the oukalas. Their refurbishment was du 12 juin 1995; Décret n° 97–1856 du 22 septembre 1997 and initiated together with the Municipalité and ARRU. Décret n° 2000–1444 du 27 juin 2000. 2008 A. Escher and M. Schepers: Revitalizing the medina of Tunis as a national symbol 137

Table 2: Public institutions as well as cultural and social facilities in historically important buildings of Tunis’ medina N° Name Former use Current function 1 K asbah 1930: Caserne de la Kasba. previously: Location Town hall (Hôtel de ville de Tunis) of kasbah 2 K asbah 1930: Caserne de la Kasba. previously: Location Ministère de la Culture et de la Sauvegarde of kasbah; party building du patrimoine 3 K asbah Arsenal / Prison Militaire / Service Militaire Ministère de la Defense national 4 K asbah Arsenal / Prison Militaire / Service Militaire Ministère de la Culture et de la Sauvegarde du Patrimoine 5 Dar el Bey Seat of Mouradite rulers; palace of ruling Prime ministry (Premier ministère) bey; 1930: D.on G. le de l’Interieur; Service Administrative (Direction des finances, des travaux public, de l’agriculture du commerce et de la coloniasation) 6 Dar Daouletli 1930: D.on G. le des Travaux Publics Prime ministry and El Rachidia music academy 23 Medersa Al Quran school Social institution for handicapped and Andalouisa elderly people 24 Medersa El Quran school K indergarten Mountaciriya 25 Medersa El Nakhla Quran school Training centre 26 Medersa Echchamalya Quran school Training centre 27 Zaouia Del Abdel Zaouia Part of the national library K ader 28 Former synagogue Synagogue UNTF : Union Nationale des Femmes Tunisienne 29 Église St. Croix Church Municipalité seat 30 Église du Rosaire Church Festival room for official and private events 31 Caserne El Attarine 1814 Caserne of Bey Hammouda Pascha; National library 1930: Direction des Antiquités, Bibliothèque Générale ; ab 1958 : Institut National d’Archéologie et d’Arts 32 Caserne Sidi El 1874–1997: Collège Sadiki; 1897–1956: National library (Archive and print) Mourjani Administration des Habous; afterwards: Faculté de théologie 33 Dar Hussein Former site of Chatau de Ksar; Early 19th Institut National du Patrimoine (INP) century: Seat of ministry of Hamouda Pascha; As of 1882: Seat of French General Forgemol and seat of city administration (Municipalité); Seat of Institut national d’Archéologie et d’Art 1930: Quartier General 34 Palais Khireddine 1860–1870 built as Palace of Minister Museum: Musée de la ville de Tunis K heireddine ; Tribunal 35 Dar Othman Town house Department of INP: Division et Sauvegarde des Monuments et des Sites 36 Dar Cherif Town house INP: is being remodelled 37 Dar El Monastiri Town house INP: is being remodelled 38 Dar Lasram Town house Seat of ASM; cultural institute in lower level: Club Tahar Haddad 39 Dar Bou Zaiane Town house ASM: is being remodelled with the aim of building a cultural institute. 40 Dar Ben Abdallah Town house; after 1940 seat of Office of Museum: Musée des Arts et Traditions Populaires Art of Tunisia, then seat of Centre des Arts et de la ville de Tunis; Cinema and theatre Traditions populaires 41 Dar el Jaziri (Dziri) Town house Cultural institute: Maison de la Poésie 42 Dar Ibn Khaldoun Residential house Archive of INP 43 Dar Ben Achour Residential house Library Rue El Pascha 44 Bibliothèque Sidi 1930: Religious institution: Pensionat des Sœurs Library Saber des St. Joseph 45 Medersa Achouria Quran school Seat of different cultural institutes 46 Medersa Bir Lahjar Quran school Cultural institutes: Centre Culturelle; Seat of Association du Festival de la Médina 138 Vol. 62· No. 2 the medina were primarily used externally through aspect of the mise-en-scène of the medina. state institutions, publicly initiated activities as well The material aspect aims primarily at the shaping as economic and tourist-related activities. of the basic fabric of the medina. It is frequently used Streets, buildings and restoration-oriented com- as a point of reference or origin for staging the me- panies are busy throughout the day for the most dina. Its significance primarily becomes apparent in part in the medina. In the evenings, however, the the development and shaping of the circuit touristique medina is practically empty compared to the other which evolved through the collaboration of the ASM, residential areas and nightclub districts within the INP and the Ministry of Tourism, specifically with reater Tunis Area. An exception would be the month the beautification process of facades (Embellissement of Ramadan, when the symbolic significance of the des Façades) which accompanied the route marked medina is especially crucial. The Festival de la Médina with tiles indicating directions through the medina. takes place during this period. The use of the medina The idea is to provide visitors of the old town with then extends to the late evening hours. Residents of insight regarding “Tunisian” aspects of the medina, the Greater Tunis Area also come to the medina to based on selected locations and an established route. attend events, to go for a stroll, to meet and drink This does not only apply to foreign tourists but also tea together. to Tunisian visitors who come to the medina to see and experience their “own” cultural and national heritage (patrimoine). Moreover, the individual arrange- 4 The mise-en-scène of Tunis’ medina ment of shops, the painting of columns and many other featured elements in the medina point to the The construction policy measures, the described material aspect, which serves as a basis for the mise- secondary effects and the achieved population ex- en-scène of the medina. change are just a few of the qualities that should The aspects of mediality in its complexity and assist the revitalization of the medina; nonethe- significance are especially clear, when taking into ac- less, another factor of great importance, which we count the range of the media by means of which it is would like to refer to as the mise-en-scène of the possible to represent the process of mise-en-scène. medina (Inszenierung der Medina)8), has become more Examples of this can be found, e.g. in newspapers, and more evident recently. The medina should not journals, books, CD-ROMs and TV series.9) Some only be developed and enhanced (mise en valeur), it brilliantly arranged children’s books which highlight should also be actively showcased (mise en scène). The the function of the traditional medina or are imple- mise-en-scène of the medina forms an important in- mented in adventure stories deserve special mention terface between the material renewal and symbolic here. (e.g. Angéli 1990, Fourure 1989, Marzouki importance of the medina. By staging the medina, 2002). There are also games, puzzles and posters it is arranged socially and made tangible individually. that focus on the medina. Titles such as Tunis – la Doing so (re)activates the mémoire collective inherent in mémoire (Messikh 2000), new editions of large-size the medina (Halbwachs 1985). The mise-en-scène illustrated books and sketchbooks, e.g. Tunis et ses also allows for establishing a significant point of ref- environnements (Lallemand 2000) or Tunis naguère et erence for the production of the national identity. aujourd’hui (Turki 2005) and the compilation of songs When analyzing the staging process of Tunis’ me- and chansons by Abassi (1991) entitled Tunis chante et dina, it is possible to distinguish on a theoretical level danse indicate the staging and promotion of the col- between three aspects that are in constant interaction: lective memory. Many publications study the histori- a material, mediality-focused and experience-oriented cal transfiguration of the medina. The recurring ar- ticles in Tunisian daily newspapers like La Presse and L’Achru play an important role in the discourse 8) The concept of mise-en-scène and staging, which serves as a basis for the accomplishments, is an anthropo- regarding the medina; titles like Redonner vie à la mé- logical-aesthetic approach, modelled on the concepts of Iser dina (L’Achru, Apr. 26, 1969), Une valeur, un symbole. (2001), Plessner (1979) and Böhme (1995). The process of 20ème anniversaire du classement de la médina de Tunis sur mise-en-scène creates atmosphere and constitutes a “common la liste du patrimoine mondial (Ali 1999) or Une compo- reality between the the one who perceives and what is perceived” (Böhme 1995, 35). By making a constant self-portrayal of people an inalienable prerequisite for personal existence (as 9) The mise-en-scène of the medina in the Internet for conditio humana) (Iser 2001 and Plessner 1979), staging cannot Tunisians is not very pronounced. This is affected by the mon- be construed here as an antithesis to an authenticity concept, itoring of this medium in Tunisia and the associated slight however it is understood. use. 2008 A. Escher and M. Schepers: Revitalizing the medina of Tunis as a national symbol 139 sante essentielle de l’identité et de l’authenticité (La Presse, also as central themes for tourists taking photos; the Feb. 11, 2005) to name just a few essential points, buildings of the medina are placed in the limelight direct the attention of Tunisians to the projects for time and time again and are replicated in memory as reshaping the medina and define the image readers well as on photos and postcards. A common experi- have of the medina. After all, the goal of the desired ence is created by this putting in scene – a common material restoration for the medina is documented in reference object of a culturally influenced authentic- books, which outline and describe stately renovated ity. The image of the medina is enhanced and thus and oriental-looking residential buildings (Binous the basis for a lively arrangement of the medina is and Jabeur 2002). In this manner, an ideal, “aes- established. It remains to be seen how powerful the thetically oriental” life in the medina is presented identity-shaping symbolism is in the discussions and and suggested such that the medina is enhanced staging of the medina and whether the resulting successively through public, state-aided and private basis is sufficient for creating a long-term positive projects (Bejaoui et al. 1996; Akrout-Yaiche et al. image of the medina at all levels of society. If the ef- 1998). fect remains limited to certain events and groups of TV series broadcasted by the national station people, this would lead to a fragmentation in terms TV 7, especially during Ramadan, represent a special of space and time. For instance, the medina is visited form of the staging and showcasing (McGuinness by a certain class of people and only during certain 2001), such as Khottab Ala El Bab (1) and (2), periods of time at specific locations, such as during Gamrat Sidi Mahrous and Rikh El Misk. Here the the official opening of galleries, up-market restau- buildings in the medina serve as setting, backdrop rants or during a visit to a concert of the Festival de la and stage, creating an image of the medina that is Médina during the month of Ramadan. The mise-en- propagated throughout almost the entire country scène at least contributes to anchoring the “symbolic regardless of level of education and income, and medina” in Tunisian society and thus creating a basis thus serving as a reference for “actually” experienc- for a national identity. The fact that this is working ing the medina. For instance, the first visit to the to some degree can be vividly seen in the statement streets and culs-de-sac of Tunis’ medina for young of one Tunisian building owner: “First of all, the im- Tunisians is an experience that they would definitely age of the medina is the image of Tunisia. The image sum up with the following: “That is just like in TV!” of Tunisia is the image of the medina and the image (Interview 8, Oct. 11, 2005). Doing so successfully of the medina is the image of Tunisia” (Interview 9, ties the medina experience in with the image of the August 15, 2006). medina propagated by the media. In case of visiting the medina “personally”, the material aspect of staging gains special significance. At the same times, the 5 Conclusion: The ‘symbolic medina’ of Tu- experience-oriented aspect becomes apparent here. nis, a national stage for Tunisians and tour- “Experiencing” the medina, characterized by the ists? respective media-specific particularity, does occur, however, in all forms of putting in scene the medina. The normative designation of responsible politics Staying in the medina and the associated medina ex- and the dominant social discourse characterize the perience is consciously influenced in light of the na- medina of Tunis nowadays as the ‘symbolic medina’, tional identity. Particular importance is attached to as a symbolic place – in which the national identity the Festival de la Médina, which was initiated a couple is anchored. In the light of the symbolic significance of years ago in the evenings during the month of of the medina and the seats of the nation’s and city’s Ramadan with Tunisian and international concerts government at the location of the kasbah, it is easy to and with the aim to make the medina more attrac- understand why the total power of control over the tive, especially for people interested in culture. shaping of the medina has been reclaimed by Tunisia In addition to that, a wide variety of events, and has not been relaxed. The medina is preserved, such as art and photography exhibits and interna- shaped and promoted as a symbol of national iden- tional conferences, have been organized focusing tity. The old town of Tunis should look Tunisian and on the “Medina of Tunis” as a topic and contribute remain Tunisian. The medina should not become a to strengthening the attractive image of the medina. lifeless museum or just a tourist attraction nor should Streets and buildings of the medina do not only serve it be sold to foreign investors or dominated by foreign as inspiration and models for art and architecture inhabitants. The function of the medina stems from students of the art college located in Sidi Bou Said, but its symbolic character. As symbol it serves as a basis 140 Vol. 62· No. 2 for creating an “intellectual identity”, which shapes, ness, J. (1998): Médinances: huit visages de la Médina holds together and solidifies the cultural communi- de Tunis. Eight faces of old Tunis. Tunis. ty. This symbolic function results in state-calculated Ali, M. (1999): Une valeur, un symbole. 20ème anniversaire du classement de la médina de Tunis sur la liste du decisions and measures implemented for revitalizing patrimoine mondial. In: Le Temps (Oct. 26, 1999), 3. the structure of the medina and for representing it in Angéli, M. (1990): Ali Al-Andaloussi – Töpfer in Tunis. the media. State measures and complicated directives Tunis. should prevent global access to the medina. Cultural ASM (ASSOCIATION DE SAUVEGARDE DE LA ME- economy, controlled tourism and especially state- DINA DE TUNIS) (ed.) (1974): Sauvegarde et mise initiated and -aided revitalization projects should en- en valeur de la médina de Tunis. Rapport de synthèse. sure the preservation of the fabric and social life – as Unpubl. doc. Tunis. mirror image of “life in Tunisia” – in the medina. – (1981): Projet de plan d`aménagement urbain. Unpubl. The old town of Tunis differs from other old towns doc. Tunis. – (1990): Pour la promotion de la médina. Projets et réal- in Arab countries in these points. The material revi- isations 1980 … 1990. Tunis. talization is reflected in a concentrated, cluster-like – (n. d.): Règlement d’urbanisme pour la médina de Tunis. and linear structure. An area-wide renewal of the city Plan d’aménagement urbain de la Commune de Tunis. is not taking place, nor is a down-home social life Unpubl. doc. Tunis. evolving in the medina. The overall social entrench- ASM and HAVARD UNIVERSITY (1994): Etude de l’impact ment of the medina is supported through promotion social et économique du projet Hafsia. Unpubl. doc. Tu- by the media, in which the Festival de la Médina and TV nis. series deserve special mention. These activities sup- Bahri-Meddeb, A. (1997): De la hara à la hafsia. Histoire port and recall the Tunisian image of the medina in urbaine d’un quartier de la Médina de Tunis. In: La Mé- dina de Tunis. Ville du Patrimoine mondial. Architecture the collective memory of the nation. There is a risk, méditerranéenne, Tunisie. 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Authors

Prof. Dr. Anton Escher Department of Geography University of Mainz Becherweg 21 55099 Mainz [email protected]

Dipl.-Geogr. Marianne Schepers M.A. Department of Geography University of Mainz Becherweg 21 55099 Mainz [email protected] Supplement II to Erdkunde 62,2 Article Escher and Schepers Supplement III to Erdkunde 62,2 Article Escher and Schepers