MEDITERRANEAN CITY - TO - CITY MIGRATION

CITY CASE STUDY TUNIS

THE REVITALISATION OF TUNIS’ MEDINA AND INTEGRATION OF INTERNAL MIGRANTS

MEDINA INTERNAL MIGRATION

ADEQUATE HOUSING OUKALAS

VIENNA REVITALISATION

LYON TURIN

MADRID BASIC SERVICES

LISBON

TUNIS BEIRUT

TANGIER AMMAN

Implemented by This case study was developed in the frame- project has sought to nurture a peer-to-peer work of the Mediterranean City-to-City dialogue and mutual learning on specific Migration Project (MC2CM), a project coor- urban challenges such as social cohesion, dinated by ICMPD and funded by the Europe- intercultural dialogue, employment and pro- an Union and the Swiss Agency for Develop- vision of basic services for migrants, among ment and Cooperation. The MC2CM project others. This case study was selected by the has been working since 2015 with Amman, Municipality of Tunis in order to showcase a Beirut, Lisbon, Lyon, Madrid, Tangiers, Tunis, practice that contributes to social inclusion Turin and Vienna to increase the knowledge of migrants at the local level. base on urban migration. Additionally the

MEETING TWO PROBLEMS AT ONCE? THE CHALLENGE OF INTEGRATING INTERNAL MIGRANTS THROUGH THE REVITALISATION OF TUNIS’S ABANDONED MEDINA

ABSTRACT

The city of Tunis faces complex migration describing the shared living areas of fami- dynamics. A destination for international lies from poorer backgrounds. Whilst pro- migration in its own right, Tunis also acts viding much needed low-cost housing for as transit hub for migrants making their migrants arriving into Tunis, housing condi- way onwards into Europe. Internal migra- tions had deteriorated after their abandon- tion represents another important facet of ment. As a consequence, Oukalas were the city’s migration profile. After independ- often unsafe, unsanitary and overcrowded. ence in 1956, the city of Tunis attracted To address these challenges, the Munici- large numbers of internal migrants search- pality of Tunis initiated in 1991 the Oukal- ing for employment opportunities. The as Project. Structured around two main majority of these migrants secured shelter objectives, the project aimed to improve in the city’s historic centre, known as the living conditions for residents of the Medi- Medina, where many of the houses and na, many of whom were internal migrants, apartments were vacant, as former inhab- whilst also restoring historic buildings and itants moved to suburban areas in search monuments in the neighbourhood. The of modernised housing solutions. Families project ended in 2012 and reached more moving into the Medina’s abandoned living than 3,000 households. spaces created so-called Oukalas – a word BACKGROUND AND OBJECTIVES cultural offers designed to improve the quality of life for all citizens living in Tunis.

Comprised of 15 districts, Tunis is the cap- This case study presents the Oukalas pro- ital and most populated city of Tunisia. The ject, an initiative led by the Municipality of city’s historic centre is known as the Medi- Tunis that was implemented between 1991 na of Tunis, and was declared a World Her- and 2012. The project targeted people liv- itage Site by UNESCO in 1979. ing in the Medina of Tunis (including high numbers of internal migrants) and aimed Tunis faces complex migration dynamics. to provide adequate housing and basic ser- A destination for international migration, vices whilst simultaneously restoring and Tunis also acts as transit hub for migrants revitalising this historic area. The project is making their way onwards into Europe. Be- therefore an example of state-led regener- yond this, internal migration patterns fur- ation designed to improve housing condi- ther complicate the city’s migration profile. tions for residents of the medina, many of The latter dynamic has a specific history whom are internal migrants. in Tunisia, connected to the strict recruit- ment policies enacted during colonial and postcolonial periods to resource projects IMPLEMENTATION deemed to be of specific colonial / nation- al interest. The effects of such engineered rural exodus has been a highly uneven After independence in 1956, Tunis attract- economic and social development pattern ed many internal migrants searching for job between regions. In recent times, un/un- opportunities in the city. At the same time, der-employment has become the principal better-off families living in the Medina of determinant of internal migration in Tuni- Tunis were relocating to suburban areas. sia.1 As a result, the Municipality of Tunis Once abandoned, house quality in the city has been compelled to develop capacities centre deteriorated, leaving many houses to respond to such migration flows. at risk of imminent collapse due to a com- Whilst the city does not engage in targeted bination of age and poor maintenance. Va- projects specifically tailored to addressing cated by those able to afford safer subur- migrant needs, the municipality does in- ban alternatives, many of the traditional old clude migrants within existing social and town buildings were left uninhabited. For families arriving from Tunisia’s rural areas, many of whom lacked social support net- works in the city, these abandoned houses 1 The period 2009–2014 saw the city of Tunis represented the only available shelter. They experience a negative balance of internal migrati- moved into the houses and created so- on; this means more people left the city for other destinations than arrived to the capital from else- called Oukalas arrangements – a word de- where within the country. See MC2CM Profil mig- scribing the shared living areas of families ratoire de la ville de TUNIS from poorer backgrounds. However, these places were often unsafe, unsanitary and • The construction of 76 houses for older overcrowded, posing a public health and people living independently in the com- environmental challenge for the city. The munity. Each house of 25 m2 consists Oukalas project was initiated by the Munic- of one room, a bathroom, a kitchen and ipality of Tunis in 1991 to address some a small garden of these deficiencies. Although the project was primarily initiated to protect families • The provision of access to loans for living in buildings at risk of collapse, it had 220 elderly individuals, unable to ac- a broader objective to improve the general cess financial support through familial living conditions for all residents and to cat- or social support networks alyse the restoration of historic buildings and monuments in the area. • The provision of support for twelve handicapped children, covering their Project activities included: education and healthcare costs

• The relocation of families living in • The provision of 60 scholarship grants Oukalas into 2,000 new social housing to allow local students to finish higher units equipped with basic services and education infrastructure (electricity, potable wa- ter, sanitation, roads, public lightning, • Seasonal support for vulnerable groups schools, markets etc.) to help meet costs associated with re- ligious observation and/or school year • The demolition of old buildings at risk cycles of collapsing and replaced with newly constructed buildings to provide shel- Activities were implemented in four phas- ter for groups and individuals living in es. All phases included the relocation of Oukalas arrangements families living in inadequate and dangerous living spaces and the renovation and reha- • The provision of housing loans to bilitation of public buildings and historic selected households for the renovation monuments. The project also addressed and rehabilitation of their apartments the restoration of private buildings and en- couraged homeowners and landlords to • The restoration and rehabilitation of renovate their own buildings by providing public buildings and historic monu- favourable housing loans. Additionally, the ments project included a number of social aspects, such as post-relocation citizen surveys and On top of the provision of secure shelter the provision of social services, including and the renovation of historic buildings, the youth and cultural centres, in the new loca- project also provided social assistance to tions that Medina inhabitants were moved vulnerable Oukalas residents. Such initia- to. The project came to an end in 2012. tives included: • The creation of sightseeing tours for FINANCING AND RESSOURCES tourists

The overall project costs added up to 52 • An increase in numbers of students en- million Tunisian Dinars and was part fund- rolled in the city’s university ed by the Municipality of Tunis and part by a loan from FADES (Fonds arabe pour le • Inward investment into commercial développement économique et social). units

• Increased rates of in-migration and an RESULTS AND IMPACTS economic revival associated with the establishment of hotels, guest houses and cultural centres Project Oukalas had a significant impact on the Medina quarter, the people living in Overall, more than 3,000 households (ap- Oukalas and on the wider city of Tunis. The prox. 15,000 inhabitants) were impacted main targets of the project were lower-in- by the project either through being relo- come households living in the abandoned cated to improved housing units within or buildings of the Medina of Tunis. Almost without the Medina; through the use of re- exclusively, such households drew from habilitated and renovated buildings (both an internal migration backgrounds. The public and private); or through access to project gave priority to vulnerable groups targeted home improvement loans. – defined as families living in buildings at imminent risk of collapse; very poor fami- In the earlier phases of the project, cen- lies; aged people living independently; and tral Oukalas residents were relocated to female-headed households. peripheral districts. This raises important questions regarding the impact of reloca- Results can be seen both in relation to lo- tion on Oukalas residents’ social networks calised social and economic indicators and employment opportunities. In the last and also with respect to the wider urban phase of the project, however, inhabitants development of Tunis. Impact indicators of the Oukalas were provided with hous- for the initiative include: ing opportunities in the Medina itself; in buildings that had been built over the foun- • The rehabilitation and revitalisation of dations of demolished structures deemed the Medina quarter unsafe during the first phase. Residents were given the option to rent or purchase • Homeowner investment in mainte- the new apartments at discounted rates nance, extension and beautification (residents had to cover costs equal to the construction costs, with additional costs • The repair of Sabats and buttressing covered by the municipality and the nation- arches al government). BARRIERS AND CHALLENGES challenge of the project and, ultimately, led to its closure in 2012. The restoration of his- toric buildings and development of vacant Challenges in the Oukalas project can be sites within the Medina required costly and seen related to the definition of project labour intensive interventions, such as the beneficiaries. Whilst providing improved (dangerous) restoration of balconies. housing conditions, the relocation of res- idents to peripheral sites often risks the LESSONS LEARNED emergence of other problems, such as the loss of social capital or restricted ac- cess to employment opportunities, and socio-cultural amenities – significant costs In some ways, the Oukalas project can be for already vulnerable groups. In view of seen as an urban intervention that facil- the relocation approach adopted during itated improved access to human rights the first phase of the project, it appears for internal migrants by recognising the that the renovation of buildings and revi- particular precariousness of their living talisation of the Medina did not primarily situation. The project aimed at providing benefit the people living there. In order to adequate housing and access to services mitigate some of these issues, the Munic- for all inhabitants of the Medina irrespective ipality of Tunis invested in establishing a of migratory background. The project fol- youth and cultural centre in the relocation lowed an idea that all residents should have area where former Medina inhabitants access to an improved standard of housing were being moved. Moreover, the final and, as such, can be seen as an attempt to project phase supported existing Oukalas promote a right to decent housing in Tunis. residents to secure improved housing in In the context of widespread regeneration, their existing neighbourhood. inclusive measures are needed to ensure all citizens retain full access to urban life. Further challenges were experienced relat- Close monitoring and a regular reassess- ing to the affordability of post-renovation ment of the situation is therefore needed. rental prices and the collection of assessed In the case of the Oukalas project, it would rents, especially in cases of families relying be interesting – and useful for institution- on social welfare. This challenge speaks to al learning - to compare the experiences the overall sustainability of the project and and wellbeing of Oukalas relocated at the the question of how to provide continuous periphery of the city, with those relocated support to beneficiaries after their reloca- in the Medina. Whilst such information is tion into houses that provide adequate not available, future initiatives would bene- shelter. This becomes particularly relevant fit from a solid and inclusive social impact in light of the cost-intensive nature of the assessment of rehabilitation measures. project, and the associated financial burden In particular, these types of regeneration that it imposed on the Municipality of Tu- projects benefit from adopting a broad nis. Indeed, financing represented the main conceptualisation of housing - one that takes into account the thick social support essary support and refinement, the project networks that underpin many inner-city has the potential to provide an interesting communities. In the context of the Oukal- solution to the challenges of social cohe- as Project, the construction of youth and sion and the revitalisation of abandoned cultural centres in relocation sites is a city districts in Tunisia and beyond. positive gesture in this direction. Such an approach opens up creative solutions REFERENCES that can overcome the widespread ‘false- choice’ between central squalor vs periph- eral provision as the only game in town. The case study builds on documents and Taking on board the above precautionary information provided by the Municipality comments, aspects of the project’s ap- of Tunis. Regrettably, it was not possible to proach could usefully be explored and ex- conduct interviews with project coordina- tended - in particular, the attempt to explore tors, project beneficiaries or local civil so- synergies between rehabilitation agendas ciety actors. and the provision of services to newly arrived populations, i.e. two important con- The background information of Tunis and temporary urban development challenges. its approach to migration governance is Indeed, this combined approach could ap- based on the MC2CM Tunis City Migration ply to different contexts, and be extend to Profile and complemented by the following international, as well as internal, migrants. source: Similarly, it could be explored for address- ing the housing needs of refugees, follow- • Amara, M., & Jemmali, H. (2016). ing their relocation from immigration de- Deciphering the Relationship between tention centres / camps and for supporting Internal Migration and Regional Dispari- their integration into urban society. ties in Tunisia. Giza, Egypt: Economic Re- search Forum, Working Paper No. 1043. An additional learning is related to the finan- cial burden that such an intervention places on local municipalities. Whereas there are still buildings in Tunis’ Medina that need renovation, securing sufficient financial re- sources for such interventions presents a major challenge for the local government. The project’s continuation therefore relies on securing additional resources from part- ners outside of the state – in this context, attention must be paid to ensure that so- cio-spatial inclusion is placed at the heart of development proposals. With the nec- Co - funded by the European Union Co - funded by

This case study has been prepared by Katrin Hofer under the coordination of Barbara Lipietz and Tim Wickson from the Bartlett’s Development Planning Unit (DPU), University College of London (UCL) and the UCLG Committee on Social Inclusion, Participatory Democracy and Human Rights, in the framework of the MC2CM Project.

@urban_migration icmpd.org/mc2cm [email protected]