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Lexical Diffusion and Neogrammarian Regularity Lexical Diffusion and Neogrammarian Regularity Mieko Ogura1,2 & William S-Y. Wang2 1Linguistics Laboratory, Tsurumi University, Yokohama 2Joint Research Centre for Language and Human Complexity, Chinese University of Hong Kong Theoretical Preliminaries S-curve Progress of Two-dementional Diffusion through Time (Ogura & Wang 1998) S-curve Progress, Snowball Effect, and Word Frequency in W-diffusion The Development of Periphrastic Do The development of periphrastic do (Ellegård 1953) Period Date Aff.decl. Neg.decl. Neg.q. Aff.q. Neg.imp. do n do s do s do s do s 0 1390-1400 6 45000 0 -- 0 -- 0 -- 0 -- 1 1400-1425 11 4600 0 177 2 15 0 10 0 52 2 1425-1475 121 45500 11 892 2 23 6 136 3 279 3 1475-1500 1059 59600 33 660 3 24 10 132 0 129 4 1500-1525 396 28600 47 558 46 32 41 140 2 164 5 1525-1535 494 18800 89 562 34 22 33 69 0 101 6 1535-1550 1564 19200 205 530 63 21 93 114 0 72 7 1550-1575 1360 14600 119 194 41 7 72 56 4 39 8 1575-1600 1142 18000 150 479 83 45 228 150 8 117 9 1600-1625 240 7900 102 176 89 6 406 181 65 119 10 1625-1650 212 7200 109 235 32 6 116 24 5 10 11 1650-1700 140 7900 126 148 48 4 164 43 17 16 12 1710 5 2800 61 9 16 0 53 3 28 0 The development of periphrastic do (Ellegård 1953) Slope and intercept parameters of logistic regressions on the data in different contexts (Ogura 1993) Affirmative Negative Negative Affirmative Negative declaratives declaratives questions questions imperatives slope 3.41 5.90 6.90 7.73 13.44 intercept -23.61 -36.45 -40.14 -46.15 -82.72 affirmative declarative, c1175; negative declarative, c1280; negative question, c.1370; affirmative question, c.1380; negative imperative, c.1422. The results show that the later a change starts, the sharper its slope becomes. This shows the ‘snowball effect’ of lexical diffusion: diffusion across more and more contexts at faster rates in later starting contexts. Within each context, there is a significant tendency for the high frequency words to change late and therefore to have a sharper slope. The development of the do-form in the say-group and the main group of affirmative wh-object questions, and slope and intercept parameters (Ogura 1993) Period Date say-group main group do s do s 1 1400-1425 0 0 1 2 1425-1475 19 0 28 3 1475-1500 1 39 1 24 4 1500-1525 2 27 4 36 5 1525-1535 0 33 6 22 6 1535-1550 0 45 8 32 7 1550-1575 3 51 22 14 8 1575-1600 7 56 39 27 9 1600-1625 25 93 28 30 10 1625-1650 15 39 24 32 11 1650-1700 24 20 11 3 12 1710 7 4 4 0 say-group main group slope 10.49 6.82 intercept -65.19 -41.33 The Development of -s in the third person singular present indicative The overall distributions of the –(e)th and –(e)s endings in non-sibilant verbs in EModE (Ogura & Wang 1996) freq EModE I-th EModE I-s EModE II-th EModE II-s EModE III-th EModE III-s 1084-21 1103 29 932 331 251 697 (33 types) tokens tokens tokens tokens tokens tokens (2.6%) (26.2%) (73.5%) 20-3 384 6 282 166 28 339 (176 types) tokens tokens tokens tokens tokens tokens (1.5%) (37.1%) (92.4%) 2-1 116 0 72 25 5 121 (262 types) tokens tokens tokens tokens tokens tokens (0%) (25.8%) (96.0%) The change started slowly from a handful of high-frequency words. Once the infrequent verbs got started, they changed more quickly than the frequent verbs An idealized diagram of snowball effect in lexical diffusion (Ogura & Wang 1996) 100 % % of changed variants time Word frequency Based on Hooper (1976), Bybee (2002), Phillips (1984, 2001, 2006), Ogura (1987, 1993, 2012, forthcoming), Ogura and Wang (1995, 1996) and others, we may synthesize the investigations and assume that: a) Productively or physiologically motivated change, pragmatically motivated change, and socially motivated change occur in high-frequency words first. If all of these changes are concerned with linguistic production, those words that are used frequently will have more opportunity to be affected by these processes. b) Perceptually motivated change and cognitively motivated change affect low-frequency words first. Perceptually or cognitively unfavorable forms can be learned and maintained in their unfavorable forms if they are of high frequency in the input. However, if their frequency of use is low, they may not be sufficiently available in experience to be acquired. Thus they may be more susceptible to change on the basis of perceptually or cognitively favorable forms. There is no significant ordering relation among words through which the change moves quickly in mid-stream, and the order of the change of words varies among individuals. Gell-Mann (1992) was perhaps the first to suggest the relevance of Kolmogorov Complexity to the study of language evolution. When regularity exists in the observed data, the hypothesis will capture this regularity, when justified, and allow for generalization beyond what was observed. Thus we assume that the speakers, after they observe a small number of changed words, generalize the change into more and more words without necessarily having observed all the relevant words, with the result that the order of the generalization varies among individuals. The spread of change into a large number of words implicates the rapid rate of change of each word, which produces snowball effect. Word Frequency and Constant Rate Effect in Neogrammarian Regularity Word frequency and Neogrammarian regularity Mean front diagonal values for 47 most common words with checked /eyC/ for speakers in the Philadelphia Neighborhood Corpus born before and after 1940 (taken from Labov 2012) Front upgliding subsystem of Rosanne V., 30, Philadelphia, PA (taken from Labov et al. 2007) Front diagonal values of /eyC/ allophones by date of birth and sex in Philadelphia Neighborhood Corpus Sex Broken line female Solid line male Date of birth Vowel system of James Adamo, 55, Detroit [A Quantitative Study of Sound Change in Progress, 1968-1972] (taken from Labov 1994) Vowel system of Chris Adamo, 13, Detroit [A Quantitative Study of Sound Change in Progress, 1968-1972] (taken from Labov 1994) Split // - /h/ system of Nina B., 62 [1996], New York City (taken Labov et al. 2006) Split //-/h/ system of Rosanne V., 30 [1996], Philadelphia (taken from Labov et al. 2006) Constant rate effect Santorini (1992), Pintzuk & Taylor (2006), among others, following Kroch (1989), show that when a new syntactic variant begins to enter the grammar, its use may be more or less favored in different contexts, and it increases in frequency in every context at the same rate over time (the “Constant Rate Effect”). Fruehwald et al. (2009) show that the Constant Rate Effect holds in phonology as well. Neogrammarian regularity of sound change both phonetically gradual and abrupt and syntactic change proceeds at a constant rate. In lexical diffusion, however, the later a change starts, the greater the rate of change. This shows the “snowball effect”, i.e., diffusion across more and more contexts at faster rate in later starting contexts. There is little probability that lexical diffusion proceeds at a constant rate. The faster the change proceeds within and across the contexts, the less the difference of the rate of change in each word becomes. The stronger the functional or social bias becomes, the faster the word diffusion proceeds. If functional or social bias is so strong, word diffusion proceeds fast. This shows Neogrammarian regularity, in which changes start simultaneously and proceed at a constant rate in all contexts. References Bybee, Joan (2002). Word frequency and context of use in the lexical diffusion of phonetically conditioned sound change. Language Variation and Change 14: 261-290. Chen, Matthew (1972). The time dimension: Contribution toward a theory of sounc change. Foundation of Language 8: 457- 498. Ellegård, Alvar (1953). The Auxiliary Do: The establishment and regulation of its use in English. Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell. Fruehwald, Josef, et al. (2009). Phonological rule change: The constant rate effect. Paper presented at the 40th annual meeting of the North East Linguistic Society. Massachusetts Institute of Technology, November 13-15. Gell-Mann, Murray (1992). Complexity and complex adaptive systems. In: The Evolution of Human Language, edited by. John A Hawkins and Murray Gell-Mann, 3-18, Redwood City, Ca.: Addison-Wesley. Hockett, Charles F. (1965). Sound change. Language 41: 185-205. Holmqvist, Erik (1922). On the History of the English Present Inflections Particularly -th and -s. Heidelberg: Carl Winter. Hooper, Joan (1976). Word frequency in lexical diffusion and the source of morphophonological change. In: Current Progress in Historical Linguistics edited by William Christie, 95-105. Amsterdam: North Holland. Kroch, Anthony (1989). Reflexes of grammar in patterns of language change. Language Variation and Change 1: 199-244. Labov, William (1981). Resolving the Neogrammarian controversy. Language 57, 267-308. ---------- (1992). Evidence for regular sound change in English dialect geography. In: Historoy of Englishes: New methods and interpretations in historical linguistics, edited by Matti Rissanen et al., 42-71. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. ---------- (1994). Principles of Linguistic Change, Vol.1: Internal Factors. Oxford: Blackwell. ---------- (2012). The role of the lexicon in regular sound change, Paper presented at the 41st Annual Conference of New Ways of Analyzing Variation, Indiana University, Bloomington. ---------- (2013). One hundred years of sound change in Philadelphia: Linear incrementation, reversal, and reanalysis.
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