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The "Virginian-Pilot" Newspaper's Role in Moderating Norfolk, Virginia's 1958 School Desegregation Crisis
Old Dominion University ODU Digital Commons Theses and Dissertations in Urban Services - College of Education & Professional Studies Urban Education (Darden) Winter 1991 The "Virginian-Pilot" Newspaper's Role in Moderating Norfolk, Virginia's 1958 School Desegregation Crisis Alexander Stewart Leidholdt Old Dominion University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.odu.edu/urbanservices_education_etds Part of the Civil Rights and Discrimination Commons, Education Commons, Journalism Studies Commons, Mass Communication Commons, and the Race and Ethnicity Commons Recommended Citation Leidholdt, Alexander S.. "The "Virginian-Pilot" Newspaper's Role in Moderating Norfolk, Virginia's 1958 School Desegregation Crisis" (1991). Doctor of Philosophy (PhD), dissertation, , Old Dominion University, DOI: 10.25777/tb1v-f795 https://digitalcommons.odu.edu/urbanservices_education_etds/119 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Education & Professional Studies (Darden) at ODU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations in Urban Services - Urban Education by an authorized administrator of ODU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 1 THE VIRGINIAN-PILOT NEWSPAPER'S ROLE IN MODERATING NORFOLK, VIRGINIA'S 1958 SCHOOL DESEGREGATION CRISIS by Alexander Stewart Leidholdt B.A. May 1978, Virginia Wesleyan College M.S. May 1980, Clarion University Ed.S. December 1984, Indiana University A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of Old Dominion Unversity in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY URBAN SERVICES OLD DOMINION UNIVERSITY December, 1991 Approved By: Maurice R. Berube, Dissertation Chair Concentration Area^TFlrector ember Dean of the College of Education Member Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. -
Massive Resistance and the Origins of the Virginia Technical College System
Inquiry: The Journal of the Virginia Community Colleges Volume 22 | Issue 2 Article 6 10-10-2019 Massive Resistance and the Origins of the Virginia Technical College System Richard A. Hodges Ed.D., Thomas Nelson Community College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://commons.vccs.edu/inquiry Part of the Higher Education Commons, History Commons, and the Politics and Social Change Commons Recommended Citation Hodges, R. A. (2019). Massive Resistance and the Origins of the Virginia Technical College System. Inquiry: The Journal of the Virginia Community Colleges, 22 (2). Retrieved from https://commons.vccs.edu/inquiry/vol22/iss2/6 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Commons @ VCCS. It has been accepted for inclusion in Inquiry: The ourJ nal of the Virginia Community Colleges by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ VCCS. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Hodges: Massive Resistance and the Origins of the VTCS MASSIVE RESISTANCE AND THE ORIGINS OF THE VIRGINIA TECHNICAL COLLEGE SYSTEM RICHARD A. HODGES INTRODUCTION In the summer of 1964, Dr. Dana B. Hamel, Director of the Roanoke Technical Institute in Roanoke, Virginia received a phone call that would change the course of Virginia higher education. The call was from Virginia Governor Albertis Harrison requesting Hamel serve as the Director of the soon to be established Department of Technical Education. The department, along with its governing board, would quickly establish a system of technical colleges located regionally throughout Virginia, with the first of those colleges opening their doors for classes in the fall of 1965. -
From James A
Revision, Fall 2004 (20 November 2004) Prepared for James A. Thurber, ed. Rivals for Power, 3rd ed., (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2005). Partisan Polarization, Politics, and the Presidency: Structural Sources of Conflict James P. Pfiffner George Mason University In his campaign for the presidency in the 2000 election, George W. Bush promised that he would work closely with Congress and the Democrats and tone down the corrosive partisan rhetoric that had come to characterize Washington in the last years of the 20th century. After a very close election in which Bush narrowly won the presidency while trailing the Democratic candidate by half a million votes, many expected him to take a conciliatory approach to Democrats in Congress and seek out moderates of both parties to forge an agenda in the middle of the political spectrum. But that is not what happened. Arguing that political capital had to be spent rather than conserved, Bush put forward a conservative policy agenda and won some impressive victories.i Just when his momentum began to lag in late summer of 2001, terrorists struck New York and Washington. The atrocities of 9-11 transformed the political landscape and presented Bush with a country unified under his leadership and broad international support for the United States. Yet three years later as he ran for reelection, the nation was deeply divided over his presidency and the war in Iraq. Although much of the political division between the parties in Congress and among partisans in the electorate could be attributed to disagreement over President Bush’s policies, the roots of the divisive partisan politics of the Bush Presidency lay in political developments in the preceding four decades. -
Bill Bolling Contemporary Virginia Politics
6/29/21 A DISCUSSION OF CONTEM PORARY VIRGINIA POLITICS —FROM BLUE TO RED AND BACK AGAIN” - THE RISE AND FALL OF THE GOP IN VIRGINIA 1 For the first 200 years of Virginia's existence, state politics was dominated by the Democratic Party ◦ From 1791-1970 there were: Decades Of ◦ 50 Democrats who served as Governor (including Democratic-Republicans) Democratic ◦ 9 Republicans who served as Governor Dominance (including Federalists and Whigs) ◦ During this same period: ◦ 35 Democrats represented Virginia in the United States Senate ◦ 3 Republicans represented Virginia in the United States Senate 2 1 6/29/21 ◦ Likewise, this first Republican majority in the Virginia General Democratic Assembly did not occur until Dominance – 1998. General ◦ Democrats had controlled the Assembly General Assembly every year before that time. 3 ◦ These were not your “modern” Democrats ◦ They were a very conservative group of Democrats in the southern tradition What Was A ◦ A great deal of their focus was on fiscal Democrat? conservativism – Pay As You Go ◦ They were also the ones who advocated for Jim Crow and Massive resistance up until the passage of the Civil Rights Act of in 1965 4 2 6/29/21 Byrd Democrats ◦ These were the followers of Senator Harry F. Byrd, a former Virginia Governor and U.S. Senator ◦ Senator Byrd’s “Byrd Machine” dominated and controlled Virginia politics for this entire period 5 ◦ Virginia didn‘t really become a competitive two-party state until Ơͥ ͣ ǝ, and the first real From Blue To competition emerged at the statewide level Red œ -
A History of the Virginia Democratic Party, 1965-2015
A History of the Virginia Democratic Party, 1965-2015 A Senior Honors Thesis Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for Graduation “with Honors Distinction in History” in the undergraduate colleges at The Ohio State University by Margaret Echols The Ohio State University May 2015 Project Advisor: Professor David L. Stebenne, Department of History 2 3 Table of Contents I. Introduction II. Mills Godwin, Linwood Holton, and the Rise of Two-Party Competition, 1965-1981 III. Democratic Resurgence in the Reagan Era, 1981-1993 IV. A Return to the Right, 1993-2001 V. Warner, Kaine, Bipartisanship, and Progressive Politics, 2001-2015 VI. Conclusions 4 I. Introduction Of all the American states, Virginia can lay claim to the most thorough control by an oligarchy. Political power has been closely held by a small group of leaders who, themselves and their predecessors, have subverted democratic institutions and deprived most Virginians of a voice in their government. The Commonwealth possesses the characteristics more akin to those of England at about the time of the Reform Bill of 1832 than to those of any other state of the present-day South. It is a political museum piece. Yet the little oligarchy that rules Virginia demonstrates a sense of honor, an aversion to open venality, a degree of sensitivity to public opinion, a concern for efficiency in administration, and, so long as it does not cost much, a feeling of social responsibility. - Southern Politics in State and Nation, V. O. Key, Jr., 19491 Thus did V. O. Key, Jr. so famously describe Virginia’s political landscape in 1949 in his revolutionary book Southern Politics in State and Nation. -
1 299 Literature Review the 1954 Supreme Court Ruling in Brown V
1 299 Literature Review The 1954 Supreme Court ruling in Brown v. Board of Education brought tremendous upheaval to the state of Virginia, which had operated under deep segregation for decades. Under the influence of an extremely conservative political machine headed by Democratic Senator Harry Flood Byrd, Virginia enacted a strategy of total opposition to the Court’s decision. The “massive resistance” movement, as Byrd called it, was loosely based on the doctrine of interposition and included several legislative attempts to impede integration in the state. Politicians sympathetic to the Byrd machine withheld state funding from integrated schools and created pupil assignment plans that awarded only a few token spots to black students at white schools. The movement, which most historians cite as taking place from 1954 to 1956, ultimately caused temporary school closings in Charlottesville, Norfolk, and Prince Edward County, Virginia. While much has been written on the aftermath of the Brown ruling in the South, relatively few monographs have been published about Virginia’s massive resistance in particular.1 The majority of books specifically dealing with Virginian resistance were published in the 1960s and 1970s, a trend that presumably occurred because of the large interest in school integration during the Civil Rights movement. Until recently, books concerning Virginia’s massive resistance sought to explain it only through the actions of conservative whites who adamantly opposed the 1 For an overview of resistance to desegregation in the South, see Reed Sarrait, The Ordeal of Desegregation: The First Decade (New York: Harper and Row, 1966); Numan V. Bartley, The Rise of Massive Resistance: Race and Politics in the South During the 1950’s (Baton Rouge, LA: Louisiana State University Press, 1969); Francis M. -
Tennessee, the Solid South, and the 1952 Presidential Election
University of Mississippi eGrove Honors College (Sally McDonnell Barksdale Honors Theses Honors College) Spring 5-9-2020 Y'all Like Ike: Tennessee, the Solid South, and the 1952 Presidential Election Cameron N. Regnery University of Mississippi Follow this and additional works at: https://egrove.olemiss.edu/hon_thesis Part of the American Politics Commons, Political History Commons, and the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Regnery, Cameron N., "Y'all Like Ike: Tennessee, the Solid South, and the 1952 Presidential Election" (2020). Honors Theses. 1338. https://egrove.olemiss.edu/hon_thesis/1338 This Undergraduate Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Honors College (Sally McDonnell Barksdale Honors College) at eGrove. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of eGrove. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Y’ALL LIKE IKE: TENNESSEE, THE SOLID SOUTH, AND THE 1952 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION by Cameron N. Regnery A thesis submitted to the faculty of The University of Mississippi in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the Sally McDonnell Barksdale Honors College. Oxford April 2020 Approved by: __________________________________ Advisor: Dr. Darren Grem __________________________________ Reader: Dr. Rebecca Marchiel __________________________________ Reader: Dr. Conor Dowling © 2020 Cameron N. Regnery ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to thank my parents for supporting me both in writing this thesis and throughout my time at Ole Miss. I would like to thank my thesis advisor, Dr. Darren Grem, for helping me with both the research and writing of this thesis. It would certainly not have been possible without him. -
2013 CNU Football Media Gui
2 2013 CHRISTOPHER NEWPORT UNIVERSITY FOOTBALL CNUSPORTS.COM NCAA playoffs 2001, 2002, 2003, 2004, 2006, 2008, 2010, 2011, 2012 table of contents Location .............................................................Newport News, Va. Department Phone ....................................................757-594-7025 Founded ................................................................................... 1961 Department Fax .........................................................757-594-7839 Enrollment .............................................................................. 5,000 Website........................................................... www.CNUsports.com Nickname ...........................................................................Captains Sr. Dir. Athletic Communications Colors .............................................................Royal Blue and Silver Francis Tommasino .....................................................757-594-7884 Conference .....................................................................USA South Director of Sports Information Stadium ..............................................................POMOCO Stadium Rob Silsbee .................................................................757-594-7382 President .......................................................Sen. Paul S. Trible, Jr. Asst. Director of Sports Information Director of Athletics .................................................... Todd Brooks Kenny Kline ................................................................757-594-7886 -
The Civil Rights Realignment: How Race Dominates Presidential Elections
Political Analysis Volume 17 Volume XVII (2015) Article 1 2015 The iC vil Rights Realignment: How Race Dominates Presidential Elections ` Timothy J. Hoffman Seton Hall University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.shu.edu/pa Part of the American Politics Commons, and the Political Theory Commons Recommended Citation Hoffman, Timothy J. (2015) "The ivC il Rights Realignment: How Race Dominates Presidential Elections `," Political Analysis: Vol. 17 , Article 1. Available at: https://scholarship.shu.edu/pa/vol17/iss1/1 The Civil Rights Realignment: How Race Dominates Presidential Elections Timothy J. Hoffman The evolution of the black vote in presidential elections is one of the most significant changes to the American electorate over the last century. During this period, the black vote shifted to become one of the most solid pillars of the Democratic coalition, culminating with the historic election of Barack Obama as the first African American president in 2008. The race gap is arguably the most influential gap in explaining the political behavior of Americans and affects other behavioral gaps in American politics. This paper will take an historical perspective of presidential elections and political party dynamics since the Civil War and investigate how black voters defected from the Republican Party due to the actions of Democratic presidents who sought to enfranchise African Americans to build a stronger electoral coalition. We will analyze how the election of Franklin Delano Roosevelt in 1932 began the evolution of the black vote, as the New Deal promised new opportunities for minorities and signaled a shift towards a more involved government that served the needs of the people. -
Introduction to Virginia Politics
6/18/2021 Introduction to Virginia Politics 1 Things to Understand about 2 Virginia Politics Virginia is a Commonwealth (as are Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, and Kentucky) Significant to the Virginians who declared independence in 1776 – probably looking at the “commonwealth” (no king) during the English Civil War of the 1640s – 1650s. No current significance 2 Things to Understand about 3 Virginia Politics Voters do not register by political party Elections are held in odd-numbered years House of Delegates every 2 years State-wide offices—every 4 years (in the year AFTER a Presidential election) State Senate—every 4 years (in the year BEFORE a Presidential election) 3 1 6/18/2021 More Things to Understand 4 about Virginia Politics “Dillon Rule” state Independent Cities No campaign finance limitations for state elections 4 5 Virginia State Capitol, 6 Richmond, VA Designed by Thomas Jefferson Dedicated in 1788 6 2 6/18/2021 7 8 9 9 3 6/18/2021 The General Assembly 10 The official name of the State Legislature Dates from1619 Senate and a House of Delegates Meets annually, beginning in January, 60 days in even-numbered years (long session) 30 days in odd-numbered years (short session) 10 11 Year Chamber Membership Salary Elected House of 100 2019 $17,640++ Delegates (55D-45R) 40 Senate 2019 $18,000++ (21D-19R) 11 Partisan Breakdown in Virginia – 12 House of Delegates Year Democrats Republicans Independents 1960 96 4 0 1970 75 24 1 2000 50 49 1 2010 39 59 2 2016 34 66 0 2018 49 51 0 2020 55 45 0 12 4 6/18/2021 13 2019 House of Delegates Election 55 Democrats 45 Republicans 13 14 14 15 2019 Virginia State Senate Election Results 21 Democrats, 19 Republicans 15 5 6/18/2021 Partisan Breakdown in Virginia – State Senate 16 Year Democrats Republicans 1960 38 2 1970 33 7 1980 32 9 1990 30 10 2000 19 21 2010 22 18 2018 19 21 2020 21 19 Note: --Republicans and Democrats were tied 20-20 from 1996-2000 and again from 2012-2015. -
CARTER HAS SOLID LEAD OVER FORD, REAGAN for Release: June 24, 1976 by Louis Harris B with His First Ballot Nomination Now Virtually Assured, Former Georgia Gov
The Harris Survey CARTER HAS SOLID LEAD OVER FORD, REAGAN For Release: June 24, 1976 By Louis Harris b With his first ballot nomination now virtually assured, former Georgia Gov. Jimmy Carter has aoved out to a sweeping 53-40% lead over President Ford and a much wider 58-352 margin over former Calif. Gov. Ronald Re.~;;cn, according to the latest Harris Survey, held in mid-June. The base of Carter's strength is his apparent ability to carry his hone area of the South. He leads Gerald Ford in the border states by 68-29% and in the deep South by 57-38%. He is ahead of Ronnld Reagan in tkc region by almost the same margin: 68-28% in the border states and 55-372 in the deep South. He is the first Democrat in 12 years to demonstrate a capacity to win a solid South. The reason for Carter's current wide lead in this latest poll of 1,480 registered and likely voters is that traditional Democratic groups have rallied behind his candidacy now that the primary season is over. --Among labor union members, Carter leads the President by 61-33% and Reagan by 64-30%. --Among blacks, he holds a 71-17% edge over Mr. Ford and a 75-119: spread over the former California governor. --Among people who view themselves as liberals, Carter is ahead against President Ford by 67-27% and against Ronald Reagan by 76-182. -Among Catholics, he runs well ahead of the President by 53-409: and he beats Reagan by a more sizable 58-36%. -
Volume 10 Number 027 Massive Resistance
Volume 10 Number 027 Massive Resistance - II Lead: The reaction of the Virginia political establishment to the 1954 Supreme Court decision outlawing segregated schools was called massive resistance. The plan was the inspiration of the Byrd Machine. Intro.: A Moment in Time with Dan Roberts. Content: The Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. wrote from the Birmingham jail in 1963 that “privileged groups rarely give up their privileges voluntarily.” Perhaps nowhere has that best been demonstrated than Virginia in the 1950s. The news that the U.S. Supreme Court had unanimously declared segregated schools to be inherently unequal, therefore unconstitutional, was greeted throughout the white South with a combination of unbelief, fear, and defiance. To achieve unanimity on the Court, Chief Justice Earl Warren dealt with the constitutional question first and delayed the process of implementation. The South had time to comply or defy. Except for North Carolina, which devised a system of token and isolated desegregation, for the most part the South chose defiance. As it did in 1861, with equally lamentable results, Virginia led the way. From the 1920s to the mid-1960s, power in the Commonwealth resided in the Organization, commonly known as the Byrd Machine, named for its key figure, U.S. Senator and former Governor Harry Flood Byrd, Sr. of Winchester. The Machine’s base of power was that band of counties south of the James River known as the Southside. Its business was agriculture, specifically tobacco cultivation. Its population was split pretty evenly between disenfranchised and poorly educated African Americans and lots of very nervous whites.