Light Through the Darkness
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Korea's Mistake on China's ADIZ Controversy
Korea’s Mistake on China’s ADIZ Controversy By Dr. Victor Cha December 2, 2013 Victor Cha is a senior adviser and the inaugural holder of the Korea Chair at the Center for Strategic and International Studies. He is also director of Asian studies and holds the D.S. Song-KF Chair in the Department of Government and School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University. From 2004 to 2007, he served as director for Asian affairs at the White House on the National Security Council (NSC), where he was responsible primarily for Japan, the Korean peninsula, Australia/New Zealand, and Pacific Island nation affairs. Dr. Cha was also the deputy head of delegation for the United States at the Six-Party Talks in Beijing and received two Outstanding Service Commendations during his tenure at the NSC. He is the award-winning author of Alignment Despite Antagonism: The United States- Korea-Japan Security Triangle (Stanford University Press, 1999), winner of the 2000 Ohira Book Prize; Nuclear North Korea: A Debate on Engagement Strategies, with Dave Kang (Columbia University Press, 2004); Beyond the Final Score: The Politics of Sport in Asia (Columbia University Press, 2009); and The Impossible State: North Korea, Past and Future (Ecco, 2012. Dr. Cha holds a B.A., an M.I.A., and a Ph.D. from Columbia University, as well as an M.A. from Oxford University. The Republic of Korea appropriately protested China’s November 23 announcement of the creation of the East China Sea Air Defense Identification Zone (ADIZ) through foreign ministry and defense ministry channels last week. -
Survey of AFSC Archives on Korea (1938-2000) Created by Elizabeth Douglas ’13 in Spring 2012
Survey of AFSC Archives on Korea (1938-2000) Created by Elizabeth Douglas ’13 in Spring 2012 The AFSC in Korea: A Brief Summary The American Friends Service Committee’s (AFSC) archival on Korea first begin in 1938 when Gilbert Bowles travelled to Japanese occupied Korea. The AFSC did not begin work in the country until 1946, when it began to provide aid to the devastated country. Through the rest of the 1940s and 1950s, the AFSC provided relief to victims of both World War II and the Korean War. Throughout the 1970s and 1980s, the AFSC worked to expose the human rights violations perpetrated by the South Korean government. From since the 1960s, the AFSC organized various conferences and seminars on the possibility of reunifying North and South Korea. Throughout this time, AFSC delegates visited the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea; each time they toured the country, they wrote detailed reports describing their experiences and observations. The AFSC’s work continues into the 21st Century, and the archives are updated to reflect the AFSC’s current projects. How to Use this Survey: The following survey was designed to give a brief overview of the AFSC’s collection of materials on Korea. I have first listed the contents of the AFSC reference files on Korea and then the individual boxes chronologically. Within in each year is a list of relevant boxes and their pertinent contents. As the AFSC’s archives on Korea span a considerable period, there is much variance in organization systems. Although I did not list the names of every folder in every box, I gave a brief summary of relevant materials in each box; these summaries are not comprehensive but merely give an overview of the material. -
Obama's North Korea Conundrum
Victor D. Cha What Do They Really Want?: Obama’s North Korea Conundrum We remained deadlocked over a particular clause in the document. Our counterparts across the table demanded language that we thought to be unacceptable. Yet, in an effort to move the already faltering negotiations forward, we agreed to send the language back to Washington overnight for approval. This was the fourth round of the Six-Party Talks in September 2005. The talks had been suspended previously for well over a year, and the Bush administration, in its second term, was reengaging in a way that the first term had not. At issue was the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea’s (DPRK) demand that we put into writing a statement of U.S. non-hostile intent. The clause in question stipulated that the United States ‘‘has no intention to attack or invade the DPRK with nuclear or conventional weapons.’’1 To my surprise, the language came back the next morning having been approved in Washington. When we came back to the negotiation session at the Diaoyutai State Guest House with the accepted language, the Russians asked the Chinese chair for a recess from the deputy head of delegations drafting session. During the recess, they held a bilateral meeting with the North Koreans. In this meeting, they told the North, according to my Russian counterpart on their delegation, ‘‘The Americans are serious. You see this [clause]? This is called a negative security assurance. We tried to get this from them throughout the Cold War and were unsuccessful.’’ The author is the inaugural holder of the Korea Chair at CSIS, and adjunct senior fellow at the Pacific Council in Los Angeles. -
Introduction
Illusive Utopia: Theater, Film, and Everyday Performance in North Korea Suk-Young Kim http://press.umich.edu/titleDetailDesc.do?id=370207 The University of Michigan Press, 2010 Introduction The central square in Pyongyang (Pyeongyang) buzzes with patriotic com- motion as millions of legs are lifted in one unanimous step. The procession of soldiers, workers, farmers, students, and ordinary citizens, all in immac- ulately organized regiments, turns around the gloomy corners of the gar- gantuan Stalinist buildings and heads straight toward the sacred center of today’s jubilee. Each regiment moves in unison while exuding un›inching zeal for the regime: young students, future soldiers, ›aunt slogans like “Let us meet at the war front” and “We will become bullets ourselves”; farmers march around the gigantic moving platform displaying the models of the bountiful harvest for the year; veterans’ family members demonstrate with slogans professing their profound love for the leader, such as “We cannot live without you” and “We worship the Dear General like the sky.” The marchers look weary and lean, wearing their best clothes, well adorned for the pompous occasion. Their facial expressions are intense, but their hollow gazes directed at the state leaders on a high podium betray the intensity. As the marchers pass by the sacrosanct leader Kim Jong-il (Gim Jeong-il), they wave their arms more frantically and proclaim even louder than before: “LONG LIVE THE DEAR GENERAL! LONG LIVE THE DEAR GENERAL!” Like the voice of a specter, the echo resonates over the gray city long after the marchers disappear from sight.1 It is 2003 and North Korea is commemorating the ‹fty-‹fth anniversary of the foundation of its state. -
Assessing the Singapore Summit—Two Years Later
STRATEGIC STUDIES QUARTERLY - POLICY FORUM Assessing the Singapore Summit— Two Years Later n 12 June 2018, President Donald J. Trump and Kim Jong-Un met in Singapore for the first- ever meeting of a sitting US presi- dent with the leader of North Korea. The two men, to much fan- Ofare, shook hands in front of a row of six American and six North Korean flags. The now iconic image of the Trump- Kim handshake heralded the possibility of a better future between the two nations. At the conclusion of the summit, Trump and Kim cast aside 70 years of mutual enmity between their two nations, jointly pledging “a new future” of peaceful relations and the “complete denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula.”1 President Trump hailed the summit as a triumph. “Everybody can now feel much safer than the day I took office,” he declared on Twitter. “There is no longer a Nuclear Threat from North Korea.”2 Two years later, that optimism is gone. A second Kim- Trump summit, held in Hanoi, Vietnam, in 2019, ended abruptly without even a hand- shake, much less an agreement on how to move forward on denucleariza- tion or progress on sanctions relief.3 A few months later, the two leaders met once more—this time in the heavily fortified demilitarized zone (DMZ) separating the two Koreas—and agreed to restart negotiations.4 But that meeting has since proved little more than a photo op. Working- level talks between the US and North Korea have stagnated. The last round of talks, held in October 2019 in Stockholm, Sweden, ended after only eight hours of discussion. -
Gendered Rhetoric in North Korea's International
University of Wollongong Research Online University of Wollongong Thesis Collection 1954-2016 University of Wollongong Thesis Collections 2015 Gendered rhetoric in North Korea’s international relations (1946–2011) Amanda Kelly Anderson University of Wollongong Follow this and additional works at: https://ro.uow.edu.au/theses University of Wollongong Copyright Warning You may print or download ONE copy of this document for the purpose of your own research or study. The University does not authorise you to copy, communicate or otherwise make available electronically to any other person any copyright material contained on this site. You are reminded of the following: This work is copyright. Apart from any use permitted under the Copyright Act 1968, no part of this work may be reproduced by any process, nor may any other exclusive right be exercised, without the permission of the author. Copyright owners are entitled to take legal action against persons who infringe their copyright. A reproduction of material that is protected by copyright may be a copyright infringement. A court may impose penalties and award damages in relation to offences and infringements relating to copyright material. Higher penalties may apply, and higher damages may be awarded, for offences and infringements involving the conversion of material into digital or electronic form. Unless otherwise indicated, the views expressed in this thesis are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of the University of Wollongong. Recommended Citation Anderson, Amanda Kelly, Gendered rhetoric in North Korea’s international relations (1946–2011), Doctor of Philosophy thesis, School of Humanities and Social Inquiry, University of Wollongong, 2015. -
The Human Costs and Gendered Impact of Sanctions on North Korea
THE HUMAN COSTS AND GENDERED IMPACT OF SANCTIONS ON NORTH KOREA OCTOBER 2019 The Human Costs and Gendered Impact of Sanctions on North Korea October 2019 Korea Peace Now, a global movement of women mobilizing to end the Korean War, has commissioned the present report to assess the human cost of sanctions on North Korea, and particularly on North Korean women. The broader aim of the Korea Peace Now campaign is to open space for dialogue on building peace in the Koreas, to move away from the constraints of geopolitics and to view the situation from a human centric perspective. The report was compiled and produced by an international and multidisciplinary panel of independent experts, including Henri Féron, Ph.D., Senior Fellow at the Center for International Policy; Ewa Eriksson Fortier, former Head of Country Delegation in the DPRK for the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies (retired); Kevin Gray, Ph.D., Professor of International Relations at the University of Sussex; Suzy Kim, Ph.D., Professor of Korean History at Rutgers University; Marie O’Reilly, Gender, Peace & Security Consultant; Kee B. Park, MD, MPH, Director of the DPRK Program at the Korean American Medical Association and Lecturer at Harvard Medical School; and Joy Yoon, Co-founder of Ignis Community and PYSRC Director of Educational Therapy. The report is a consensus text agreed among the authors and does not necessarily represent each individual author’s comprehensive position. Authors’ affiliations are for identifying purposes only and do not represent the views of those institutions unless specified. On the cover: A woman works at the Kim Jong Suk Pyongyang textile factory in Pyongyang, North Korea, on July 31, 2014. -
Testimony of Victor Cha Before the UN Commission of Inquiry on North Korean Human Rights October 31, 2013 Washington, D.C
Testimony of Victor Cha before the UN Commission of Inquiry on North Korean Human Rights October 31, 2013 Washington, D.C. Commissioners Donald Kirby (Australia), Sonja Biserko (Serbia) and Marzuki Darusman (Indonesia) Dr. Victor Cha is Senior Adviser for Asia and the inaugural holder of the Korea Chair at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington, D.C. He also holds the D.S. Song-KF Chaired Professorship in Government and International Affairs at Georgetown University, where he is also director of the National Resource Center for Asian Studies in the Walsh School of Foreign Service. He served as Director for Asian Affairs at the National Security Council from 2004 through May 2007. Dr. Cha was also the Deputy Head of Delegation for the United States at the Six Party Talks in Beijing Thank you to the Commission of Inquiry for their work thus far on an important topic. For too long, human rights abuses in North Korea have been cast aside for so-called higher priorities in policy with North Korea. Yet when unification comes one day, and all is revealed, we will be witness to one of the worst human rights abuses in modern world history. I will organize my remarks, Mr. Chairman, around three issues this morning: 1) U.S. policy; 2) China’s responsibilities; and 3) the potential for hope and change in North Korean society. U.S. policy Mr. Chairman, as you are aware, North Korean human rights has not traditionally been a high priority in U.S. policy to the North. The primary focus has been on the security threat in two respects: 1) conventional deterrence of a second North Korean invasion; and 2) denuclearization. -
Comparative Analysis of Women's Military Participation in East Asia
Comparative Analysis of Women’s Military Participation in East Asia By Lana Obradovic Within political science where East Asia seems to be the scholarly flavour of the day, Western military analysts continue to focus their research on traditional, realist concerns such as military spending, technological advancement, and the North Korean threat, with little or no mention of the recent gender integration policies of the military services in the region. When the world’s largest all-female formation in military parade history – 378 Chinese women soldiers of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) – made its debut by goose-stepping past the Tian’anmen Rostrum during the 60th anniversary of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) on October 1st, 2009, most observers noted their presence by describing the female soldiers’ short hot pink skirts and knee-high leather boots : communist-realist kitsch reigned supreme. None thought of mentioning that the Chinese military has the same number of women as the US. Similarly, colourful images of dancing and sword-yielding servicewomen’s performances in North Korea overshadow the reports that females comprise up to 22 percent of the country’s total military force levels, that they guard every tunnel and bridge, or that most of the artillery units along the North Korean coast are made up of women.1 Nor does the reverse situation in neighbouring democracies raise any eyebrows. Despite extensive reforms and almost full integration, surprisingly low percentages of women in the Self-Defence Forces (SDF) of Japan (5.4%) and South Korea’s armed forces (4%) hardly even earn a footnote in most Western scholarly works. -
Path to Peace: the Case for a Peace Agreement to End the Korean
Path Theto Case Peace for a Peace Agreement to End the Korean War Korea Peace Now! Women Mobilizing to End the War | February 2021 Path to Peace: The Case for a Peace Agreement to End the Korean War February 2021 Korea Peace Now! Women Mobilizing to End the War, a global campaign to end the Korean War, produced the present report to assess how a peace-first approach can resolve the security crisis on the Korean Peninsula. This report is a collective work that benefited from Korea Peace Now! would also like to thank Kevin Gray, months of consensus-building and input. Ph.D., Professor of International Relations at the University Korea Peace Now! would like to acknowledge of Sussex; Suzy Kim, Ph.D., Professor of Korean History in particular Henri Féron, Senior Fellow at the at Rutgers University; and Paul Liem, Korea Policy Center for International Policy, as project lead. Institute, who contributed their feedback and review. This report is the collective work of the following people: External contributions were made by Lt. Col. Daniel Davis, Senior Fellow and Military Expert at Defense Ray Acheson, Director of Reaching Critical Will, Women’s Priorities; Jessica Lee, Senior Research Fellow on East International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF) Asia at Quincy Institute; Adam Mount, Senior Fellow and Christine Ahn, Executive Director, Women Director of the Defense Posture Project at the Federation Cross DMZ (Chapter V, “Why Women Should of American Scientists; and Hazel Smith, Professorial Be Involved in the Peace Process”) Research Associate at SOAS, University of London. Kozue Akibayashi, Professor at Doshisha University, These external contributions are strictly independent former International President of Women’s International from the Korea Peace Now! campaign and represent League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF) (Chapter V, the personal views of the contributors. -
Additional Report Submitted to the CEDAW
Additional Report submitted to the CEDAW By Eunkyoung Kwon, Director of Open North Korea This submission relates to articles 2, 5, 9, 10, 11, and 12 of the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW). Research and interviews for the submission was conducted in early October. The interviewees are seven female escapees (appendix 1) from the DPRK (North Korea): two of them came from Musan, North Hamkyung Province, three from Chongjin, North Hamkyung Province, and the other two from Hyesan of Yangkang Province. Of the six, two interviewees came to the ROK (South Korea) in 2016, immediately after leaving North Korea, while three came to the South in 2010 and 2012. The sixth woman came to the South in 2013, after experiencing a five- year detention in gyohwaso (an ordinary prison in North Korea), upon forced repatriation to North Korea. Arrested and repatriated in 2008, she had to leave her one month-old baby behind in China. The last woman was detained in the Hamheung gyohwaso for seven years because she was trafficked to a Chinese man and lived there for 3 years and crucially belonged to the hostile class due to her grandfather’s career contributing to the Japanese colonial government. The other five interviewees were all housewives who earned a living by selling home-made products in markets, so called jangmadang in North Korean. Lastly, one of the women held the title of chairwoman of a women’s unit in a neighborhood of Hyesan. Through the testimonies of women who left North Korea both during the Kim Jong Il era and the Kim Jong Un era, a different point in the situation of the society was found. -
Not Much Below the Surface?
Not Much Below the Surface? Not Much Below the Surface? North Korea’s Nuclear Program and the New SLBM By Markus Schiller, Robert H. Schmucker, and J. James Kim In May 2015, only a month after key figures in the U.S. military publicly acknowledged the possibility that North Korea has perfected the miniaturization of a nuclear warhead for long-range delivery, the secretive country seems to have confirmed these claims with a series of announcements, including a "successful" submarine launched ballistic missile (SLBM) test at sea.1, 2 While many experts question the authenticity of these claims, the latest announcements do warrant closer scrutiny, given their implications for regional stability and order.3 We will begin our discussion with a technical analysis of the latest available evidence about North Korea's missile technology. Note that we will not consider the claims related to miniaturization, given that there is little open source information to confirm or disprove these claims. Instead, we provide an assessment of the so-called “KN-11” based on official photographs and a video released by the North Korean KCNA. The results of our finding are inconclusive - meaning there is not enough evidence supporting (or refuting) the existence of a functional ICBM or SLBM in North Korea. In the second part of our discussion, we will explore North Korea's intentions by considering the broader political context within which this latest set of announcements has been made. We argue that these moves correspond to past patterns of North Korean behavior and are likely to be driven by the leadership's desire to seek attention and possibly draw the United States to the bargaining table whereby North Korea can win important concessions.