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2009

"You Have To Be Involved ... To Play A Part in It" Assessing Kainai Attitudes about Voting In Canadian Elections

Yale D. Belanger University of Lethbridge, Alberta

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Belanger, Yale D., ""You Have To Be Involved ... To Play A Part in It" Assessing Kainai Attitudes about Voting In Canadian Elections" (2009). Great Plains Quarterly. 1147. https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/greatplainsquarterly/1147

This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Great Plains Studies, Center for at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in Great Plains Quarterly by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. "YOU HAVE TO BE INVOLVED ... TO PLAY A PART IN IT" ASSESSING KAINAI ATTITUDES ABOUT VOTING IN CANADIAN ELECTIONS

YALE D. BELANGER

The question of the right to vote can properly be regarded as an aspect of status and as a determinant of political influence. The general prohibition of voting privileges denied Indians the possession of one of the central symbols of membership in the Canadian political system.1 -Harry Hawthorn (1967)

The October 14 election allows the voices of over 800,000 First Nation citizens across Canada to be heard given the slim margin of victory in over 50 ridings in the last general election. To that end, the Assembly of First Nations National Chief Phil Fontaine has launched "Vote '08, Change Can't Wait!", a First Nations political participation and public awareness campaign to encourage voting among First Nations voters al1d to increase the profile of Aboriginal issues in this election. This ini­ tiative is also aimed at soliciting a clear and robust Aboriginal platform from each political party.2 -Assembly of First Nations press release (2008)

Two days prior to the federal election on 1993-97) publicly implored First Nations people June 28, 2004, the Lethbridge Herald ran an in Canada to participate in the forthcoming article in which the renowned Cree leader and vote.3 Citing the recent demographic shift former Member of Parliament Elijah Harper showing a dramatic increase in the number (Churchill electoral district in Manitoba, of young First Nations people nationally and their potential ability to influence provincial and federal electoral results, Harper proclaimed Key Words: Alberta, First Nations, interviewing, that "Native people have a positive role to play Kainai, voting in this process." Referring to the endemic lack of voter turnout in recent elections without Dr. Yale D. Belanger (Ph.D.) is an assistant professor offering an explanation for these trends, he of Native American Studies (NAS) at the University cautioned First Nations readers that simply fol­ of Lethbridge, Alberta, where he divides his time as the department's history and politics specialist. lowing politics from the comfort of one's home was meaningless. Complaining about federal [GPQ 29 (Winter 2009): 29-49) and provincial political matters was not an

29 30 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, WINTER 2009

participation symbolic of the "Indian's" emer­ gent equality. This did not occur as predicted, even if available statistical data show First Nations to be exercising their franchise right at rates higher than during any period since 1960, the year they were granted the vote. Despite climbing participation rates, these numbers lag behind mainstream Canadian society's voter participation rates, which in recent years have witnessed a steady decline. That First Nations eschewed voting in Canadian elections was by no means an epiphany, however. Since the 1980s and early 1990s several researchers have described the low First Nations voter turnout rates as being a significant issue.6 In the mid- 1990s, Jonathon Malloy and Graham White observed, in an understatement, that "natives do not place a high priority on voting in Canadian elections."7 In anticipation of a 2004 federal election call, Elections Canada devoted its entire FIG. 1. NDP MLA (New Demoncratic Party November 2003 publication, Electoral Insight, Member of Legislative Assembly) Elijah Harper sits in the Manitoba legislature holding an eagle feather for to First Nations voting behavior in an attempt spiritual strength as he continues to delay the house to expose the issues hindering First Nations debate on the Meech Lake a~cord in Winnipeg, June electoral participation. A major theme to 19, 1990. Courtesy of The Canadian Press/Wayne emerge from the seven essays was the federal Glowacki. and provincial governments' inability to ensure First Nations parliamentary and legislative rep­ resentation, in turn resulting in limited voter turnout. Similar concerns had been previously option, opined Harper, echoing in his conclud­ expressed by Trevor Knight, Tim Schouls, Will ing comments Michel Foucault's contention Kymlicka, and Roger Gibbins, all of whom that power is contingent and exercised in spa­ emphasized restructuring federal electoral dis­ tial (political) contexts.4 Simply put, "You have tricts to enhance First Nations parliamentary to be involved [as a voter] ... to playa part in participation, echoing the recommendations it [Canadian politics).,,5 of the 1992 Royal Commission on Electoral This study arises in response to Harper's Reform and Party Financing and its Committee comments and to provide much-needed con­ for Aboriginal Electoral Reform.8 The authors text to the limited research examining First provided compelling reasons for implementing Nations voting behavior. Although it might strategies they suggested could lead to improved seem to be a straightforward question, answer­ First Nations voter turnout. It was during this ing why First Nations individuals resist voting period that several scholars began to stress in Canadian elections can be challenging. As the franchise's potential political influence the above epigraph suggests, Harry Hawthorn both federally and provincially and in terms of and his colleagues in the 1960s anticipated fortifying First Nations' political resolve in the First Nations one day participating as voters in pursuit of self-government.9 federal and provincial elections, their electoral The problem, as I see it, was that none of participation considered a metric of civic these works probed the underlying reasons ASSESSING KAINAI ATTITUDES ABOUT VOTING IN CANADIAN ELECTIONS 31 leading to poor First Nations voter turnout. disenfranchisement-Elections Canada data It was not until the publication of Election show that 296 polling booths were located in Canada's special edition in 2003 that specific Canada's estimated 1,100 inhabited reserves theories were posited for poor First Nations during the 2004 election. The third barrier is voting turnout. Unfortunately, the proffered a lack of effective communication. The Royal hypotheses took on a life of their own and were Commission on Electoral Reform and Party generally and uncritically accepted by scholars Financing, for example, highlighted "inad­ and public policymakers alike as the key drivers equate media coverage, insufficient availability leading to First Nations voter alienation.l° of media, and a failure to provide campaign A close reading of the available literature, materials and issues in Aboriginal languages of which Electoral Insight is the most recent as being among the factors that discourage and arguably the most significant contribution, Aboriginal participation."12 Geographic disper­ suggests six key barriers to First Nations indi­ sion is the fourth barrier. As Elections Canada viduals voting in Canadian elections. I propose elaborated, "There are very few electoral dis­ that these barriers offer scholars both a general tricts in which Aboriginal people constitute a conceptual framework to study the issues and significant enough percentage of the electorate an important lens through which to scrutinize to wield actual influence in electoral politics."13 more rigorously regional First Nations voting The fifth barrier, which is the most popu­ trends. This framework is needed to combat lar explanation for the current lack of First the increasingly prevalent notion that First Nations voter participation to date, is "feelings Nations voter alienation is a universal phenom­ of exclusion ... a perceived lack of effective­ enon. Failure to acknowledge the cultural and ness, the non-affirmation of group difference regional forces influencing First Nations voting by and within electoral politics, and the behavior homogenizes First Nations people and virtual lack of a group's presence in electoral their unique socioeconomic challenges, suggest­ politics," all of which lead to political disin­ ing that an encompassing corrective to existing terest. Accordingly, First Nations individuals conditions, once developed, will become a pana­ tend "to see themselves as distinct from other cea. However, regional and community-based Canadians and as belonging to 'nations case studies are desperately needed in order to within'; and as nations that are not represented survey the dynamics of First Nations voting 'within."'14 Two subthemes have emerged from behavior rooted in rational choice, and in this discourse. The nationalism discourse sug­ order to expand our understanding of why First gests that First Nations choose not to vote in Nations resist voting in Canadian elections. "foreign elections" and to focus their energies The first barrier is historical, specifically on local reserve politics. The political place­ Canada's failure to grant First Nations the right ment discourse suggests that First Nations to vote. One political scientist has suggested will choose when and where to exercise their that lingering memories of Canada using franchise right within the Canadian polity for "enfranchisement as a tool of assimilation" has maximum political effect. led First Nations people to avoid participating in Finally, the sixth barrier is that the fran­ federal and provincial elections.l1 The second chise forces "people to surrender their right to barrier is socioeconomic status. It is commonly participate in politics by reducing the right to accepted that First Nations people compose the merest gesture, the written mark, the vote a disproportionate segment of Canada's poor, ... deployed as a tool of totalizing power, which homeless, and transient, all undergirded by low everywhere defines itself as democratic and postsecondary education attainment levels. defines democracy by this hollow shell: the vote This suggests that First Nations impoverish­ that establishes 'representative' government."15 ment leads to disenfranchisement. The inabil­ As such, "the vote is an abstraction; it repre­ ity to leave the reserve to vote also leads to sents the whole political speech and activity 32 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, WINTER 2009 of individual citizens, from whom other forms COLLECTING DATA ON FIRST NATIONS of political speech and activity are no longer PEOPLE required and, indeed, discouraged."16 Russel Barsh et al. (1997) developed a A distinctive feature of this study is that the comprehensive study to contrast First Nations results are based upon the views and attitudes and non-Native voting behavior in southern of First Nations people, specifically members of Alberta from a list of sixteen general elections the Kainai First Nation of southern Alberta. and the 1992 Charlottetown constitutional ref­ The intention from the beginning was to gain erendum. Many of the hypotheses listed above a First Nations perspective on the interests, were reflected in his conclusions. In particular, preferences, and factors that led Kainai indi­ three principal interpretive themes emerged viduals to decide on behalf of or against voting from the interview data, indicating that (1) in Canadian elections. The Kainai First Nation First Nations peoples suffered from feelings of was chosen for several reasons. One, it was exclusion from Canadian society that results the site of a previous study examining reserve in minimal impact in federal and provincial members' electoral participation, thereby per­ elections; (2) a lack of practical and strategic mitting comparative analyses. Second, recent information not only made learning about band elections demonstrated impressive voter candidates difficult but also hampered people participation rates, trends that appeared to in -their ability to locate polling stations or be at odds with circulating anecdotes suggest­ electoral lists; and (3) respondents tended to ing that young Kainai individuals altogether be less optimistic about influencing federal and eschew voting. Finally, all three research assis­ provincial elections but were confident in their tants (1 male, 2 females) resided at Kainai and ability to influence band council electionsP had previous experience working with youths The aforementioned studies constitute the and elders. Two were selected as interviewers canon of academic literature exploring why to foster internal validity and to guide the proj­ First Nations people resist participating in ect's development and implementation, while federal and provincial elections. Noticeably the third assisted in developing the literature little has changed in the decade since Barsh's review and thematic analysis. Informant par­ rarely cited study. As a result, our understand­ ticipation was limited to English-speaking ing of First Nations participation in Canadian reserve residents in an effort to generate a electoral politics is at best limited. While community-based perspective chronicling why government data detailing First Nations voter Kainai individuals generally avoid voting in participation rates are informative, the issue of off-reserve elections. why First Nations people resist voting in federal Following University of Lethbridge ethics and provincial elections is of primary concern. approval to conduct research with human sub­ With these issues in mind, this exploratory jects, the research assistants by word of mouth study seeks to help answer the question why snowballed a sample of thirty potential project Kainai individuals aged twenty to twenty-nine participants who were then interviewed to resist voting in provincial and federal elec­ determine project compatibility (e.g., available tions. While building on previous scholarship, for followup interviews; willing to engage the this research is also intended to provide the interviewers; thought the issue was important, additional baseline data needed to develop etc.). A final list of twenty participants was cre­ more extensive comparative research into First ated from the preliminary interview responses. Nations voting behavior in external and band The age group twenty to twenty-nine was council elections in southern Alberta.Is It also selected based on overall age characteristics identifies several factors that ultimately hinder that showed this group to be one of the larg­ Kainai voting participation in Canadian elec­ est and fastest growing cohorts amongst the tions. general reserve population. Individuals in this ASSESSING KAINAI ATTITUDES ABOUT VOTING IN CANADIAN ELECTIONS 33 age group also represent the first generation of pant in a discussion while subtly posing, in no students to be taught in community schools particular order, a number of predetermined controlled and operated exclusively by First questions designed to keep the interviewer Nations. Each of the participants {all grade 12 attuned to the major themes being investigated graduates} had been exposed to the same cur­ while eliciting the participants' stories. Such riculum and in most cases had been taught by stories, in this instance, provide insight into the same teachers. personal decision-making.2o Ferrier has argued These individuals were also in the founda­ that "knowledge is constructed by people and tional stages of determining, in general, how groups of people; reality is multiperspectival; they would serve the community politically, truth is grounded in everyday life and social and specifically, how their political choices relations; life is a text but thinking is an inter­ could potentially impact their families. The pretative act; facts and values are inseparable; participants also demonstrated little knowl­ and science and all other human activities are edge of Canadian federal and provincial value-Iaden."21 The person-centered interview politics. Interestingly, most considered voting enabled the researchers to become further an important responsibility even if they did grounded in the context of social interface not precisely understand what it represented that led to the development of both cultur­ for them, personally. The cohort's collective ally {Kainai} and regionally {reserve} specific employment rates and educational attainment meanings for voting.22 levels reflected general community standards For the research's final phase a thematic based on data available from Statistics Canada. analysis was produced to draw themes central In all, the cohort of ten men and ten women to Kainai voting behavior through "careful was considered statistically representative of reading and re-reading of the data."23 In each the Kainai First Nations citizenry aged twenty section the voices of the participants are uti­ to twenty-nine. lized to allow those individuals to "tell the Subsequent to the selection process, a story," as it were, of the issues and concerns follow-up interview was conducted to inform influencing their voting behavior. The coding each participant of their rights and responsi­ process involved identifying an important bilities, to build trust, and to collect data such comment or interview moment prior to pro­ as the participant's age, current home and life ceeding with data interpretation.24 Encoding situation, and employment and educational enabled the organization and categorization of status, to name a few fields of inquiry. The data from which central themes were identified personal interview represented the second and developed.2s Data collection and analysis stage of the data-gathering phase. For this stage proceeded simultaneously, and transcripts the research team agreed that the appropri­ were r~read to ensure accuracy and thematic ate research model was the person-centered applicability to the original data. To express interview, an exploratory, discussion-based our appreciation for the time provided and method designed to "clarify the relations of to honor the knowledge made available to individuality, both as output and input, to its us, each participant was provided with a fifty­ sociocultural context" while eliciting behaviors dollar honorarium. and attitudes that suggest "hidden or latent dimensions of the organization of persons and THE POLITICAL SETTING of the sociocultural matrix and their interac­ tions."19 This was an appropriate model, as the Located in southern Alberta, the Kainai participants were comfortable engaging the First Nation is situated on the Blood Reserve. research assistant{s} in conversation. At 881 square kilometers, it is Canada's larg­ The interviews followed a general format est geographic reserve, boasting a population whereby the researcher engaged the partici- in excess of 10,000. A member nation of the 34 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, WINTER 2009

Ca.adi non-Natives, "indigenous cultures were largely exterminated or pushed aside."29 Countering BLOOD INDIAN RESERVE ALLEGED CLAIM AREA this position is a growing literature base dem­ onstrating political complexity among North American indigenous cultures, even if the Kainai's political and social experiences did not permit their leaders to "conceive of authority in European-western terms" prior to European contact.30 Defined communally, all functions of Kainai tribal government were ruled over by the collective. Here, self-interest could not be separated from tribal good-they were inextri­ cably intertwined and virtually identicaPl To achieve rank, one needed to gain community respect through reputation building based upon acts of bravery, for wisdom and discretion, by becoming an object of admiration, in sum by interacting closely, positively and often with MOUN'TA1N RANGE neighbors and family. Following extended contact the Kainai pressured the British Crown for a treaty, a FIG. 2. Map representing historical and actual nation-to-nation pact establishing the rules boundaries of the Blood Indian' Reserve in southern needed to guide both Indian-Crown relations Alberta, 1999. Created for Indian and Northern and territory-sharing provisions.32 Specifically, Affairs Canada (INAC), Negotiations Group, Specific the depletion of the buffalo significantly chal­ Claims. Courtesy of Public Works and Government Services Canada (PWGSC) for Indian and Northern lenged the Kainai's regional political and mili­ Affairs Canada (INAC). [http://geoportail-geoportal. tary supremacy, leading to treaty negotiations ainc-inac.gc.ca/mp-prd/lnd-03 _e.htmll in September 1877. In return for annuities and the Crown's promise to protect the last remaining buffalo herds and create sheltered reserves, the Kainai and Treaty 7 signatories Blackfoot Confederacy, the Kainai originally ceded 54,000 square kilometers of modern-day organized into small bands typically no larger southern Alberta to facilitate settler migration. than thirty people.26 Prior to their mid­ Unbeknownst to Kainai leaders anticipat­ eighteenth-century acquisition of the horse, ing that previous treaty assurances regarding the Kainai traversed their territory on foot, a their continued right to self-govern would be period of limited mobility known as the "dog honored, the Crown strictly adhered to an days," which was followed by the development assimilation policy envisioning Indian absorp­ of more efficient hunting techniques and the tion into Canadian society. Legislation such expansion of Kainai territorial claims.27 Soon as the Indian Act (1876) was established to the Kainai were positioned as a preeminent assist implementing assimilation;33 residential military power in the northwestern region of schools were created to instruct First Nations the Plains.28 Kainai political processes stressed children in Canadian cultural norms;34 and that individuals maintain close relationships reserves established to segregate First Nations in the community. Many political scientists from Canadian society's ills all the while present tribal societies like the Kainai as dem­ simultaneously promoting their incorporation onstrating "little or no specialized structure of into that society.35 In particular, the Indian government" and that with the appearance of Act provided for the administration of three ASSESSING KAINAI ATTITUDES ABOUT VOTING IN CANADIAN ELECTIONS 35 key areas: allocation of reserve lands, defin­ levy taxes. The council was further empow­ ing Indian status, and granting powers of ered to manage policing and public health enforcement to the Canadian government. matters. Most reserves refused to comply and Provisions within the Indian Act forced an the Canadian government again responded. end to traditional governance and replaced it In 1895 the Indian Act was amended, provid­ with municipal-style models overseen by local ing Indian agents and DIA officials with the Indian agents empowered to enforce provisions sweeping authority needed to oust traditional outlawing traditional and hereditary leadership leaders who had been elected to band council selection processes. but who had since been deemed unfit for politi­ The most debilitating challenge to sustain­ cal office by the Indian agent. Once ousted ing traditional Kainai governance came in from power, these individuals were considered the form of the Department of Indian Affairs ineligible by law to run in future elections or (DIA), established in 1880, the country's cen­ hold band council positions. tral bureaucracy responsible for the day-to-day Despite what could be considered a ques­ activities and political processes of reserve tionable federal policy and legislative orienta­ communities. The superintendent general of tion, the Kainai demonstrated a willingness the DIA, determined to enforce the imposition to engage with and participate in Canadian of the elective band council model (est. 1871), society. As part of its Treaty 7 obligations to consequently deprived traditional leaders of the Crown, the Kainai permitted unfettered political recognition by acknowledging only access to their traditional lands, thereby those individuals elected according to the fulfilling a promise to open their territory to Indian Act criteria. The goal was to transform settlers wishing to share the country with its hereditary leadership models into more palat­ original inhabitants.37 Following the buffalo able municipal-style councils "intended to serve hunting economy's failure in 1879, the Kainai as a pliable instrument that would advance the quickly and successfully adopted farming and general aims of federal tutelage and support ranching. As part of the regional southern the particular day-to-day objectives of field Alberta agrarian economy, reserve farming and officers."36 Presented as a voluntary process, ranching flourished into the early 1920s, their few bands adopted this foreign electoral model, ultimate failure tied to bureaucratic ineptitude maintaining allegiance to traditional leader­ and malevolence.38 Striking volunteer ism in ship selection procedures. Those who chose the the Great War (1914-18) and World War II electoral model nevertheless found Canadian (1939-45) occurred. Confirming the Kainai's officials disinclined to personally interact with willingness to assist mainstream Canadian their leadership. From a federal perspective, the society was the leadership's decision to grant most direct means available to oppose federal military access to the Blood Reserve in 1941, plans was to participate in council meetings thereby permitting the Canadian Forces to and by voting for the candidate believed best establish a 50,000-acre bombing and gunnery suited to deal with federal officials. range that took up approximately one-seventh First Nations resistance compelled federal of the reserve land base.39 In 1956 the com­ officials to implement the Indian Advancement munity once again chose to negotiate in good Act (1884) that aggressively championed faith with Canadian officials, granting access Indian assimilation by once again confer­ to 1,550 acres of reserve land that enabled the ring certain privileges to bands considered successful expansion of the St. Mary's River adequately advancing to a more civilized status. Irrigation District and the flow of much-needed The Advancement Act promoted training water to southern Alberta's drought-stricken local leaders for municipal responsibilities and farmers and ranchers.4o providing those responsible for guiding the This participation, however, did not extend elected band council with the authority to to voting in Canadian elections, despite John 36 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, WINTER 2009

G. Diefenbaker's Progressive Conservatives Sidney Pobihushchy discovered substantial granting Indians the franchise in 1960. Indians voter participation in band council elections were previously barred from voting due to a in New Brunswick and Nova Scotia between perceived lack of civilized status, privileges 1972 and 1992 and notably lower participation such as treaty rights inaccessible to mainstream in federal elections in both provinces during Canadians, a lack of fee simple landholdings, the same time period. Their work revealed First and sovereign assertions not befitting Canadian Nations voter participation in New Brunswick citizens.41 Diefenbaker ensured people that the and Nova Scotia band coulIcil elections (1972- Indian vote in federal and provincial elections 92) hovered in the 90 percent range while par­ would not compromise their status or make ticipation in federal elections in both provinces this participation contingent on "complete ranged from 17.8 and 54 percent, respectively, assimilation into Canadian society.''42 Despite to 27.6 and 45.2 percent, respectively, for pro­ these assurances, Barsh et al. concluded that vincial elections.47 Bedford later showed New voter participation among the Blood (Kainai) Brunswick First Nations people engaging as and Peigan (Piikuni) of southern Alberta was voters, with 70 percent participating in the limited, albeit higher in federal than provin­ 1962 federal election.48 Nevertheless, that cial elections. However, the number of people number had dropped to 17.7 percent by 1988, voting dropped consistently over a fifteen­ with corresponding trends for provincial elec­ year period beginning in 1980 that has yet to tions. Finally, he also found Nova Scotia First recover at the Kainai First Nation.43 Outside Nations participation in both provincial and Barsh's work, little in the way of reliable statis­ federal elections to remain fairly consistent tical data articulating southern Alberta First during the same study period. Nations voter participatiQn rates and voting Notwithstanding the right to vote, which trends exists for the 1960s, '70s, and '80s. provides an avenue enabling an individual's National research conducted by Elections civic participation and political influence, Canada showed First Nations voter participa­ First Nations voter participation rates lag. The tion rates in the 2000 federal election ranged question as to why this persists is significant, from 35.3 percent in Quebec to 66.9 percent especially in light of three key points. One, the in Prince Edward Island, with Alberta listed move toward securing treaty rights continues at 53.9 percent.44 The lack of specific data and to be undermined by the federal government's their reliability can be attributed to what one limited interpretation of these rights, which academic described as the "virtual absence arguably limits First Nations political capacity. of electoral districts where Aboriginal people Two, the disputed Aboriginal self-government represent the majority of voters.''45 A similar process currently proceeds at a snail's pace, with study found First Nations turnout for the no real end or specific goals in sight, thereby Charlottetown referendum in 1992 was 41 per­ challenging First Nations desires to engage the cent, with 38 percent and 40 percent partici­ Canadian government in a nation-to-nation pating in the 1993 and 1997 federal elections, relationship.49 Third, current demographic respectively. Mainstream voter participation trends highlight the fact that First Nations rates of 71.8 percent for the referendum and will comprise an ever-increasing segment of 69.9 percent and 67 percent for the two elec­ the Canadian population, suggesting that if tions suggest that the majority of First Nations effectively utilized the vote could be employed tend to avoid voting in Canadian elections.46 in key regions to ensure First Nations political In their research examining status and representation and parliamentary influence.50 nonstatus Indian voter turnout for federal, pro­ The Kainai voter survey offers insight as to why vincial, and band elections in New Brunswick, the vote is viewed with suspicion despite its Nova Scotia, and Prince Edward Island between publicized potential to improve First Nations 1962 and 1993, David Bedford and the late political participation in Canadian society. ASSESSING KAINAI ATTITUDES ABOUT VOTING IN CANADIAN ELECTIONS 37

THE KAINAI FIRST NATIONS VOTER SURVEY making it possible for leaders to achieve rank only by gaining respect through reputation­ Interviewing for this project took place building based upon acts of bravery, wisdom, starting in November 2005 prior to the Kainai and discretion, in essence by becoming an Band Council election. To provide context, 51 object of admiration. 55 This check was devised percent of eligible voters in the Kainai First to avoid power becoming concentrated in one Nation participated in selecting a chief and or a handful of individuals. In sum, individuals twelve councillors from a potential field of 115 demonstrating knowledge and experience were candidates (one out of every 100 citizens on viewed as leaders in communities where lobby­ reserve ran for council). Albeit 4 percent lower ing for leadership positions through structured than the 2001 elections, band election voter voting procedures was shunned. participation far outstripped the 13 percent The loss of this previously intimate and per­ Kainai First Nation turnout rate in the 2004 sonal political process was identified as prob­ federal election and the estimated one-quarter lematic by all project respondents, in particular participation in the provincial election. 51 the lack of personal interaction with political This survey interviewed people at length to candidates. All suggested that such behavior determine the thought process leading to their reflected a lack of interest in First Nations decision to vote or not to vote and to assess the affairs at best, and at worst the belief that six conceptual barriers to First Nations voting politicians held disdain for First Nations people participation previously outlined. As discussed and their concerns. Leadership selection was below, the participants at times both validated presented as an important responsibility not and contradicted the barriers to voting out­ to be taken lightly. One twenty-eight-year­ lined above while presenting four additional old male concluded, "I see the significance of themes/hypothesis detailed below that improve voting in both [federal and provincial elec­ our collective understanding of why Kainai tions] because, you know, I'm getting older and individuals resist voting in Canadian elec­ a lot of stuff is going to be affecting me now. It tions. affects everyday life and the people that do get elected in, you know, you've got to know what THE PERSONAL ASPECT OF POLITICS they stand for."56 Federal and provincial candi­ dates' refusal to visit the reserve to speak to one The Kainai historically embraced a politi­ individual about the issues or to engage him cal model characterized by an absence of as a political equal kept this individual from power relations {coercive, hierarchical, and voting in Canadian elections.57 It also forced authoritative).52 Maintaining relationships one twenty-six-year-old male to reference the was stressed and aggressive political competi­ print media and television for his informa­ tion among individuals avoided. Folks were tion. Television in particular was cited by most taught to govern their own personal affairs informants (n = 16) as an essential political in communities where no individual had the tool needed to forge a general sense of personal right to govern another. Leadership skills were interface with politicians. This was required, as seen as gifts derived from the Creator and the latter informant suggested, before a voter fostered in communities where responsibilities can "really see and understand politicians." to the community were stressed rather than Television was considered the best medium becoming "a claimant of rights.,,53 A complex available for participants to scrutinize political network of relationships evolved that guided candidates and to read their body language, all functions of government conducted by the which was considered central in assisting people who were responsible for the day-to-day individuals in making an informed decision. governance. 54 Importantly, those considered to Elaborating on this point, a twenty-something be commanding or overbearing were rejected, female stated "I guess if I see the person and 38 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, WINTER 2009

. . . go hear them talking . . . and if I think be surprising. What are difficult to overcome they are sincere" simply by watching how they are the feelings of intimidation associated handle themselves in public makes easier the with voting, which is further exacerbated by task of selecting a candidate. Interestingly, and a limited knowledge of Canadian federal and reflecting the majority of respondents (n = 15), provincial politics. This often dissuaded people she assumed that politicians "wouldn't lie."58 from exercising the franchise, according to This is not surprising, for historically lying a twenty-seven-year-old male: "I just think or misrepresenting oneself or your family in a that people ... are scared to [get involved]. small First Nations community would quickly They don't know what they are like, [they be discovered and the individual shamed. lack] influence." He concluded, "I think just Regaining the trust of neighbors was an oner­ a lot more Natives should be voting and get­ ous task. Maintaining community balance ting into politics.,,63 One twenty-one-year-old was the key; hence, lying was objectionable male suggested that some people "don't have and something that political leaders did not enough knowledge on who to vote for, who is practice.59 Although a handful of respondents who, and they kind of don't really understand. (n = 6) were concerned that certain politicians It is kind of hard for them to vote for anybody; had been exposed as lying to their constituents, what if they vote for the wrong person?"64 A the majority overwhelmingly believed that twenty-nine-year-old female indicated that the politicians dealt truthfully with the media. complexity of federal and provincial Indian One twenty-eight-year-old male concluded policies is difficult to discern and that further that politicians are like an open book-if they education would make the act of voting "more are lying and "you really want to know about meaningful.,,65 them" you can simply "go online and ... just A minority (n = 7) of the respondents research it." Personally knowing a politician indicated that feelings of political and cultural made candidate selection easier, for according disassociation resulted, causing one twenty-six­ to one twenty-two-year-old female, this would year-old female to conclude, "I just really don't allow you to become more familiar with "what see the relevance of all that, because ... I don't kind of job they do, what kind of person they really feel connected," while adding that the are, what kind of experience they have." She lack of communication and personal education concluded, "If I know their experiences ... makes voting "just a big headache."66 Similarly, that is how I would pick them.,,60 Each indi­ a twenty-six-year-old male, referring to the vidual emphasized the need for interaction Canadian political system, concluded, "I don't with candidates to find out the truth. This, all understand it and it doesn't really involve me suggested, could be done by attending politi­ and my family, my kids. It wouldn't be right for cal forums and posing tough political ques­ me to vote, because I don't understand. I'm not tions to the candidates. At that point, adds a gonna waste any body else's time." twenty-six-year-old male, "you can tell a guy is lying."61 DISCERNING GOSSIP FROM FACT Personal interface with political candidates was also considered an important educational The Committee for Aboriginal Electoral tool, one that most participants (n = 15) Reform concluded in 1991 that First Nations claimed would help them surmount a lack of lacked the information needed to exercise education about the Canadian political system. rational choice, thereby implicitly barring This was considered the most effective means them from effectively participating as voters. available to potential voters seeking a quick However, the recent proliferation of television, education about the issues.62 In communities radio, and especially the Internet means that that still embrace storytelling to convey social folks at the Blood Reserve are impressively norms and mores, this response should not connected to nonreserve media sources.67 The ASSESSING KAINAI ATTITUDES ABOUT VOTING IN CANADIAN ELECTIONS 39 issue is not so much whether people are con­ campaign to win the votes. It gives you a good nected, which they are, but rather how people idea of who you want to vote for." An interest­ utilize this information to best determine suit­ ing tension exists concerning the participants' able candidates. In this instance two avenues outright acceptance of media interpretations of research were regularly pursued to assist as truthful statements. For instance, a twenty­ respondents to become more informed about eight-year-old male stated that in addition to the issues: (1) discussion with family members word of mouth, the Internet is his main source and friends and (2) employing the media as a of information: "I try to talk to a lot of people; reliable agent of fact. Participants employed you try not to take everything as truth. You the two methods in a mutually supporting just have to research for yourself. You trust fashion to acquire knowledge they believed your friendships as well." With the Internet he would allow them to make an educated deci­ was able to read relevant articles and forward sion about provincial and federal candidates. them to his friends if he believed the writings Word of mouth was most often utilized, given "important enough." the variety of available media on reserve that Perhaps most telling was the study par­ frequently offered contradictory commentary. ticipants' methodology for separating fact from This often-confusing punditry led to increased gossip. While seeking out advice from family personal interface with neighbors and relatives members was cited as an important educational that most often took the form of informal face­ tool, a twenty-four-year-old female indicated to-face discussions and e-mail and Internet that she was unable to determine how her chat-room debates. Nevertheless, the media, family members separated gossip from fact. including local and national print media, radio, Despite being inundated with negative cam­ and television, are considered reliable agents of paigning, one informant refused to accept the fact. impossibility of positive outcomes. Alluding to When asked how she knew the information the import of remaining personally connected she obtained about a particular candidate was to political candidates, a twenty-seven-year-old accurate a twenty-four-year-old female replied, male suggested that differentiating gossip from if the "person said it to a national newspaper fact is possible if you take the time to listen to ... and they have the nerve to publish it ... others. A limited majority (n = 12) claimed obviously it's true." Lethbridge residents rely that this was in fact a difficult proposition, upon media information to help them in the made all the more challenging when you con­ decision-making process in much the same way sider that "there is always truth behind some project participants suggested existing media things because why would they be talking outlets assist their voting choices. Many infor­ about it if it's not there? You know that there mants (n = 6) regularly access the Lethbridge is something going on but you don't know what Herald, the Globe and Mail, and the National it is.".68 Added a twenty-four-year-old female, Post either online or by purchasing the paper "Sometimes I think it's just pretty much during elections. Many more (n = 13) watched all gossip," elaborating that word-of-mouth the local and national television newscasts or information does not help her in her decision­ tuned into the local radio station (CFWE 89.9 making process because "a lot of times you will FM) for news updates. The majority (n = 13), hear someone say something to somebody and including a twenty-four-year-old male, indi­ then sometimes you will hear something else cated that the mass media assisted them in the and the story's totally changed." decision-making process. He stated, "It kind of Notwithstanding the importance placed makes you think about which party you want on engaging neighbours and relatives, Kainai to vote for. They state their thing ... they are society was and remains a highly individualis­ telling you what they are going to do, what tic environment where individuals are encour­ they are planning, how they are going to try to aged to formulate decisions upon acquiring 40 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, WINTER 2009

the requisite information. This helps those debated regional matters and formulated reso­ who have difficulty discerning gossip from lutions. Whereas larger confederacy concerns fact. For instance, a twenty-two-year-old male dominated the debates, Kainai issues were also suggested that "everyone has their own opin­ discussed, as local leaders never lost sight of the ion" and that he "can't really decide" what is importance of resolving their concernsJI After gossip. He did admit though that referencing the celebration the smaller Kainai bands would numerous information sites assisted him in disperse to their traditional territories and for his decision-making process.69 Stressing the the rest of the year would self-govern. The need to establish interactive relationships with political model was interactive and allowed for political candidates, a twenty-eight-year-old Kainai issues to take precedence as opposed to male suggested that separating gossip from deferring to the larger confederacy structureJ2 fact would be easier if federal and provincial That being said, the Kainai have always dem­ politicians visited the reserve in order to speak onstrated a proclivity for focusing on internal with community members, "because it's not matters to the detriment of maintaining exter­ like they are at your fingertips, you can't really nal alliancesP go to a person and say, 'What do you believe'?" Not surprisingly, the participants who were He explained that by accepting word-of-mouth most critical of the federal and provincial information uncritically is "kind of like feeding governments demonstrated less inclination the monster." He added that "you hear it all the to vote. These individuals stated that reserve time. The parents say this guy did that, and this politics were their primary concerns, with all guy did this. You hear it all the time." However, outside political issues remaining peripheral. a female informant indicated that she tried A twenty-four-year-old male indicated that to separate herself from that process "because he had "never known too many people to they say bad things about 'people [and] I kind vote in a Federal election" because they were of wonder what their motivation is. Is it to do "more concerned about their own reserve," something for themselves or to do something where life is lived and local decisions are felt good for the community?"70 Yet she wondered and experienced. In his opinion, limited com­ whether this benefited her candidate selection munity participation in provincial elections process. "I look at the kinds of jobs they have resulted. He further hypothesized that reserve and what their status is in the community and residents would "rather get things straightened how they are actively involved," which "makes out on their own reserve before they move to it easier for me. As long as they're educated and other things." Supporting this conclusion was you know they are not just doing it for them­ a twenty-one-year-old male who stated "with selves, but for the community." In sum, there the Native people, we are more focused on our exists no bona fide mechanism beyond word needs, on our reserves for our people, than out of mouth that permits people to discern gossip in the world . . . off the reserve." A twenty­ from accurate assertions of fact. six-year-old female commented, "I think it's because I live on the reserve, but everything KAINAI POLITICS TAKE PRECEDENCE that has to be done out there [affects] me directly because I'm living in a house that Four distinctive political groups comprised needs this done ... and I'm driving on the the Blackfoot Confederacy: the South Piikuni, roads that need this done." the North Piikuni, the Siksika, and the Kainai. Reserve residents were inherently more Historically, these four nations would meet aware of the community's political issues, annually for the Sun Dance, where ceremo­ and voting in reserve elections was thus pre­ nies were performed and family and political sented as less imposing than participating in ties renewed. Political and economic councils larger Canadian elections due to an improved were held where leaders of the four nations understanding of the key political issues. It was ASSESSING KAINAI ATTITUDES ABOUT VOTING IN CANADIAN ELECTIONS 41 also presented as each community member's southern Alberta First Nations party "that has responsibility. This did not militate against just as much influence as even if it was just the becoming educated about and participating in basic Native population. We could have people Canadian elections. A twenty-three-year-old over there that protect our rights." woman, for instance, concluded that while she Clearly, reserve politics take precedence was "more aware of voting on the reserve than over other political issues, although it was once what was going on" provincially and federally, again suggested that sending federal and pro­ additional education about the issues "being vincial political representatives to the reserve brought up regarding Natives" was needed. for educational purposes would likely lead to In return, "Natives should vote more so their increased voter participation. Two points are voice could be heard."74 highlighted here. First, project participants Even so, "Our politics are the reserve," one wanted outside political candidates to become twenty-eight-year-old male concluded, adding aware of local political issues. Second, the that "no one looks outside the reserve because complexity of the Canadian political process their help is to mainly focus on our reserve." was again highlighted; specifically the local The interviewers, however, sensed that most of (some might say myopic) focus on reserve poli­ the participants were contemplating becoming tics is often to the detriment of understanding more informed about and eventually involved regional and national political issues and how in federal and provincial politics. Participating they may impact the community. A twenty-six­ in band elections was considered by several year-old male indicated that he would be more (n = 6) to be a gateway to this anticipated par­ willing to vote if he was able to learn about ticipation. Previous experience voting in band Canadian politics while simultaneously teach­ elections also provided a handful of others ing political candidates about important reserve (n = 4) with a sense that one person can impact issues. One twenty-nine-year-old female went the outcome of an election. As confirmed by a so far as to suggest that she would be willing to twenty-four-year-old female, any person "could seriously consider voting for any party willing have a deciding vote." The concern of most to visit the reserve to see firsthand how federal participants was summed up by a twenty-eight­ and, to a lesser extent, provincial policy deci­ year-old male: "We don't know what is going sions directly impact First Nations people. She on, on the outside [of the reserve]." Another added that while it would be overly optimistic lamented that his family and friends may to suggest that conditions would straightaway choose to vote in Canadian elections due to improve, it would nevertheless provide political the fact that "people are just growing conscious candidates with a showcase of current living of the situation that Natives are restricted to," conditions to impress upon them that their and that casting a ballot was but one of a lim­ efforts in improving their understanding of First ited number of options available to reserve resi­ Nations people would be rewarded. A twenty­ dents seeking to foster positive socioeconomic six-year-old male agreed, adding that should change.15 If indeed the vote is seen as a last-ditch politicians visit reserve communities, they could effort to improve reserve conditions, this will see firsthand what was "happening, and then demand that voters improve their knowledge they could really truly see what the living of political candidates, since these candidates conditions are, and how the Indians live on "have our interests [integrated into] their politi­ the reserve, and see the areas that we actually cal platform, [and] those are the type of people need help on." Only when they see the "living that I want to vote for."76 According to one situations for some people" will federal and respondent, this is the means to secure political provincial politicians and political candidates voice for First Nations people in Canada: "It's understand "why some people don't really care our responsibility to do that."77 A twenty-four­ about them" and their specific federal and pro­ year-old female proposed establishing a regional, vincial political concerns.18 42 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, WINTER 2009

CANADIANS' PERCEPTIONS OF KAINAI seven-year-old male claimed he needed to vote FIRST NATION'S NEEDS because failure to do so could result in his people's "rights being taken away." Similarly, The period following the signing of Treaty a twenty-two-year-old female admitted that 7 in September 1877 is characterized by the she would be willing to participate and vote Kainai as one of hunger and broken promises, because voting "the wrong guy in there" could exacerbated by government attitudes equating result in the government taking "away our the Blackfoot as little more than obstacles to [treaty] rights." western expansion.79 Following confederation Those who desire voting privileges often in 1867, the new federal government embarked find themselves unable to exercise this right on an aggressive social program aimed at on the reserve. Many, such as one twenty-six­ assimilating the original inhabitants of the year-old male, believe that there is no access land. BO This period still resonates with Kainai to voting in federal and provincial elections community members, as confirmed by a recent on the reserve, whereas a twenty-eight-year-old study examining historic and contemporary male stated that traveling to reserve voting Blackfoot participation in the Canadian booths is an onerous task due to the geographic Forces. One informant, disturbed by what he disparity of the electorate (the Blood Reserve considered to be "the Canadian government's is 881 square kilometers), poor roads, and the poor treatment of returning veterans," which lack of reliable transportation. According inCluded restrictions on voting in Canadian to Elections Canada, "If a polling station is elections, thought that he and his communi­ entirely comprised of a reserve or is mostly ties were issues of peripheral concern to main­ comprised of a reserve, returning officers are stream society. In his words, they were simply instructed to establish polling stations on the "brushed aside."Bl reserve, wherever the band council will allow Several participants (n = 17) still harbor it. In such cases, the polling station is located resentment toward the Canadian government at the band council office or community and are concerned that they have little access centre." In those instances where the band to the circuits of power. Yet, interestingly council declines, "the polling station is set up enough, many indicated (n = 14) that par­ as close as possible to the outside boundary ticipating in Canadian politics would lead to a of the reserve. Aboriginal electors living off sense of empowerment, thereby providing them reserve vote at a regular polling station in the with the ability to derail anti-First Nations pol­ polling division in which they live."B2 icies prior to implementation. This unique take Recent news reports suggested that no poll­ on events embraced various strategies such as ing booths would be situated at the Kainai not voting for a specific party. The latter-day First Nation or the neighboring Piikuni First Progressive Conservatives and the modern-day Nation for the 2008 provincial election, which Conservative Party were most often mentioned generated negative publicity about a practice in this context, leading one twenty-eight-year­ condemned by municipal and provincial poli­ old male to conclude, "It is pretty well known ticians alike.B3 A twenty-eight-year-old male that they don't want treaties any more and they was critical, questioning why more polling have just said things." Party affiliations aside, booths were not located on the reserve. He also a twenty-three-year-old female acknowledged expressed concern that an individual living the Canadian state's overarching role in First in neighboring Cardston, for example, could Nations politics, adding that it was incumbent potentially be voted into power without the upon all reserve residents to vote in federal and reserve residents' best interests at heart. He provincial elections in order to shape incom­ added cryptically that a First Nations political ing governments and mitigate the "impact they candidate meeting with electoral success would have on us here ... on the reserve." A twenty- likewise be forced to represent Cardston interests, ASSESSING KAINAI ATTITUDES ABOUT VOTING IN CANADIAN ELECTIONS 43

TABLE 1 FIRST NATIONS, INUIT, AND METIS SENATORS

Name Political Af:6.lation Province/Territory Date Appointed Native Origin [yyyy.mm.ddl

Hardisty, Richard Charles Conservative Northwest Territories 1888.02.23 Metis Boucher, William Albert Liberal Party of Canada Saskatchewan 1957.01.03 Metis Glastone, James Independent Conservative Alberta 1958.01.31 First Nations Williams, Guy R. Liberal Party of Canada British Columbia 1971.12.09 First Nations Adams, Willie Liberal Party of Canada Northwest Territories 1977.04.05 Inuit Watt, Charlie Liberal Party of Canada Quebec 1984.01.16 Inuit Marchand, Leonard Stephen Liberal Party of Canada British Columbia 1984.06.29 First Nations Twinn, Walter Patrick Progressive Conservative Party Alberta 1990-09.27 First Nations St. Germain, Gerry Progressive Conservative Party British Columbia 1993.06.23 Metis Chalifoux, Thelma J. Liberal Party of Canada Alberta 1997.11.26 Metis Gill, Aurelien Liberal Party of Canada Quebec 1998.09.17 First Nations Sibbeston, Nick G. Liberal Party of Canada Northwest Territories 1999.09.02 First Nations Dyck, Lillian Eva New Democratic Party Saskatchewan 2005.03.24 First Nations Lovelace Nicholas, Sandra M. Liberal Party of Canada New Brunswick 2005.09.21 First Nations

a group of individuals he framed as having throw in a political party just for Natives." demonstrated disinterest for and antipathy Supporting this view was a twenty-three-year­ toward the Kainai. old female who indicated her willingness to The overwhelming feeling that reserve resi­ actively participate in federal and provincial dents' needs were being ignored led a number politics if there were more First Nations politi­ of participants (n = 11) to conclude that First cal candidates.84 This is needed, according to Nations parliamentary representation is lack­ the majority of participants (n = 17), for unless ing (see Tables 1 and 2). A twenty-two-year-old First Nations individuals are situated in the key female echoed these sentiments by suggesting political chambers where First Nations policies that becoming personaliy associated "with a are crafted and implemented, the potential lot of the candidates" would make her "more exists for all historic rights to be extinguished, inclined to try and vote if I knew they repre­ suggesting further that "more representation sent our interests." Another was more negative, for the Native people that ran in these elec­ characterizing politicians as uncaring due to tions" would make voting an easier chore.85 their refusal to visit the reserve. A twenty­ eight-year-old male countered this commen­ THE FUTURE OF FIRST NATIONS VOTING tary, suggesting that even though he lacked an in-depth understanding of the Canadian Seven of the study's twenty participants pre­ political process, he was convinced that most viously voted in a federal or provincial election, federal and provincial politicians were pro­ or both. Two of the twelve who did not were First Nations and interested in addressing the too young to participate in previous elections issues of most concern to First Nations. With but indicated their desire to do so. The remain­ this in mind, he suggested that he would be ing eleven participants provided various rea­ more interested in Canadian politics "if you sons for not voting which are categorized and 44 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, WINTER 2009

TABLE 2 FIRST NATIONS, INUIT, AND METIS MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT

Name Political Affilation Constituency Date Elected Native Origin [yyyy.mm.ddl

McKay, Angus Conservative Marquette, Manitoba 1871.03.02 Metis

Delorme, Pierre Conservative Provencher, Manitoba 1871.03.03 Metis

Riel, Louis Independent Provencher, Manitoba 1873.10.13 Metis

Boucher, William Albert Liberal Party of Canada Rosthern, Saskatchewan 1948.10.25 Metis Rheaume, Eugene (Gene) Progressive Conservative Party Northwest Territories 1963.04.08 Metis

Marchand, Leonard Stephen Liberal Party of Canada Kamloops-Cariboo, 1968.06.25 Metis British Columbia

Firth, Walter (Wally) New Democratic Party Northwest Territories 1972.10.30 Metis

Ittinuar, Peter New Democratic Party Nunatsiaq, 1979.05.22 Metis Northwest Territories

Keeper, Cyril New Democratic Party Winnipeg-St. James, 1980.02.18 Metis Manitoba St. Germain, Gerry Progressive Conservative Party Mission-Port Moody, 1983.08.29 Metis British Columbia

Suluk, Thomas Progressive Conservative Party Nunatsiaq, 1984.09.04 Inuit Northwest Territories

Anawak, Jack Iyerak Liberal Party of Canada Nunatsiaq, 1988.11.21 Inuit Northwest Territories

Blondin-Andrew, Ethel Dorothy Liberal Party of Canada Western Arctic, 1988.11.21 First Nations Northwest Territories

Littlechild, Wilton (Willie) Progressive Conservative Party Wetaskiwin, Alberta 1988.11.21 First Nations DeVillers, Paul Liberal Party of Canada Simcoe North, Ontario 1993.10.25 Metis

Harper, Elijah Liberal Party of Canada Churchill, Manitoba 1993.10.25 First Nations

O'Brien, Lawrence, D. Liberal Party of Canada Labrador, Newfoundland 1996.03.25 Metis and Labrador

Karetak-Lindell, Nancy Liberal Party of Canada Nunavut, 1997.06.02 Inuit Northwest Territories

Laliberte, Rick New Democratic Party Churchill River, 1997.06.02 Metis Saskatchewan

Cleary, Bernard Bloc Quebecois Louis-Saint-Laurent, Quebec 2004.06.28 First Nations Smith, David Liberal Party of Canada Pontiac, Quebec 2004.06.28 Metis

Russell, Todd Norman Liberal Party of Canada Labrador, Newfoundland 2005.05.24 Metis and Labrador Bruinooge, Rod Conservative Party of Canada Winnipeg South, Manitoba 2006.01.23 Metis (2003)

Keeper, Tina Liberal Party of Canada Churchill, Manitoba 2006.01.23 First Nations

Merasty, Gary Liberal Party of Canada Desnethe-Missinippi-Churchill 2006.01.23 First Nations River, Saskatchewan

Clarke, Rob Conservative Party of Canada Desnethe-Missinippi-Churchill 2008.03.17 First Nations (2003) River, Saskatchewan ASSESSING KAINAI ATTITUDES ABOUT VOTING IN CANADIAN ELECTIONS 45 outlined above. This study has highlighted that due to the lingering memory of the franchise among the Kainai an additional four barriers being utilized as an assimilation mechanism. to voter participation exist in addition to the The nature of the vote and its ability to alter six discussed. First, a sense of historical injus­ the political landscape leading to refined and tice tied to previously being barred from voting improved Aboriginal policy orientations was can indeed serve to motivate participation in not considered to be abstract. Poor socioeco­ Canadian elections in contradiction to the nomic conditions on the reserve did not act hypothesis suggesting that past mistreatment, as a deterrent to voting, even at the Blood specifically being banned from voting, is an Reserve, where more than 30 percent of the explanation for nonparticipation. Second, the citizenry is currently on social assistance of lack of mainstream Canadian society's atten­ one kind or another. Participants did express a tion to First Nations does not invariably lead fear of voting, however. In order to exercise the to First Nations nationalism discourses, as the franchise, one had to leave the community to literature suggests. Rather, a desire to partici­ vote in what were presented as hostile environ­ pate in Canadian elections was evident, spe­ ments (Le., nonreserve communities), suggest­ cifically among participants seeking to situate ing that placing a polling booth at Standoff, a candidate amendable to protecting historic the reserve's largest commercial center, would and individually acknowledged Aboriginal and enable people vote in comfortable surround­ treaty rights. ings. Third, there is clearly a desire for First Several of the six hypotheses were sup­ Nations representation in mainstream Cana­ ported in this study. Communication remains dian institutions; however, from a Kainai an issue, especially when it comes time to perspective this representation can be ensured determine when and where to vote. The by visits from politicians and other candidates. proliferation of televisions and especially the Such visits would preserve the personal aspect Internet and the availability of home comput­ of political interface that was historically an ers and community access sites now enable important aspect of local politics, and remains individuals to conduct quick research and stay so. When political candidates fail to engage abreast of current events. Discerning accurate Kainai residents, the Kainai turn to media cov­ information from partisan sources remains a erage of politics and elections as an educational concern. Community needs were unanimously substitute. This, however, undermines the presented as more important than regional, desired face-to-face contact due to an increas­ provincial, and federal politics. Yet the major­ ing political reliance on the media's ability to ity of participants indicated that voting in "get the word out," as it were. Finally, the study Canadian elections influences policy creation; demonstrated the majority of residents foresee therefore, it influences reserve conditions. The voting in Canadian elections as a means of nationalism discourse in this case emerges not improving local socioeconomic conditions. as an aggressive assertion of sovereignty and/ Nonvoting in this instance was not, as the or Aboriginal rights so much as a thinly veiled literature has suggested, directly attributable distrust of the Canadian political system and to the limited number of voters, the perceived its potential to harm First Nations people. inability to make a difference, or geographic Although this study has shed light on dispersion. individual Kainai voting behavior, little has The interview data suggest mixed results changed in ten years since Barsh's study of when measuring the six barriers to voting that southern Alberta First Nations voting par­ have been presented to date as the common ticipation. Many of the same barriers to voting reasons resulting in First Nations voter alien­ remain in place. In that time, additional obsta­ ation. Data collected countered the hypotheses cles have emerged or are being formally articu­ suggesting that First Nations people fail to vote lated. Interestingly, the vote is not viewed with 46 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, WINTER 2009 suspicion so much as its relevance to improving NOTES local socioeconomic conditions is questioned. The lack of attention currently being paid to 1. Harry B. Hawthorn, A Survey of the Con­ temporary Indians of Canada, vol. 1 (Ottawa: this phenomenon and its potential correctives Queen's Printer, 1966), 255. is troublesome but no more so than the admit­ 2. Assembly of First Nations, "AFN National tedly limited analyses of First Nations voting Chief Launches 'Vote 08, Change Can't Wait' participation, which can be characterized as Campaign," http://www.afn.ca/article.asp lid = 4227 a reductive practice situating First Nations (accessed September 21, 2008). 3. The term 'Aboriginal people' indicates any people in one of two groups: (1) First Nations one of the three legally defined culture groups nationalists with isolationist tendencies, or (2) that form what is known as Aboriginal peoples disloyal ex-patriots who are characterized in in Canada (Metis, Inuit, and Indian) and who a variety of ways ranging from the colloquial self-identify as such. The term Indian, as used in (apples) to the academic (compradors).86 legislation or policy, will also appear in discussions concerning such legislation or policy. Names of Failure to suggest that First Nations people communities in this study are those that were in use in reserve communities may consider them­ during the various periods under study. selves Liberals, Conservatives, or Green Party 4. Michel Foucault, Power/Knowledge (New members willing to discuss their interest in fed­ York: Pantheon Books, 1980). eral and provincial politics while still remain­ 5. Gerald Gauthier, "Harper Urges Natives to Vote," Lethbridge Herald, June 24, 2004. ing involved in, or at the very least informed 6. See, for example, Roger Gibbins, "Electoral about, First Nations reserve politics hampers Reform and Canada's Aboriginal Population: An our understanding of the First Nations voting Assessment of Aboriginal Electoral Districts" in experience. A middle ground of choice cannot Aboriginal Peoples and Electoral Reform in Canada, exist if the literature accurately reflects the vol. 9 of the Report of the Royal Commission on Electoral Reform and Party Financing, ed. R. Milen dynamics being experienced in First Nations (Ottawa: Supply and Services Canada, 1991); and communities nationally. Kainai voter par­ Russel Lawrence Barsh, "Canada's Aboriginal ticipation, specifically, and First Nations voting Peoples: Social Integration or Disintegration?" behavior, in general, are nuanced phenomena Canadian Journal of Native Studies 14, no. 1 (1995): in need of improved academic attention. 1-46. 7. Jonathon Malloy and Graham White, ''Aborig­ inal Participation in Canadian Legislatures," in ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Fleming's Canadian Legislatures 1997, 11th ed., ed. R. Fleming and J. E. Glenn (Toronto: University of The author extends a special thank-you Toronto Press, 1997), 60, 62. to the members of the Blood Reserve/Kainai 8. Trevor Knight, "Electoral Justice for Aborig­ inal People in Canada," McGill Law Journal 46 First Nation who chose to take part in this (2001): 1063-1085; Tim Schouls, ''Aboriginal People project. Thanks also to Billy Wadsworth, and Electoral Reform in Canada," Canadian Journal Tisha Wadsworth, and Pam Blood for their of Political Science 24, no. 4 (1996): 729-749; Will due diligence and excellent research assis­ Kymlicka, Multicultural Citizenship (New York: tance; to Carolyn (Cn Johnson for providing Oxford University Press, 1995); Gibbins, "Electoral Reform and Canada's Aboriginal Population." interview transcriptions; to Dr. david Gregory 9. See Russel Lawrence Barsh, Michelle Fraser, for his insightful comments; and to the two Faye Morning Bull, Toby Provost, and Kirby Smith, anonymous reviewers' comments, all of which "The Prairie Indian Vote in Canadian Politics, 1965- helped strengthen this paper. This research 1993: A Critical Case Study from Alberta," Great was facilitated by financial assistance provided Plains Research 7 (Spring 1997): 3-26; and Alan Cairns, "Aboriginal People's Electoral Participation by a grant from the University of Lethbridge in the Canadian Community," Electoral Insight 5, Research Fund. Any errors in fact and/or no. 3 (2003): 2-9. interpretation are the sole responsibility of the 10. Recently one writer, despite a compelling author. argument aimed at improving First Nations voter turnout in Ontario, unquestioningly employed ASSESSING KAINAI ATTITUDES ABOUT VOTING IN CANADIAN ELECTIONS 47 several of the six barriers identified in this paper 24. R. Boyatzis, Transforming Qualitative Infor­ while concluding that "First Nations are significantly mation: Thematic Analysis and Code Development alienated from the Canadian political system." See (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 1998). Jennifer Dalton, "Alienation and Nationalism: Is 25. See Jennifer Fereday and Eimear Muir­ it Possible to Increase First Nations Voter Turnout Cochrane, "Demonstrating Rigor Using Thematic in Ontario?" Canadian Journal of Native Studies 27, Analysis: A Hybrid Approach of Inductive and no. 2 (2007): 253. Elections Canada in their recent Deductive Coding and Theme Development," response to improving First Nations voter turnout International Journal of Qualitative Methods 5, no. 1 has also adopted many of these barriers as the key (March 2006): 3. issues in need of resolution. 26. Andrew Bear Robe, "The Historical, Legal 11. Anna Hunter, "Exploring the Issues of and Current Basis for Siksika Nation Governance, Aboriginal Representation in Federal Elections," Including Its Future Possibilities Within Canada," in Electoral Insight 5, no. 3: 30. For Seven Generations: An Information Legacy of the 12. Quoted in Elections Canada, "Aboriginal Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples [CD-ROM] People and the Federal Electoral Process: Partici­ (Ottawa: Canada Communications Group, 1996). pation Trends and Elections Canada's Initiatives," 27. John Ewers, The Horse in Blackfoot Indian Electoral Law and Policy, http://www.elections.ca/ Culture (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution content. asp? section = loi & document = abor &lang Press, 1955); Treaty 7 Elders and Tribal Council =e&textonly=false#_edn13 (accessed August 12, with Walter Hildebrant, Sarah Carter, and Dorothy 2007). First Rider, The True Spirit and Intent of Treaty 7 13. Ibid. (Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1996); 14. See Kiera Ladner, "The Alienation of Nation: and Betty Bastien, Blackfoot Ways of Knowing: The Understanding Aboriginal Electoral Participation," Worldview of the Siksikaitsitapi (Calgary: University Electoral Insight 5, no. 3 (2003): 22. See also David of Calgary Press, 2004). Bedford and Sidney Pobihushchy, "On-Reserve 28. Clark Wissler, "Material Culture of the Status Indian Voter Participation in the Maritimes," Blackfoot Indians," Anthropological Papers, American Canadian Journal of Native Studies 15, no. 2 (1995): Museum of Natural History 5, no. 1 (1910). 255-278; and Jim Silver, Cyril Keeper, and Michael 29. Mark Dickerson and Tom Flanagan, An MacKenzie, A Very Hostile System in Which to Live: Introduction to Government and Politics: A Conceptual Aboriginal Electoral Participation in Winnipeg's Approach (Toronto: Nelson Thompson, 1990), Inner City (Ottawa: Canadian Centre for Policy 17-18; Joshua Goldstein and Sandra Whitworth, Alternatives, 2005), 12-13. International Relations (Toronto: Pearson Longman, 15. Peter Kulchyski, Like the Sound of a Drum: 2005), 23-24. Cf. Tom Flanagan, First Nations? Aboriginal Cultural Politics in Denedeh and Nunavut Second Thoughts (Montreal: McGill-Queen's (Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press, 2005), 16. University Press, 2000). 16. Ibid., 59. 30. Menno Boldt and J. Anthony Long, "Tribal 17. Barsh et al., "The Prairie Indian Vote in Philosophies and the Canadian Charter of Rights Canadian Politics." and Freedoms," in The Quest For Justice: Aboriginal 18. Ibid. Peoples and Aboriginal Rights, ed. Menno Boldt and 19. Robert I. Levy and Douglas Hollan, "Person­ J. Anthony Long (Toronto: University of Toronto Centred Interviewing and Observation," in Hand­ Press, 1984),337. book of Methods in Cultural Anthropology, ed. H. 31. Ibid., 336; also Russel Lawrence Barsh, "The Bernard (Walnut Creek, CA: Altamira Press, 1998), Nature and Spirit of North American Political 334. Systems," American Indian Quarterly 10, no. 3 20. M. Cortazzi, "Narrative Analysis in Ethnog­ (1996): 181-98. raphy," in Handbook of Ethnography, ed. P. Atkinson, 32. Richard C. Daniel, A History of Native 384-94 (London: Sage, 2001). Claims Processes in Canada, 1867-1979 (Ottawa: 21. Quoted in M. Mitchell and M. Egudo, A Indian and Northern Affairs, 1980); and Treaty Review of Narrative Methodology (Edinburgh South 7 Elders and Tribal Council, The True Spirit and Australia, Australia: Systems Sciences Laboratory, Intent of Treaty 7. 2003). 33. John F. Leslie, "Assimilation, Integration, 22. Ibid. or Termination? The Development of Canadian 23. J. Daly, A. Kellehear, and M. Gliksman, The Indian Policy, 1943-1963" (PhD diss., Carleton Public Health Researcher: A Methodological Approach University, 1999). (Melbourne, Australia: Oxford University Press, 34. See, for example, J. R. Miller, Shingwauk's 1997); P. Rice and D. Ezzy, Qualitative Research Vision (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, Methods: A Health Focus (Melbourne, Australia: 1996); and John S. Milloy, 'A National Crime': Oxford University Press, 1999), 258. The Canadian Government and the Residential 48 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, WINTER 2009

School System, 1879-1986 (Winnipeg: University of 49. See, generally, Bradford Morse, "Regaining Manitoba Press, 1999). Recognition of the Inherent Rights to Self-Govern­ 35. Mark S. Dockstator, "Toward an Under­ ment," in Aboriginal Self-Government in Canada: standing of Aboriginal Self-Government: A Pro­ Current Trends and Issues, 3rd ed., ed. Yale D. Belanger posed Theoretical Model and Illustrative Factual (Saskatoon: Purich Publishing, 2008), 39-68. Analysis" (PhD diss., York University, 1993); and A. 50. Andrew Siggner, "An Overview of Demo­ H. Mawhiney, Towards Aboriginal Self-Government graphic and Socio-Economic Conditions of the (New York: Garland Publishing, 1993). Aboriginal Population and Their Implications for 36. Noel Dyck, 'What Is the Indian Problem': Emergent Economic and Social Issues" (paper pre­ Tutelage and Resistance in Canadian Indian Admin­ sented at the Prentice Institute for Global Population istration (St. John's, Newfoundland: Institute of and Economy: Dialogue Sessions, Lethbridge, Social and Economic Research, 1991), 91. Alberta, Canada, June 2008). 37. James (Sakej) Youngblood Henderson, "Imple­ 51. See, generally, Carolyn Boschman, "Blood menting the Treaty Order," in Continuing Pound­ Election Appeal Dismissed," Lethbridge Herald, maker's and Riel's Quest: Presentations Made at a February 2, 2005; and Dave Mabell, "More than 100 Conference on Aboriginal Peoples and Justice, ed. R. Seek Council Seats on Blood Reserve," Lethbridge Gosse, J. Youngblood Henderson, and R. Carter Herald, November 11, 2004. (Saskatoon: Purich Publishing, 1994),52-62. 52. Kiera Ladner, "Governing within an Ecological 38. Robert N. Wilson, Our Betrayed Wards: A Context: Creating an AlterNative Understanding of Story of Chicanery, Infidelity, and the Prostitution of Blackfoot Governance," Studies in Political Economy Trust (Montreal: Osiris, 1973). 70 (Spring 2003): 125. 39. For the general discussion on volunteerism, see 53. Boldt and Long, "Tribal Philosophies and the James Dempsey, Warriors of the King: Prairie Indians Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms," 166. ,in World War I (Regina: Canadian Plains Research 54. See Kiera Ladner, "When Buffalo Speaks: Center, 1999); for the reserve bombing range debate, Creating an Alternative Understanding of Tradi­ see P. Whitney Lackenbauer, Battle Grounds: The tional Blackfoot Governance" (PhD diss., Carleton Canadian Military and Aboriginal Lands (Vancouver: University, 2001). UBC Press, 2007), in particular, chapter 4. 55. For an example of this process, see Hugh 40. See Library and Archives Canada, Record Dempsey, Red Crow: Warrior Chief (Saskatoon: Group 2, Series AS-a, vol. 5775, "St. Mary Irrigation Fifth House Publishing, 1980), which examined the Project: proposed diversion of the Belly River; acqui­ life of Red Crow and his rise from anonymity to a sition of right-of-way on Blood Indian Reserve," central leadership role during Treaty 7 negotiations March 8, 1956. and beyond. 41. See Committee for Aboriginal Electoral 56. Anonymous twenty-eight-year-old male, Reform, "The Path to Electoral Equality," in Report interview by Billy Wadsworth, Kainai First Nation, of the Royal Commission on Electoral Reform and Alberta, October 26, 2005. Party Financing, vol. 4 (Ottawa: Supply and Services 57. Anonymous twenty-four-year-old male, inter­ Canada, 1991), 235. view by Billy Wadsworth, Kainai First Nation, 42. J. Rick Ponting, "Historical Overview and Alberta, October 26, 2005. Background, Part II: 1970-1996," in First Nations in 58. Anonymous twenty-something female (A), Canada: Perspectives on Opportunity, Empowerment, interview by Pam Blood, Kainai First Nation, and Self-Determination, ed. J. Rick Ponting (Toronto: Alberta, December 6, 2005. McGraw Ryerson, 1997), 29. 59. See Percy Bullchild, The Sun Came Down: 43. Barsh et al., "The Prairie Indian Vote in The History of the World as My Blackfeet Elders Told Canadian Politics." It (San Francisco: Harper and Row Publishers, 44. Daniel Guerin, "Aboriginal Participation 1990), for an extended dialogue examining the in Canadian Federal Elections: Trends and Impli­ importance of remaining truthful and the conse­ cations," Electoral Insight 5, no. 3 (2003): 10-15. quences of duplicity to both community health and 45. Ladner, "The Alienation of Nation," 21. individual reputations. 46. Jean-Nicholas Bustros, Electoral Participation 60. Anonymous twenty-two-year-old female, of Aboriginal People: Summary of Previously Con­ interview by Pam Blood, Kainai First Nation, ducted Research and Analysis (Ottawa: Elections Alberta, December 6, 2005. Canada, Legal Services Directorate, 2000). 61. Anonymous twenty-six-year-old male, inter­ 47. Bedford and Pobihushchy, "On-Reserve Status view by Billy Wadsworth, Kainai First Nation, Indian Voter Participation in the Maritimes." Alberta, October 27, 2005. 48. David Bedford, "Aboriginal Voter Partici­ 62. Anonymous twenty-four-year-old female, pation in Nova Scotia and New Brunswick," interview by Pam Blood, Kainai First Nation, Electoral Insight 5, no. 3 (2003): 16-20. Alberta, December 6, 2005. ASSESSING KAINAI ATTITUDES ABOUT VOTING IN CANADIAN ELECTIONS 49

63. Anonymous twenty-seven-year-old male, 74. Anonymous twenty-three-year-old female, interview by Billy Wadsworth, Kainai First Nation, interview by Pam Blood, Kainai First Nation, Alberta, December 12, 2005. Alberta, January 2, 2006. 64. Anonymous twenty-one-year-old male, inter­ 75. Anonymous twenty-seven-year-olci male, view by Billy Wadsworth, Kainai First Nation, interview. Alberta, December 6, 2005. 76. Anonymous twenty-eight-year-old female 65. Anonymous twenty-nine-year-old female, (A), interview by Pam Blood, Kainai First Nation, interview by Pam Blood, Kainai First Nation, Alberta, January 8, 2006. Alberta, January 7, 2006. 77. Anonymous twenty-eight-year-old female 66. Anonymous twenty-six-year-old female, (B), interview by Pam Blood, Kainai First Nation, interview by Pam Blood, Kainai First Nation, Alberta, November 28, 2005. Alberta, January 7, 2006. 78. Anonymous twenty-six-year-old male, interview. 67. Committee for Aboriginal Electoral Reform, 79. For the Blackfoot/Kainai perspective, see "The Path to Electoral Equality"; see also Barsh, Treaty 7 Elders and Tribal Council, The True "Canada's Aboriginal Peoples." For a general discussion Spirit and Intent of Treaty 7. For the Canadian of the impact of the Internet's use in improving local bureaucratic perspective, see, for example, E. Brian communications in First Nations communities, see Titley, A Narrow Vision: Duncan Campbell Scott Yale D. Belanger, "Northern Disconnect: Information and the Administration of Indian Affairs in Canada Communications Technology Needs Assessment for (Vancouver: UBC Press, 1986) and his The Frontier Aboriginal Communities in Manitoba," Native Studies World of Edgar Dewdney (Vancouver: UBC Press, Review 14, no. 2 (2001): 43-69. For an international 1999). context see Claire Smith and Graeme K. Ward, 80. For this general history, see J. R. Miller, eds., Indigenous Cultures in an Interconnected World Skyscrapers Hide the Heavens: A History of Indian­ (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2000). White Relations in Canada, 3rd ed. (Toronto: 68. Anonymous 29-year-old female, interview. University of Toronto Press, 2000). 69. Anonymous 22-year-old male, interview by 81. Yale D. Belanger and Billy Wadsworth, "'It's Billy Wadsworth, Kainai First Nation, Alberta, my duty ... to be a warrior of the people': Kainai December 7, 2005. Perceptions of and Participation in the Canadian 70. Anonymous twenty-something female (B), and American Forces," Prairie Forum 33, no. 2 (Fall interview by Pam Blood, Kainai First Nation, 2008): 297-322. Alberta, December 15, 2005. 82. Elections Canada, "Aboriginal People and 71. For a discussion of this process, see John C. the Federal Electoral Process." Ewers, The Blackfeet: Raiders on the Northwestern Plains 83. Dave Mabell, "No Polling Stations Available (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1958), 174- for Blood, Piikani Reserves," Lethbridge Herald, 84; and briefly, John T. Jackson, The Piikani Blackfeet: February 28, 2008, AI. A Culture Under Siege (Missoula, MT: Mountain Press 84. Anonymous twenty-three-year-old female Publishing Company, 2000), 118. (A), interview by Pam Blood, Kainai First Nation, n. For a brief but useful overview, see Hugh Alberta, January 8, 2006. Dempsey, "Blackfoot," in Plains, ed. Raymond 85. Anonymous twenty-six-year-old female, DeMallie, vol. 13 of Handbook of North American interview. Indians (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution, 86. William Wuttunee, Ruffled Feathers: Indians U.S. Government Printing Office, 2001), 604-28. in Canadian Society (Calgary: Bell Books, 1971), 73. See Theodore Binnema, Common and Con­ was regularly called an apple due to his support tested Ground: A Human and Environmental History of Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau's controver­ of the Northwestern Plains (Toronto: University of sial White Paper policy proposal of 1969, and Toronto Press, 2004), particularly his discussion Howard Adams, A Tortured People: The Politics relating the complexity of maintaining alliances of Colonization (Penticton, BC: Theytus Books, with the Cree in the late eighteenth century, specifi­ 2002), who coined the term compradors to discuss cally the notion that political interface was compli­ among other issues actions of Metis and First cated once groups like the Kainai were confined to Nations individuals such as Wuttunee's, which he smaller territorial enclaves due to the increasingly considered destructive to the First Nations and confining westward expansion of traders and later Metis nationalism movements. settlers.