Chapter Sixteen
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Note Abstract
DOCUMENT RESUME ED 382 427 RC 020 085 RUTH(:.: Candline, Mary TITLE Stages of Learning: Building a Native Curriculum. Teachers' Guide, Student Activities--Part I, Research Unit--Part II. INSTITUTION Manitoba Dept. of Education and Training, Winnipeg. Literacy Office. PUB DATE [92] NOTE I38p. PUB TYPE Guides - Classroom Use - Instructional Materials (For Learner) (051) -- Guides - Classroom Use Teaching Guides (For Teacher) (052) EDRS PRICE MF01/PC06 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS *American Indian Education; Biographies; *Canada Natives; Canadian Studies; *Civics; Curriculum; Elementary Secondary Education; Federal Indian Relationship; Foreign Countries; Instructional Materials; Interviews; Language Arts; Learning Activities; *Library Skills; Politics; Public Officials; Reading Materials; Research Papers (Students); *Research Skills; Research Tools; Sculpture; Student Research; Teaching Guides; Vocabulary Development; Writing Assignments IDENTIFIERS Crazy Horse; *Manitoba ABSTRACT This language arts curriculum developed for Native American students in Manitoba (Canada) consists of a teachers' guide, a student guide, and a research unit. The curriculum includes reading selections and learning activities appropriate for the different reading levels of both upper elementary and secondary students. The purpose of the unit is for students to develop skills in brainstorming, biography writing, letter writing, note taking, researching, interviewing, spelling, and vocabulary. Reading selections focus on Elijah Harper, an Ojibway Cree Indian who helped defeat the Meech Lake Accord, an amendment to Canada's Constitution proposed in 1987. The Meech Lake Accord would have transferred power from the federal government to provincial governments and would have failed to take into account the interests of Natives, women, and minorities. The curriculum also includes reading selections on the creation of the Aboriginal Justice Inquiry and on Crazy Horse. -
Memory, Militarism and Citizenship: Tracking the Dominion Institute in Canada's Military-Cultural Memory Network
MEMORY, MILITARISM AND CITIZENSHIP: TRACKING THE DOMINION INSTITUTE IN CANADA'S MILITARY-CULTURAL MEMORY NETWORK by Howard D. Fremeth A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Affairs in partial fulfilment of the requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Communication Carleton, University Ottawa, Ontario © 2010 Howard D. Fremeth Library and Archives Bibliotheque et Canada Archives Canada Published Heritage Direction du Branch Patrimoine de I'edition 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A0N4 Ottawa ON K1A 0N4 Canada Canada Your file Votre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-87763-0 Our file Notre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-87763-0 NOTICE: AVIS: The author has granted a non L'auteur a accorde une licence non exclusive exclusive license allowing Library and permettant a la Bibliotheque et Archives Archives Canada to reproduce, Canada de reproduire, publier, archiver, publish, archive, preserve, conserve, sauvegarder, conserver, transmettre au public communicate to the public by par telecommunication ou par I'lnternet, preter, telecommunication or on the Internet, distribuer et vendre des theses partout dans le loan, distrbute and sell theses monde, a des fins commerciales ou autres, sur worldwide, for commercial or non support microforme, papier, electronique et/ou commercial purposes, in microform, autres formats. paper, electronic and/or any other formats. The author retains copyright L'auteur conserve la propriete du droit d'auteur ownership and moral rights in this et des droits moraux qui protege cette these. Ni thesis. Neither the thesis nor la these ni des extraits substantiels de celle-ci substantial extracts from it may be ne doivent etre imprimes ou autrement printed or otherwise reproduced reproduits sans son autorisation. -
Chretien Consensus
End of the CHRÉTIEN CONSENSUS? Jason Clemens Milagros Palacios Matthew Lau Niels Veldhuis Copyright ©2017 by the Fraser Institute. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any manner whatsoever without written permission except in the case of brief quotations embodied in critical articles and reviews. The authors of this publication have worked independently and opinions expressed by them are, therefore, their own, and do not necessarily reflect the opinions of the Fraser Institute or its supporters, Directors, or staff. This publication in no way implies that the Fraser Institute, its Directors, or staff are in favour of, or oppose the passage of, any bill; or that they support or oppose any particular political party or candidate. Date of issue: March 2017 Printed and bound in Canada Library and Archives Canada Cataloguing in Publication Data End of the Chrétien Consensus? / Jason Clemens, Matthew Lau, Milagros Palacios, and Niels Veldhuis Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 978-0-88975-437-9 Contents Introduction 1 Saskatchewan’s ‘Socialist’ NDP Begins the Journey to the Chrétien Consensus 3 Alberta Extends and Deepens the Chrétien Consensus 21 Prime Minister Chrétien Introduces the Chrétien Consensus to Ottawa 32 Myths of the Chrétien Consensus 45 Ontario and Alberta Move Away from the Chrétien Consensus 54 A New Liberal Government in Ottawa Rejects the Chrétien Consensus 66 Conclusions and Recommendations 77 Endnotes 79 www.fraserinstitute.org d Fraser Institute d i ii d Fraser Institute d www.fraserinstitute.org Executive Summary TheChrétien Consensus was an implicit agreement that transcended political party and geography regarding the soundness of balanced budgets, declining government debt, smaller and smarter government spending, and competi- tive taxes that emerged in the early 1990s and lasted through to roughly the mid-2000s. -
Understanding Stephen Harper
HARPER Edited by Teresa Healy www.policyalternatives.ca Photo: Hanson/THE Tom CANADIAN PRESS Understanding Stephen Harper The long view Steve Patten CANAdIANs Need to understand the political and ideological tem- perament of politicians like Stephen Harper — men and women who aspire to political leadership. While we can gain important insights by reviewing the Harper gov- ernment’s policies and record since the 2006 election, it is also essential that we step back and take a longer view, considering Stephen Harper’s two decades of political involvement prior to winning the country’s highest political office. What does Harper’s long record of engagement in conservative politics tell us about his political character? This chapter is organized around a series of questions about Stephen Harper’s political and ideological character. Is he really, as his support- ers claim, “the smartest guy in the room”? To what extent is he a con- servative ideologue versus being a political pragmatist? What type of conservatism does he embrace? What does the company he keeps tell us about his political character? I will argue that Stephen Harper is an economic conservative whose early political motivations were deeply ideological. While his keen sense of strategic pragmatism has allowed him to make peace with both conservative populism and the tradition- alism of social conservatism, he continues to marginalize red toryism within the Canadian conservative family. He surrounds himself with Governance 25 like-minded conservatives and retains a long-held desire to transform Canada in his conservative image. The smartest guy in the room, or the most strategic? When Stephen Harper first came to the attention of political observers, it was as one of the leading “thinkers” behind the fledgling Reform Party of Canada. -
The Difficulty of Amending the Constitution of Canada
Osgoode Hall Law Journal Volume 31 Issue 1 Volume 31, Number 1 (Spring 1993) Symposium: Towards the 21st Century Article 2 Canadian/Australian Legal Perspectives 1-1-1993 The Difficulty of Amending the Constitution of Canada Peter W. Hogg Osgoode Hall Law School of York University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.osgoode.yorku.ca/ohlj Part of the Constitutional Law Commons Special Issue Article This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 4.0 License. Citation Information Hogg, Peter W.. "The Difficulty of Amending the Constitution of Canada." Osgoode Hall Law Journal 31.1 (1993) : 41-61. https://digitalcommons.osgoode.yorku.ca/ohlj/vol31/iss1/2 This Special Issue Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Osgoode Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Osgoode Hall Law Journal by an authorized editor of Osgoode Digital Commons. The Difficulty of Amending the Constitution of Canada Abstract The Charlottetown Accord of 1992 was a set of proposals for amendments to the Constitution of Canada. These proposals were designed to achieve a national settlement of a variety of constitutional grievances, chiefly those arising from Quebec nationalism, western regionalism, and Aboriginal deprivation. The Accord was defeated in a national referendum. In the case of Quebec, the defeat of the Charlottetown Accord, following as it did on the defeat of the Meech Lake Accord, has made the option of secession relatively more attractive, but there are sound pragmatic reasons to hope that Quebec will not make that choice. -
The Requisites of Leadership in the Modern House of Commons 1
Number 4 November 2001 CANADIAN STUDY OF PARLIAMENT GROUP HE EQUISITES OF EADERSHIP THE REQUISITES OF LEADERSHIP IN THE MODERN HOUSE OF COMMONS Paper by: Cristine de Clercy Department of Political Studies University of Saskatchewan Canadian Members of the Study of Parliament Executive Committee Group 2000-2001 The Canadian Study of President Parliament Group (CSPG) was created Leo Doyle with the object of bringing together all those with an interest in parliamentary Vice-President institutions and the legislative F. Leslie Seidle process, to promote understanding and to contribute to their reform and Past President improvement. Judy Cedar-Wilson The constitution of the Canadian Treasurer Study of Parliament Group makes Antonine Campbell provision for various activities, including the organization of conferences and Secretary seminars in Ottawa and elsewhere in James R. Robertson Canada, the preparation of articles and various publications, the Counsellors establishment of workshops, the Dianne Brydon promotion and organization of public William Cross discussions on parliamentary affairs, David Docherty participation in public affairs programs Jeff Heynen on radio and television, and the Tranquillo Marrocco sponsorship of other educational Louis Massicotte activities. Charles Robert Jennifer Smith Membership is open to all those interested in Canadian legislative institutions. Applications for membership and additional information concerning the Group should be addressed to the Secretariat, Canadian Study of Parliament Group, Box 660, West Block, Ottawa, Ontario, K1A 0A6. Tel: (613) 943-1228, Fax: (613) 995- 5357. INTRODUCTION This is the fourth paper in the Canadian Study of Parliament Groups Parliamentary Perspectives. First launched in 1998, the perspective series is intended as a vehicle for distributing both studies prepared by academics and the reflections of others who have a particular interest in these themes. -
The Emergence of Parties in the Canadian House of Commons (1867-1908)
The Emergence of Parties in the Canadian House of Commons (1867-1908). Jean-Fran¸coisGodbouty and Bjørn Høylandz y D´epartement de science polititque, Universit´ede Montr´eal zDepartment of Political Science, University of Oslo Conference on the Westminster Model of Democracy in Crisis? Comparative Perspectives on Origins, Development and Responses, May 13-14, 2013. Abstract This study analyzes legislative voting in the first ten Canadian Parliaments (1867-1908). The results demonstrate that party voting unity in the House of Commons dramati- cally increases over time. From the comparative literature on legislative organization, we identify three factors to explain this trend: partisan sorting; electoral incentives; and negative agenda control. Several different empirical analyses confirm that intra-party conflict is generally explained by the opposition between Anglo-Celtic/Protestants and French/Catholic Members of Parliament. Once members begin to sort into parties according to their religious affiliation, we observe a sharp increase in voting cohesion within the Liberal and Conservative parties. Ultimately, these finding highlight the importance of territorial and socio-cultural conflicts, as well as agenda control, in ex- plaining the emergence of parties as cohesive voting groups in the Canadian Parliament. This study explains the development of party unity in the Canadian House of Commons. We take advantage of the historical evolution of this legislature to analyze a complete set of recorded votes covering the first ten parliaments (1867-1908). This early period is of interest because it was during these years that the first national party system was established, the electoral franchise was limited, and the rules and procedures of the House were kept to a minimum. -
Charlottetown Accord
Charlottetown Accord This article was written by a law student for the general public. Following the failure of the Meech Lake Accord in 1990, a series of deliberations took place on the future of Confederation both within and outside of Quebec. In fact, there were four bodies empanelled to engage in these discussions – a parliamentary and an extra-parliamentary body within Quebec and a parliamentary and an extra-parliamentary body nationally. Specifically, within Quebec, there were the Allaire Committee (see Allaire Report) and the Belanger- Campeau Committee; and nationally, there were the Beaudoin- Edwards Committee and the Spicer Commission. These studies led to various reports including the federal documentShaping Canada’s Future Together. Subsequently, the federal government convened a series of five national conferences to discuss various aspects of this document. This, in turn, led to a federal report entitled A Renewed Canada. All of the foregoing culminated in negotiations among the federal government, the provincial governments (including Quebec in the latter stages of negotiations), the territorial governments and representatives from the Assembly of First Nations, the Native Council of Canada, the Inuit Tapirisat of Canada and the Métis National Council. These negotiations resulted in what is now referred to as the ‘Charlottetown Accord’. The Accord dealt with a number of constitutional issues. For example, regarding the division of legislative powers (see division of powers), it provided for exclusive provincial jurisdiction over forestry, mining and some other areas. It also required the federal government to conduct negotiations with the provinces in order to “harmonize” policy in such areas as telecommunications, labour development and training, regional development and immigration. -
CONSTITUTION-MAKING AS INTERGOVERNMENTAL RELATIONS a Case Study of the 1980 Canadian Constitutional Negotiations Adam D
CONSTITUTION-MAKING AS INTERGOVERNMENTAL RELATIONS A Case Study of the 1980 Canadian Constitutional Negotiations Adam D. McDonald1, University of Waterloo The Constitution Act, 1982 is a document that profoundly changed the Canadian political landscape. It brought home the highest law of the land; it provided Canadians a mechanism to change their Constitution; it created a Charter of Rights and Freedoms, entrenched within the Constitution, out of the reach of one government. Perhaps its most important legacies, however, are the seemingly permanent isolation of Quebec and the primacy of place in Canadian history it gave Pierre Trudeau. This paper will examine the constitutional history of Canada with a view to determining what made the 1980 negotiating sessions successful when the sessions that led to both the Meech Lake Accord and the Charlottetown Accord were not. It is important, however, to note that the word “successful” is used in the sense that an agreement was reached. Unlike Meech and Charlottetown, the repatriated constitution did not have unanimity among the participants. The question that comes to mind is this: if the governments did not really agree in 1981, why was a Constitution ratified? More importantly, are there lessons that can be drawn from this agreement that can be applied to the failed accords of the Mulroney era? In order to complete this examination, the paper will be divided into two parts. In the first part, Canada’s constitutional story will be told. This is a necessary part of any examination of the constitutional negotiations, for without knowing what the players wanted historically, one cannot see what was changed by the 1980s. -
CP's North American Rail
2020_CP_NetworkMap_Large_Front_1.6_Final_LowRes.pdf 1 6/5/2020 8:24:47 AM 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 Lake CP Railway Mileage Between Cities Rail Industry Index Legend Athabasca AGR Alabama & Gulf Coast Railway ETR Essex Terminal Railway MNRR Minnesota Commercial Railway TCWR Twin Cities & Western Railroad CP Average scale y y y a AMTK Amtrak EXO EXO MRL Montana Rail Link Inc TPLC Toronto Port Lands Company t t y i i er e C on C r v APD Albany Port Railroad FEC Florida East Coast Railway NBR Northern & Bergen Railroad TPW Toledo, Peoria & Western Railway t oon y o ork éal t y t r 0 100 200 300 km r er Y a n t APM Montreal Port Authority FLR Fife Lake Railway NBSR New Brunswick Southern Railway TRR Torch River Rail CP trackage, haulage and commercial rights oit ago r k tland c ding on xico w r r r uébec innipeg Fort Nelson é APNC Appanoose County Community Railroad FMR Forty Mile Railroad NCR Nipissing Central Railway UP Union Pacic e ansas hi alga ancou egina as o dmon hunder B o o Q Det E F K M Minneapolis Mon Mont N Alba Buffalo C C P R Saint John S T T V W APR Alberta Prairie Railway Excursions GEXR Goderich-Exeter Railway NECR New England Central Railroad VAEX Vale Railway CP principal shortline connections Albany 689 2622 1092 792 2636 2702 1574 3518 1517 2965 234 147 3528 412 2150 691 2272 1373 552 3253 1792 BCR The British Columbia Railway Company GFR Grand Forks Railway NJT New Jersey Transit Rail Operations VIA Via Rail A BCRY Barrie-Collingwood Railway GJR Guelph Junction Railway NLR Northern Light Rail VTR -
A Tapestry of Peoples
HIGH SCHOOL LEVEL TEACHING RESOURCE FOR THE PROMISE OF CANADA, BY CHARLOTTE GRAY Author’s Note Greetings, educators! While I was in my twenties I spent a year teaching in a high school in England; it was the hardest job I’ve ever done. So first, I want to thank you for doing one of the most important and challenging jobs in our society. And I particularly want to thank you for introducing your students to Canadian history, as they embark on their own futures, because it will help them understand how our past is what makes this country unique. When I sat down to write The Promise of Canada, I knew I wanted to engage my readers in the personalities and dramas of the past 150 years. Most of us find it much easier to learn about ideas and values through the stories of the individuals that promoted them. Most of us enjoy history more if we are given the tools to understand what it was like back then—back when women didn’t have the vote, or back when Indigenous children were dragged off to residential schools, or back when Quebecers felt so excluded that some of them wanted their own independent country. I wanted my readers to feel the texture of history—the sounds, sights and smells of our predecessors’ lives. If your students have looked at my book, I hope they will begin to understand how the past is not dead: it has shaped the Canada we live in today. I hope they will be excited to meet vivid personalities who, in their own day, contributed to a country that has never stopped evolving. -
'Moving Forward in Unity' Rally
1 LIBRARY AND CANADA NS,OR.NA,- Bibliother ie et Canada 111,31181151,21611611611 IIII 3 3286 5426465 3 O Na- Shilth -Sa Canada's Oldest First Nation's Newspaper - Serving Nuu -chah- nulth -aht since 1974 Canadian Publications Mail Product Vol. 31 - No. 11 - June 3, 2004 haaitsa "Interesting News" Sales Agreement No. 40047776 'Moving Forward in Unity' rally By David Wiwchar, Southern Region Reporter Victoria - As the canoe carrying Hesquiaht Ha'wiih was lifted onto the shoulders of two -dozen young men, the ' s r . , , ' sound of hundreds of drums echoed '737-34.-'.1,_^1 - across the legislature lawns and the sun - . ,# ` ._« soaked inner harbor. ...va ti, More than 2000 First Nations people =;`" . ' .p'. from around British Columbia marched + J -l .' .-3..i 1 upon the provincial legislature, .. -. i demanding Premier Gordon Campbell a..4 and his cabinet ministers recognize r' Aboriginal title and rights. / "Today were going to tell the province .a who the real owners of this land are," . said NTC Northern Region Co -chair , a. Little, who joined more than 200 s Archie 16:E ' " 5r -aht at the May 20th IY} i ! , Nuu -chah- nulth protest. "We own our land and water lock, stock, and barrel," added Jerry a Jack. "We never sold it or made an The canoe carrying Hesquiaht Ha'wiih was lifted onto the shoulders of two -dozen young men, the sound of agreement with anybody, and they [the hundreds of drums echoed across the legislature lawns and the sun -soaked inner harbour. BC Government] have to realize they Title and Rights Alliance is a new government and industry infringement of spoke to the hundreds of people don't own any part of Nuu -chah -nulth collective initiative among all major the resources that belong to our children gathered on the legislature lawn territories," he said.