THE AMERICAN NEOCONSERVATIVE DEFENSE PLATFORM ROBERT W. LOTHMAN Intern July 11, 2011 INTRODUCTION This report is a summary of the defense platform which current neoconservative American political leaders and organizations have espoused. The contents of this report include an examination of the views of a mix of prominent neoconservative politicians, journalists, lobbyists, and ideologues with regard to such issues as the national security of the United States of America, international security, missile defense, the U.S. defense budget, nonproliferation, and U.S.-Russia relations. Additionally, this report summarizes the policy positions of several influential neoconservative think tanks and political organizations, which exert a substantial influence on the base of neoconservative political supporters, as well as on mainstream conservative politicians. The term “neoconservative,” as it is employed in this report, refers to an ideological branch of the Republican Party in the United States, which favors, among other things, the strengthening of U.S. military force as a means of protecting democracy throughout the world (and especially in America). Though neoconservatives hold particular views on a plethora of issues, both domestic and international, this report shall focus primarily upon neoconservative views with regard to national defense, international affairs, and military action. The militaristic views of neoconservatives are often thought to be their primary distinguishing feature, and the official definition of a neoconservative in the Merriam-Webster dictionary reads: “a conservative who advocates the assertive promotion of democracy and United States national interest in international affairs including through military means.”1 Insofar as this report discusses international relations, it will focus exclusively on the neoconservative stance regarding U.S.-Russia relations. Specific topics of U.S.-Russia relations that this report will address include neoconservative opinions on the New Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (New START), U.S. missile defenses, nonproliferation in general, Russia’s position in the world arena, and Russia’s potential to threaten the United States, U.S. allies, and U.S. interests throughout the world. 1 Merriam-Webster Online Dictionary. Merriam-Webster. Web. <http://www.merriam- webster.com/dictionary/neoconservative>, last accessed July 5, 2011. 1 This report will analyze not only the policy stances of each leader, but also his current level of influence with fellow neoconservatives. In terms of format, this report will delve into the views held by each included neoconservative leader, think tank, or political organization in order, before summarizing the aggregate views of the neoconservative bloc and, finally, comparing these views to those held by the Obama administration. ROBERT KAGAN Robert Kagan is a neoconservative journalist and ideologue who fills roles as a columnist for The Washington Post, a senior fellow at Brookings Institute, and a cofounder and director of the Foreign Policy Initiative (FPI—a neoconservative think tank). Kagan formerly occupied a position as a senior associate at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, and he was active in other neoconservative organizations, such as the Project for the New American Century (PNAC), of which he was a cofounder. With regard to U.S.-Russia relations, Kagan takes a very cautious approach. Kagan is a critic of the Obama administration’s “reset” policy, though he does believe that the policy has led to notable advances in U.S.-Russia relations—namely an increase in dialogue between Washington and Moscow, as well as the strengthening of President Dmitry Medvedev’s position in the Kremlin. However, Kagan believes that U.S.- Russia relations are primed to go sour within the next few years, as contentious issues, such as missile defense, tactical nuclear weapons, and the Russian occupation of Georgia, rise to the forefront of relations between the two nations. Kagan is extremely wary of Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin, and he is critical of any policy which would build up Putin’s power. While Kagan views Medvedev with a degree of suspicion as well, he believes strongly that Medvedev is preferable to Putin, as far as the United States is concerned, because he is more amenable to negotiation. Kagan is a general critic of Obama, yet he wishes for Obama to be viewed, in the international arena, as a powerful, capable, and respectable individual, who will uphold American ideals and advocate for the interests of the United States throughout the world. In contrast to many neoconservative leaders, Kagan actively supported the ratification of the New START treaty. Kagan believes that the treaty poses no threat to deterrence, due to its call for very modest reductions in arms. Furthermore, Kagan believes the administration’s claims (supported by various experts in the field) that the treaty will not limit U.S. missile defenses. Kagan believes that “there is little doubt that its negotiations improved the mood of relations between Moscow and Washington,” and that “successful cooperation with Russia on one front has allowed it to press Russia harder on others”2 (such as human rights). Finally, Kagan supports the treaty, because he believes that it will lend power to Medvedev, and he views any step toward keeping Putin out of the presidency as progress. Kagan even argues against Republicans seeking to kill the treaty by claiming that failure to ratify the treaty “will strengthen 2 Kagan, Robert. "New START: Too Modest to Merit Partisan Bickering." Editorial. The Washington Post [Washington, D.C.] 30 July 2010, World sec. The Washington Post: National, World & D.C. Area News and Headlines - The Washington Post. Web. <http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp- dyn/content/article/2010/07/29/AR2010072904902.html>, last accessed July 11, 2011. 2 Vladimir Putin.”3 Despite Kagan’s support for the treaty, he also discusses its weaknesses: “the treaty has its problems—in verification, where the Russians seem never to be entirely trustworthy, as well as in counting mechanisms.”4 Additionally, Kagan is skeptical of the amount of credit given to Obama for putting together this treaty, because of the treaty’s modest goals. However, the shortcomings of the treaty were not enough, in Kagan’s mind, to deter him from supporting its ratification— “New START, whatever its flaws, is not a threat to U.S. security.”5 Aside from supporting the New START treaty, Kagan seldom distances himself from the primary views of mainstream neo-conservatism. Kagan is a staunch supporter of missile defense and the expansion of U.S. defense spending in general, and he places a great deal of emphasis upon the United States’ ability to improve its national security and its influence throughout the world. DAN SENOR Dan Senor is an investment banker with Rosemont Capital and a cofounder and director of the Foreign Policy Initiative. Previously, Senor served as the chief spokesperson for the Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA) in Iraq. Senor’s expertise lies primarily in the realm of Middle Eastern studies. He writes frequently on topics concerning Iraq, Iran, and Israel and their relations with other countries in the region, the United States, and the rest of the world. Rarely does Senor write on aspects of U.S.-Russia relations, and rarely does he address U.S. defense concerns as they relate to any region outside of the Middle East. It is safe to say that Senor would favor any action by the United States or Russia which would help to limit the ability of Iran to develop its nuclear systems, but his lack of written materials dealing with Russia eliminate the ability to speculate further on his views regarding the region. PAUL WOLFOWITZ Paul Wolfowitz is a visiting fellow at the American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research (a conservative think tank), as well as the chairman of the State Department International Security Advisory Board. Wolfowitz formerly served as the president of the World Bank, in the Defense Department, and in the State Department (in a variety of positions, including as an ambassador). Wolfowitz’s areas of expertise include economic development, finance, Iraq, Africa, and U.S. foreign policy. When he served in the Defense Department under President George H.W. Bush, Wolfowitz backed plans formulated by then-Secretary of Defense Dick Cheney to hasten the demise of the Soviet Union under Mikhail Gorbachev, though these plans were rejected by Bush himself. In 1992, Wolfowitz authored a policy proposal that called for the expansion of U.S. military and diplomatic power 3 Kagan, Robert. "Why Senate Republicans Should Pass the New START Treaty." Editorial. The Washington Post [Washington, D.C.] 12 Nov. 2010, World sec. The Washington Post: National, World & D.C. Area News and Headlines - The Washington Post. Web. <http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp- dyn/content/article/2010/11/10/AR2010111003708.html>, last accessed July 11, 2011. 4 Kagan, “Partisan Bickering.” 5 Kagan, “Senate Republicans.” 3 throughout the world as a means of supporting U.S. interests abroad. This report called for the preemptive use of military force to protect particular interests, including Persian Gulf oil, nonproliferation, and anti-terrorism efforts. Since the fall of the Soviet Union, Wolfowitz has been quiet on issues of U.S.-Russia relations. It may be possible to infer that his views maintain the neoconservative line, because of his record of supporting a neoconservative stance on foreign policy issues, but no definitive characterization of his current views on Russia can be formulated. RICHARD CHENEY Richard “Dick” Cheney was formerly a Republican congressman, the chief of staff for President Gerald Ford, the secretary of defense for President George H.W. Bush, vice- president to President George W. Bush, president and chief executive officer of Halliburton, Inc. (a large defense contractor), and a cofounder of Project for the New American Century. During his time in the administration of President George H.W. Bush, Cheney promoted policies intended to hasten the demise of the Soviet Union, though these policies were rejected by President Bush.