Trade Unions and the Social Dialogue in the UK a Story of Decline and Change

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Trade Unions and the Social Dialogue in the UK a Story of Decline and Change Trade unions and the Social Dialogue in the UK A story of decline and change The levels of collective bargaining, and consequently collective bargaining structures, in the United Kingdom continue to decline. There is a growing distinction between the public and the private sector in terms of the proportion of workers who are members of trade unions and in terms of those covered by national sectoral agreements rather than at a more local level. There are indications, however, that the pace of this decline has been reduced in recent years. This will be for a number of reasons, including perhaps a greater intervention of the law and state regulation both at national and perhaps at EU level in reinforcing the collective and other rights of workers. The decline in trade union influence and the limiting of social dialogue can be traced back to 1979 with the election of a Conservative Government led By Margaret Thatcher MP. This Government was determined to weaken collective rights and strengthen individual ones. There was to be strict regulation of trade union rules and activities. To achieve this the Government introduced the Employment Act 1980, the Employment Act 1982, the Trade Union Act 1984, the Employment Act 1998, the Employment Act 1990, the Trade Union Reform and Employment Rights Act 1993,. Some of the results of this legislation were (i) to introduce secret ballots into voting on industrial action and other matters; (ii) ended the pre-entry and post entry closed shop (iii) made secondary picketing illegal (iv) introduced a Commissioner on the Rights of Trade Union Members (v) introduced detailed rules on the election of officials (vi) introduced rules on ballots and notice periods prior to industrial action, effectively outlawing unofficial action (vii) imposed tighter rules on political funds used by unions. Many of these measures have been continued by subsequent governments. In some ways attitudes to trade unions have changed significantly over the last 30 plus years and the fact that few people regard them as having too much power today, in contrast to the past, may be a reflection of the government’s success in neutering them. In September 1979 some 80 per cent of adults agreed with the statement that ‘trade unions have too much power in Britain today’. Even 69 per cent of trade union members agreed with the statement. By 1989 the figures agreeing with the statement were 41 per cent of adults interviewed and just 26 per cent of trade union members. In 2014 the figure had dropped to some 29 per cent of adults who thought that trade unions had too much power. On the other hand some 77 per cent agreed with the statement that ‘trade unions are essential to protect workers’ interests.1 I would briefly like to go through some of the characteristics of this decline: firstly, bargaining structures, secondly, what I call the retreat to the public sector, thirdly, the dramatic decline in trade union memberships and, finally, the changing characteristics of trade union members. 1 Ipsos Mori Attitudes to trade unions 1975-2014; http://www.ipsos- mori.com/researchpublications/researcharchive/94/Attitudes-to-Trade-Unions-19752011.aspx 1 Bargaining structures By far the most common form of pay determination is unilateral pay setting by management. Some 70 per cent of workplaces set pay for at least some of their employees using this method. Figures from the Department for Business show that in 2012 only 29.3 per cent of employees were covered by collective bargaining.2 However, collective bargaining coverage is not even across the economy. In the public sector 63.7 per cent of employees are covered by collective bargaining compared with only 16.1 per cent in the private sector. There is a high correlation between union membership and coverage by collective agreement with over 70 per cent of trade union members covered by such an agreement. Larger employers, those with 50 or more employees, were also much more likely to have entered into collective agreements. Some 41.6 per cent of employees in these larger enterprises were covered by collective agreements, compared to some 15.9 per cent of smaller workplaces. This decline began with the election of the Thatcher Government in 1979 when an attitude of hostility towards trade unions and collective bargaining began. This continued throughout the 1980s and 1990s, so in 1992 the Secretary of State for Employment was able to say that ‘traditional patterns of industrial relations, based on collective bargaining and collective agreements, seem increasingly inappropriate and are in decline’.3 Interestingly the decline is even greater in new enterprises set up during this period.4 When bargaining occurs in the private sector, it is usually at the company or plant level. National agreements are very much the exception. In the public sector industry wide agreements are more common, although in some parts there is more localised bargaining, such as in the devolution given to different civil service departments to arrange their own pay rates and agreements.5 Collective agreements do not have to run for a specific period although the most common pattern is that they run for a year. It is reported that figures from the Labour Research Department database of collective agreements indicate that as at March 2013, 91 per cent of the agreements were for 12 months, 4 per cent for 24 months and 1 per cent for 36 months, with the remaining 4 per cent lasting for other periods.6 The retreat to the public sector As a result of government policy and measures taken to tackle the debt burden, the size of the public sector in the UK has been decreasing. Public sector employment represents some 19 per cent of total employment (some 5.7 million workers),7 yet it contains some 3.886 million trade union members compared to some 2.572 million in the much bigger private sector. Some 56.3 per 2 Trade Union Membership 2012 Statistical Bulletin May 2013 Department for Business, Innovation and Skills. 3 William Brown (1993) The contraction of collective bargaining in Britain BJIR 31:2 June 4 Stephen Machin (2000) Union decline in Britain BJIR 38:4 December 631-645 5 L. Fulton (2013) Worker representation in Europe. Labour Research Department and ETUI; http://www.worker-participation.eu/National-Industrial-Relations 6 See http://www.worker-participation.eu/National-Industrial-Relations/Countries/United- Kingdom/Collective-Bargaining 7 In June 2005 it was just over 20 per cent with 5.8 million workers. 2 cent of public sector employees are members of a trade union compared to 14.4 per cent in the private sector. In the public sector 86.4 per cent of workplaces had a trade union presence with almost two thirds of employees’ (63.7 per cent) pay affected by collective agreement. The overwhelming numbers of agreements are set at the national, usually sectoral, level. In contrast, in the private sector only in some 16.1 per cent of workplaces was employees’ pay influenced by collective agreements even though over a quarter of workplaces had a trade union presence (28.5 per cent) Also in contrast to the public sector the overwhelming majority of these agreements are set at company or enterprise level.8 So we can say that the great majority of pay settlements in the public sector are through nationally negotiated collective agreements. In the private sector the norm is for pay to be set unilaterally by management. Of the 10 biggest trade unions in the UK, 5 operate almost exclusively within the public sector and a proportion of the membership of the other biggest 5 unions will also work in this sector. Trade union recognition is the necessary precursor to collective bargaining. The figures are somewhat alarming in that only 16.1 per cent of workplaces in the private sector have a trade union present compared to some 86.4 per cent in the public sector.9 The decline in trade union membership In the United Kingdom there has been a consistent decline in the size and number of trade unions, resulting in a continuing reduction in the numbers of workplaces and workers who are covered by any collective bargaining structures. Trade unions in the United Kingdom have been declining in both membership and numbers for some considerable time. Membership reached its highest level in 1979 when trade union membership was 13.212 million people. Within 15 years, by 1994, this figure had fallen to 8.231 million. The decline has continued, although it does seem to have stabilised in the very recent past with the figure for 2011 being slightly more than 7.2 million members.10 This decline is even more startling when one looks at how the workforce has increased and changed during the same period. In 1979 the employed workforce consisted of some 25.2 million people, so trade union membership represented a figure of more than 50 per cent. In 2014 the employed workforce had increased to around 30.1 million, so trade union membership now represents less than 25 per cent of the workforce, having been reduced by more than one half in this period. Almost two thirds of workplaces did not have any trade union members (64%). This comprised some 77% of workplaces in the private sector compared to only 7% in the public sector.11 8 Sonia Pereira (2004) Collective agreements and wages in the New earnings Survey Economic Trends 612 p35 Office for National Statistics 9 All the figures come from Trade Union Membership 2012 Statistical Bulletin May 2013 Department for Business, Innovation and Skills. 10 See annual reports of the Certification Officer 11 See Kersley et al 3 Partly in response to this decline in numbers and, I think, partly because of the structural changes that have taken place, trade unions themselves have been going through a process of consolidation.12 Figures published by the statutory body show that, for example, there were 344 trade unions in 1988.
Recommended publications
  • ED389242.Pdf
    DOCUMENT RESUME ED 389 242 HE 028 760 AUTHOR Saunders, Bob TITLE The Effects of Employment Legislation on Collective Bargaining. Mendip Papers MP-038. INSTITUTION Staff Coll., Bristol (England). PUB DATE 92 NOTE 18p. AVAILABLE FROM The Staff College, Coombe Lodge, Blagdon, Bristol BS18 6RG United Kingdom (3 British pounds). PUB TYPE Information Analyses (070) Viewpoints (Opinion/Position Papers, Essays, etc.)(120) EDRS PRICE .F01/PC01 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS *Collective Bargaining; Employment; Foreign Countries; Higher Education; *Labor Legislation; Labor Relations; Political Influences; Political Issues; Political Power; Unions IDENTIFIERS *United Kingdom ABSTRACT Employment legislation in the United Kingdom from before 1970 to the 1990s has changed and with it collective bargaining in higher education. Industrial relations before 1970 were treated as a voluntary activity virtually unregulated by law. Then the Remuneration of Teachers Act 1965 set up the Burnham Committees, which until 1987 were the forum for salary negotiations and associated matters. In the 1960s and 1970s the normal pattern of collective b&rgaining was that unions made demands and management resisted, trying to minimize the concession they needed to make. The Donovan Commission and the resulting Donovan Report (1968) led to a great deal of legislation between 1970 and 1978 aimed at encouraging better regulated collective bargaining at workplace level. Legislation from 1979 onwards was aimed at regulating the power of the trade unions and bringing about a shift in the balance of power between unions and employers. As a consequence employers are now likelier to take a tough line in their handling of disputes and resulting defeat for the unions.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Power of Nuisance Law: Labor Picketing and the Courts In
    Fordham Law School FLASH: The Fordham Law Archive of Scholarship and History Faculty Scholarship 1998 Political Power of Nuisance Law: Labor Picketing and the Courts in Modern England, 1871-Present, The Rachel Vorspan Fordham University School of Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/faculty_scholarship Part of the Civil Rights and Discrimination Commons, and the Labor and Employment Law Commons Recommended Citation Rachel Vorspan, Political Power of Nuisance Law: Labor Picketing and the Courts in Modern England, 1871-Present, The , 46 Buff. L. Rev. 593 (1998) Available at: http://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/faculty_scholarship/344 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by FLASH: The orF dham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of FLASH: The orF dham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. For more information, please contact [email protected]. BUFFALO LAW REVIEW VOLUME 46 FALL 1998 NUMBER 3 The Political Power of Nuisance Law: Labor Picketing and the Courts in Modern England, 1871-Present RACHEL VORSPANt INTRODUCTION After decades of decline, the labor movements in America and England are enjoying a resurgence. Unions in the United States are experiencing greater vitality and political visibility,' and in 1997 a Labour government took power in England for the first time in eighteen years.! This t Associate Professor of Law, Fordham University. A.B., 1967, University of California, Berkeley; M.A., 1968, Ph.D., 1975, Columbia University (English History); J.D., 1979, Harvard Law School.
    [Show full text]
  • Industrial Action Ballots: an Analysis of the Development of Law and Practice in Britain
    INDUSTRIAL ACTION BALLOTS: AN ANALYSIS OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF LAW AND PRACTICE IN BRITAIN Submitted for the degree of PhD by Jane Rosemary Elgar London School of Economics January 1997 UMI Number: U109678 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U109678 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 F Table of Contents Page Abstract 5 Preface 6 Research topic Outline of chapters Methodology Chapter 1 The Industrial Relations Context 20 1.1 Industrial relations background 1.2 Changing patterns of industrial action 1.3 The ’strike problem’ and the role of industrial conflict legislation 1.4 An approach to understanding the impact of industrial action ballots Chapter 2 Historical Development of Law on Industrial Action Balloting 44 2.1 Introduction 2.2 The voluntarist tradition 2.3 Compulsory strike ballot policies and proposals 2.4 Enforcement mechanisms 2.5 Conclusions Chapter 3 The Law 65 3.1 Legislation 3.2 Enforcement provisions 3.3 Judicial interpretation of the balloting
    [Show full text]
  • The Curious History of Trade Union Law Andrew Hodge*
    The Curious History of Trade Union Law Andrew Hodge* Clarity of underlying principle Since 1970 the pace and scale of change in the field of collective labour law have been remarkable, and it seems likely that this process of reform will continue. 1 The 1980s have seen a number of important enactments which seem to reflect a radical view of collective labour relations.2 Sit John Wood has pointed out that, in this difficult and fast changing legal environment, it is important to achieve "clarity of underlying principle"3 both in our analysis of existing law and in our efforts to predict future developments. It may be that the search for underlying principle requires some examination of the lessons of history. Labour legislation and the arguments that have surrounded it have had an important influence on our social, economic and political history. Should the law be used to underline or to dilute managerial prerogative? Should it be used to encourage or restrain the organisation of workers into trade unions? Some of our most respected labour law commentators might argue that there is a sense in which both of the above questions are irrelevant, or even that it is inappropriate even to ask them. The traditional approach to the problems of industrial relations emphasises or even assumes that this specialised and vexed branch of human relations should not be interfered with by the law.4 In a democratic society where it is believed that state intervention should be avoided unless it is demonstrably necessary, this is clearly an important approach which recognises the limits of the law.
    [Show full text]
  • Economics and Labour Law in Britain: Thatcher's Radical
    632 ALBERTA.LAW REVIEW [VOL. XXVIII, NO. 3 ECONOMICSAND LABOURLAW IN BRITAIN: THATCHER'SRADICAL EXPERIMENT K.D. EWING* ProfessorEwing looks at the contributionof law Le ProfesseurEwing examine quelle est la con­ to economicpolicy. In particular, the role of labour tribution du droit a la politique economique. JI etu­ law in the great "radical economic experiment" die plus particu/ierementle role du droit du travail whichhas been conductedin Britainsince 1979,fol­ dans la grande ''experience economiqueradicale'' lowing the first of Prime Minister Thatchers three qui a ete menee en Grande-Bretagnedepuis 1979, generalelection victories is considered.First, Profes­ apres la premieredes trois electionsgenera/es histo­ sor Ewing outlinesthe political, legal and economic riquesqu 'a remporteesle Premierministre Thatcher. conditions inheritedby Prime Minister Thatcher in L 'auteurdecrit /es conditionspolitiques,juridiques 1979; next, the wide-ranging labour law reforms et economiquesdont ellea herite a I epoque,/es vastes pursued since 1979are examined;finally, the impli­ refonnes auxquelles elle a procede des 1979 en cationsand consequencesof these developmentsare matiere de droit du travail, et ii evalue en.finquels assessed. en sont /es implicationset /es consequences. We are here today to commemorate the achievements of John Alexander Weir, the first Dean of the Faculty of Law in this University. By all accounts Dean Weir was an accomplished scholar in the fine traditions of the common law. Early volumes of the Canadian Bar Review carry articles by Dean Weir on subjects as diverse as unjust enrichment; 1 contributory negligence;2 and mistake in the law of contract.3 It is appropriate that these should be amongst the many issues which are the subject of study by the increasingly influential law and economics community.
    [Show full text]
  • Labour Law and Human Rights: Legal and Philosophical Perspectives
    Labour Law and Human Rights: Legal and Philosophical Perspectives _________________________________________________________________ Joe Atkinson A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University College London, Faculty of Laws 1 Declaration ‘I, Joe Atkinson, confirm that the work presented in this thesis is my own. Where information has been derived from other sources, I confirm that this has been indicated in the thesis.’ 2 Abstract There is a widespread belief that labour law is amid a protracted existential crisis, in part caused by uncertainty over the discipline’s justification and normative foundations. Against this background, the purpose of this thesis is to examine human rights as potential foundations for labour law and deepen our understanding of the relationship between labour law and human rights. It argues that human rights are an important justificatory idea for labour law and provide a normative benchmark and moral standard that can be used to evaluate existing legal frameworks and guide reforms. In developing this claim, the thesis first identifies a ‘normative gap’ in labour law’s traditional justificatory narrative, which is rooted in the idea of counteracting employees’ unequal bargaining power, and suggests that a pluralistic approach be pursued to filling this normative gap. It then argues that a normative and philosophical approach must be adopted to fully understand the relationship between human rights and labour law, with a specific philosophical conception of human rights being adopted as the basis for the analysis. A theory of human rights is then set out and used to identify the normative implications of human rights for labour law.
    [Show full text]
  • Private International Law: Foreign Money Liabilities Report
    The Law Commission (LAW COM. No. 124) PRIVATE INTERNATIONAL LAW FOREIGN MONEY LIABILITIES REPORT ON A REFERENCE UNDER SECTION 3(1)(e) OF THE LAW COMMISSIONS ACT 1965 Presented to Parliament by the Lord High Chancellor, by Command of Her Majesty October 1983 - -- LONDON HER MAJESTY’S STATIONERY OFFICE $6.40 net Cmnd. 9064 The Law Commission was set up by section 1 of the Law Commissions Act 1965 for the purpose of promoting the reform of the law. The Commissioners are- The Honourable Mr. Justice Ralph Gibson, Chairman, Mr. Stephen M. Crelney, Mr. Brian J. Davenport, Q.C., Mr. Stephen Edell, Dr. Peter North. The Secretary of the Law Commission is Mr. J. G. H. Casson and its -: offices are at Conquest House, 37-38 John Street, Theobald’s Road, London, WClN 2BQ. ii FOREIGN MONEY LIABILITIES CONTENTS Paragraphs Page PART I-INTRODUCTION . 1.1-1.6 1 PART 11-AN OUTLINE OF THE PRESENT LAW . 2.1-2.53 4 A DEBTSPAYABLE IN ENGLANDIN FOREIGNCURRENCY . 2.1-2.2 4 B JUDGMENTSIN FOREIGN CURREXCY . 2.3-2.21 4 (1) The former rule: judgment had to be in sterling converted as at the " breach-date " . 2.3 4 (2) The new approach: judgment in foreign currency 2.4 5 (3) The principle underlying MiZiangos . 2.5 6 (4) The judicial development of the MiZiangos principle . 2.6 6 (5) The principles whereby the currency of the loss is to be ascertained 2.7-2.21 (a) Debts and liquidated damages . 2.7 (b) Unliquidated damages . 2.8-2.10 (i) Damages for breach of contract .
    [Show full text]
  • Trade Union Legislation 1979-2010
    BRIEFING PAPER Number CBP 7882, 26 January 2017 Trade union legislation By Doug Pyper 1979-2010 Contents: 1. Conservative trade union legislation 1979-1997 2. Labour trade union legislation 1997-2010 www.parliament.uk/commons-library | intranet.parliament.uk/commons-library | [email protected] | @commonslibrary 2 Trade union legislation 1979-2010 Contents Summary 3 1. Conservative trade union legislation 1979-1997 4 Employment Act 1980 4 Employment Act 1982 4 Trade Union Act 1984 5 Employment Act 1988 5 Dock Work Act 1989 6 Employment Act 1990 6 Trade Union Reform and Employment Rights Act 1993 7 2. Labour trade union legislation 1997-2010 9 Deregulation (Deduction from Pay of Union Subscriptions) Order 1998 9 Employment Relations Act 1999 9 Employment Act 2002 10 Employment Relations Act 2004 10 Employment Act 2008 11 Employment Relations Act 1999 (Blacklists) Regulations 2010 11 3 Commons Library Briefing, 26 January 2017 Summary This note summarises the major pieces of trade union legislation introduced under the 1979 - 1997 Conservative governments, and that enacted under Labour governments between 1997 and 2010. Most of this legislation is consolidated in the Trade Union and Labour Relations (Consolidation) Act 1992 as amended. Both the Coalition Government (2010-2015) and the current Conservative Government (2015 - ) have made further significant amendments to trade union law, which are discussed in the Library’s briefing on the Trade Union Bill 2015-16, now the Trade Union Act 2016. 4 Trade union legislation 1979-2010 1. Conservative trade union legislation 1979-1997 Employment Act 1980 • Encouraged secret ballots both on proposed industrial action and in electing union officials by making public funds available [sections 1-2].
    [Show full text]
  • Margaret Thatcher & the Miners
    Pierre-François GOUIFFES MARGARET THATCHER & THE MINERS 1972-1985 Thirteen years that changed Britain Creative Commons Licence 2009 This e-book is the English translation of “Margaret Thatcher face aux mineurs”, Privat, France (2007) Comments on the French edition Lord Brittan (Home Secretary 1983-5, former Vice-President of the European Commission) “The fairness and accuracy of the book are impressive both in the narrative and the analysis. I am not aware of anything comparable to what Pierre-François Gouiffès has produced.” Dr Kim Howells MP (now Minister of State at the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, spokesman for the NUM South Wales area in 1983-5) “Mr. Gouiffès’ book describes key events, such as the 'winter of discontent' and the industrial disputes of the eighties which had a major impact on the Labour party.” Other material available on www.pfgouiffes.net or www.mtfam.fr TABLE OF CONTENT Foreword 3 Prologue: the rise and fall of ‘King Coal’ 12 Coal: its economic, social and symbolic importance in the United Kingdom during the 19th century 13 The painful aftermath of World War One 18 The search for consensus after 1945 24 Tensions escalate from the 1960s 29 The NUM victorious: the strikes of 1972 and 1974 42 Crystallization of conflict 43 The 1972 blitzkrieg strike 51 1974: an arm-wrestling contest leading to strike and General Election 63 The legacy of the strikes of the 1970s 75 1974-1984 : the Labour interlude and Margaret Thatcher's early performance 80 The Labour interlude 81 The early years of Margaret Thatcher 108 The 1984-5 strike part one: from explosion to war of attrition 133 First steps in the conflict 134 The flashpoint 143 2 MRS.
    [Show full text]
  • A Strike Against the Law? Tony Weir
    Maryland Law Review Volume 46 | Issue 1 Article 12 A Strike Against the Law? Tony Weir Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.law.umaryland.edu/mlr Part of the Labor and Employment Law Commons Recommended Citation Tony Weir, A Strike Against the Law?, 46 Md. L. Rev. 133 (1986) Available at: http://digitalcommons.law.umaryland.edu/mlr/vol46/iss1/12 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Academic Journals at DigitalCommons@UM Carey Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Maryland Law Review by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@UM Carey Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. A STRIKE AGAINST THE LAW?* TONY WEIR** Recent experience having taught me that subjects like the Ro- man law of property and obligations, being dead and detailed, quickly induce ennui in the late twentieth-century mind, it seemed right to try to find for this Gerber lecture a theme both topical and general. The recent coal-miners' strike in England suggested itself, though I am by no means a labour lawyer. The strike is topical enough, for we are still trying to recover from it, and it raises the question of the role of law in society, English or not, which is a mat- ter surely sufficiently general. 1 The strike lasted a whole year, bar a day or two.2 It had been preceded by a partial stoppage, an overtime ban, for four months. The strike was not total, but two-thirds of our 180,000-odd miners were out, and most of the pits were idle.' The cost of the strike is very variously computed.
    [Show full text]
  • Employment Act 1989
    Employment Act 1989 CHAPTER 38 LONDON HER MAJESTY'S STATIONERY OFFICE Employment Act 1989 CHAPTER 38 ARRANGEMENT OF SECTIONS Overriding of provisions requiring discrimination as respects employment or training Section 1. Overriding of statutory requirements which conflict with certain provisions of 1975 Act. 2. Power of Secretary of State to repeal statutory provisions requiring discrimination as respects employment or training. Circumstances where discrimination as respects employment or training is permissible 3. Restriction of exemption for discrimination required by or under statute. 4. Exemption for discrimination under certain provisions concerned with the protection of women at work. 5. Exemption for discrimination in connection with certain educational appointments. 6. Power of Secretary of State to exempt particular acts of discrimination required by or under statute. Discrimination as respects training 7. Prohibition of discrimination in connection with provision of training. 8. Power to exempt discrimination in favour of lone parents in connection with training. Removal of restrictions and other requirements relating to employment 9. Repeal or modification of provisions requiring different treatment of different categories of employees. 10. Removal of restrictions relating to employment of young persons. 11. Exemption of Sikhs from requirements as to wearing of safety helmets on construction sites. 12. Protection of Sikhs from racial discrimination in connection with requirements as to wearing of safety helmets. Written statements of terms of employment 13. Provision of particulars of disciplinary procedures. A c. 38 Employment Act 1989 Section Time offfor trade union duties 14. Trade union duties for which time off must be allowed by employer. Reasons for dismissal 15. Period of employment necessary to qualify for statement of reasons for dismissal.
    [Show full text]
  • Industrial and Labour Relations
    Industrial and labor relations TOPIC 1 INTRODUCTION The field of industrial relations (also called labor relations ) looks at the relationship between management and workers, particularly groups of workers represented by a union. Labour relations is an important factor in analyzing "varieties of capitalism", such as neocorporatism (or corporatism), social democracy, and neoliberalism (or liberalism). Labour relations can take place on many levels, such as the "shop-floor", the regional level, and the national level. The distribution of power amongst these levels can greatly shape the way an economy functions. Another key question when considering systems of labour relations is their ability to adapt to change. This change can be technological (e.g., "What do we do when an industry employing half the population becomes obsolete?"), economic (e.g., "How do we respond to globalization?"), or political (e.g., "How dependent is the system on a certain party or coalition holding power?"). Governments set the framework for labor relations through legislation and regulation. In Australia industrial relations is the commonly used term, though in recent years the term workplace relations has also become common. This was a prominent issue in the defeat of the centre-right Howard Liberal government at the 2007 federal election, who with a Senate majority had introduced the WorkChoices policy. The academic discipline of labor studies is closely related to and often studied and taught in conjunction with the study industrial and labor relations in english language universities. Theoretical perspectives Industrial relations scholars have described three major theoretical perspectives or frameworks, that contrast in their understanding and analysis of workplace relations.
    [Show full text]