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Voters' Victory?
Voters’ Victory? New Zealand’s First Election Under Proportional Representation Edited by JACK VOWLES PETER AIMER SUSAN BANDUCCI AND JEFFREY KARP AUCKLAND UNIVERSITY PRESS First published 1998 AUCKLAND UNIVERSITY PRESS University of Auckland Private Bag 92019 Auckland © The contributors, 1998 This book is copyright. Apart from fair dealing for the purpose of private study, research, criticism, or review, as permitted under the Copyright Act, no part may be reproduced by any process without the prior permission of Auckland University Press. ISBN 1 86940 180 8 Printed by Wright and Carman, Welington CONTENTS Tables and Figures vi Preface xi 1 Expectations of Change Jack Vowles, Peter Aimer, Susan Banducci and Jeffrey Karp 1 2 Countdown to MMP Jack Vowles 12 3 A New Post-MMP Party System? Jack Vowles 28 4 Old and New Party Choices Peter Aimer 48 5 Issues, Leaders, and the Campaign Richard Johnston 65 6 Campaign Activities and Marginality: The Transition to MMP Campaigns David Denemark 81 7 Vote Splitting Under MMP Susan Banducci, Jeffrey Karp and Jack Vowles 101 8 Coalition Government: The People’s Choice? Raymond Miller 120 9 Representation Under a Proportional System Susan Banducci and Jeffrey Karp 135 10 Voter Satisfaction After Electoral System Change Jeffrey Karp and Susan Banducci 153 11 Realignment? Maori and the 1996 Election Ann Sullivan and Jack Vowles 171 12 Voter Rationality and the Advent of MMP Jack Vowles, Peter Aimer, Susan Banducci and Jeffrey Karp 192 Appendix A: 1996 NZES: Research Design and Implementation 212 Appendix -
The Economic Vote in New Zealand an Analysis of How Macroeconomic Conditions and Perceptions of the Economy Affect Voter Behaviour
The Economic Vote in New Zealand An analysis of how macroeconomic conditions and perceptions of the economy affect voter behaviour Luke Gardener Abstract A large body of research suggests the performance of the economy has a significant effect on voter behaviour. However, there has been limited analysis of this issue in relation to New Zealand. This thesis seeks to correct this gap in the literature. It provides a review of the theoretical support for economic voting theory and discusses three key methods of analysis: vote functions, popularity functions, and the individual-level study. It undertakes a macro-popularity function analysis to determine the effect of impartial macroeconomic conditions on voter behaviour in New Zealand between 1978 and 2015. This is followed by a micro-individual analysis that determines the effect perceptions of the economy have on voter behaviour in New Zealand between 2002 and 2014. It finds the evidence to support economic voting in New Zealand is mixed. The macro-analysis suggests macroeconomic conditions have a minimal to moderate effect on voter behaviour. The micro- analysis finds perceptions of the economy have a stronger effect, but that partisanship is a far more important indicator of vote choice. i Acknowledgments There are many people that helped me complete this thesis; far too many to list on a single page. However, there are a number of people that provided significant support I would like to name individually. David Farrar. David very generously shared with me a compiled database of Heylen Research Centre and Colmar Brunton polls. Without this, the time period I would have been able to examine would have been reduced significantly. -
The Treaty and Democratic Government Andrew Ladley
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Open Journal Systems at the Victoria University of Wellington Library The Treaty and Democratic Government Andrew Ladley Introduction negotiation of relative degrees of autonomy, within a system based on government-by-consent. This is the first of a series of articles exploring current implications of the Treaty of Waitangi for New Zealand The limits to all claims of power governance. Here, the objective is to locate the persistent Maori demand for some form of self- Across history, the limits to power have always been government in its democratic context of government- the subject of debate, political action, war, and, more by-consent. The argument is that the issues are not recently, constitutionalism. How far can a particular conceptually difficult. In particular, fears about minority assert its distinctiveness and not become too ‘sovereignty’ are unwarranted. The current burst of divisive, perhaps bloody, for society as a whole? How activity in ‘Treaty negotiation’ is not a threat to New far can a majority assert its numerical, cultural or other Zealand’s democracy, but a sign of its strength – a dominance without crushing the distinctiveness of positive and expected part of the constitutional system. smaller groups? What are the limits of domination, As in any democracy, however, there are legitimate and of resistance to such? In the fast-churning washing questions about the framework within which such machine of today’s world, with accelerating movement negotiation takes place and its limits. of peoples, economies and cultures, what is the ‘right to self-determination’? Put differently, are there limits Self-determination is a major theme across human history to both ‘majority rule’ and ‘self-determination’ where and across cultures. -
The Mechanism for Revising the Constitution of Georgia and the Constitutional Reform of 2017
Givi Luashvili PhD Candidate at Law Faculty of Tbilisi State University THE MECHANISM FOR REVISING THE CONSTITUTION OF GEORGIA AND THE CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM OF 2017 ABSTRACT The purpose of the discussion in the present paper was to assess the dependence of the re- form of the Constitution of Georgia regarding the Constitution Revision mechanism. The study revealed the main positive and negative trends that characterize the new mechanism for revising the basic act. Within the scope of the research, the new method of revising the constitution was evaluated in the retrospective context, which led to the conclusion that the mechanism of revision of the constitution becomes more robust. The research assessed positive and negative sides of the Scandinavian model selected for the revision of the constitution and the conclusion indi- cated that the Scandinavian, quasi-referendum model may have a lot of negative characteris- tics, but as an expression of direct democracy and an important mechanism of stability was recognized as a positive step in the final assessment. Also, critical assessment was made on the revision and accelerated mechanism of adoption of the Constitution, which in fact op- posed the existence of a Scandinavian model. The paper discusses the attitude of the constitution revision mechanism to the constitutional control and the perspective of existence of entrenched clauses, which resulted in specific recommendations and tools for their implementation in the Constitution of Georgia. The paper also expresses the views on the better formation of several procedural issues in revis- ing the constitution. Finally, the constitutional reform of the 2017 regarding the constitutional revision should be assessed as a step forward, but it must be noted that there are important shortcomings in the existing mechanism and it is impossible to say that the mechanism of revision of the Consti- tution of Georgia is perfect and flawless. -
Compilation of Venice Commission Opinions and Reports Concerning Courts and Judges, CDL-PI(2019)008
Strasbourg, 8 October 2020 CDL-PI(2020)012 Or. Engl. EUROPEAN COMMISSION FOR DEMOCRACY THROUGH LAW (VENICE COMMISSION) COMPILATION OF VENICE COMMISSION OPINIONS AND REPORTS CONCERNING SEPARATION OF POWERS(*) (*) This document will be updated regularly. This version contains all opinions and reports/studies adopted up to and including the Venice Commission’s 124th Plenary Session (8-9 October 2020). This document will not be distributed at the meeting. Please bring this copy. www.venice.coe.int CDL-PI(2020)012 - 2 - Contents I. Introduction ................................................................................................................... 3 II. Definition and main features of the principle of separation of powers ............................ 4 A. Definition - the possible political systems ................................................................... 4 B. Main features - checks and balances ......................................................................... 5 C. The re-election of the President ................................................................................. 8 III. Relationship between the Legislature and the Executive ............................................... 9 A. In general .................................................................................................................. 9 B. Legislative powers of the executive ......................................................................... 10 1. In general ......................................................................................................... -
New Zealand Report Oliver Hellmann, Jennifer Curtin, Aurel Croissant (Coordinator)
New Zealand Report Oliver Hellmann, Jennifer Curtin, Aurel Croissant (Coordinator) Sustainable Governance Indicators 2020 © vege - stock.adobe.com Sustainable Governance SGI Indicators SGI 2020 | 2 New Zealand Report Executive Summary New Zealand’s year was overshadowed by the right-wing terrorist attack on a mosque in Christchurch in March of 2019, which killed 51 people. However, it would be wrong to interpret this horrific incident as a failure of governance failure. Instead, the decisive and swift political response in the aftermath of the attack demonstrates that New Zealand’s political system is equipped with high levels of institutional capacity. Within weeks of the politically motivated mass shooting, the government passed tighter guns laws, rolled out a gun buy-back scheme, and established a specialist unit tasked with investigating extremist online content. Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern was also widely praised for her sensitivity and compassion in the wake of the Christchurch massacre. Generally speaking, policymaking is facilitated by New Zealand’s Westminster-style democracy, which concentrates political power in the executive and features very few veto players. Even though the mixed-member electoral system – which replaced the old first-past-the-post system in 1996 – produces a moderately polarized party system and typically fails to deliver absolute parliamentary majorities, this does not impede cross-party agreements in policymaking. However, while New Zealand’s political system is commonly regarded as one of the highest-quality democracies in the world, the country struggles with issues of media pluralism. The media market is dominated by (mostly foreign-owned) commercial conglomerates, which place greater emphasis on entertainment than on critical news-gathering. -
Inequality and the 2014 New Zealand General Election
A BARK BUT NO BITE INEQUALITY AND THE 2014 NEW ZEALAND GENERAL ELECTION A BARK BUT NO BITE INEQUALITY AND THE 2014 NEW ZEALAND GENERAL ELECTION JACK VOWLES, HILDE COFFÉ AND JENNIFER CURTIN Published by ANU Press The Australian National University Acton ACT 2601, Australia Email: [email protected] This title is also available online at press.anu.edu.au National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Creator: Vowles, Jack, 1950- author. Title: A bark but no bite : inequality and the 2014 New Zealand general election / Jack Vowles, Hilde Coffé, Jennifer Curtin. ISBN: 9781760461355 (paperback) 9781760461362 (ebook) Subjects: New Zealand. Parliament--Elections, 2014. Elections--New Zealand. New Zealand--Politics and government--21st century. Other Creators/Contributors: Coffé, Hilde, author. Curtin, Jennifer C, author. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Cover design and layout by ANU Press This edition © 2017 ANU Press Contents List of figures . vii List of tables . xiii List of acronyms . xvii Preface and acknowledgements . .. xix 1 . The 2014 New Zealand election in perspective . .. 1 2. The fall and rise of inequality in New Zealand . 25 3 . Electoral behaviour and inequality . 49 4. The social foundations of voting behaviour and party funding . 65 5. The winner! The National Party, performance and coalition politics . 95 6 . Still in Labour . 117 7 . Greening the inequality debate . 143 8 . Conservatives compared: New Zealand First, ACT and the Conservatives . -
New Zealand: 2020 General Election
BRIEFING PAPER Number CBP 9034, 26 October 2020 New Zealand: 2020 By Nigel Walker general election Antonia Garraway Contents: 1. Background 2. 2020 General Election www.parliament.uk/commons-library | intranet.parliament.uk/commons-library | [email protected] | @commonslibrary 2 New Zealand: 2020 general election Contents Summary 3 1. Background 4 2. 2020 General Election 5 2.1 Political parties 5 2.2 Party leaders 7 2.3 Election campaign 10 2.4 Election results 10 2.5 The 53rd Parliament 11 Cover page image copyright: Jacinda Ardern reopens the Dunedin Courthouse by Ministry of Justice of New Zealand – justice.govt.nz – Wikimedia Commons page. Licensed by Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International (CC BY 4.0) / image cropped. 3 Commons Library Briefing, 26 October 2020 Summary New Zealand held a General Election on Saturday 17 October 2020, with advance voting beginning two weeks earlier, on 3 October. Originally planned for 19 September, the election was postponed due to Covid-19. As well as electing Members of Parliament, New Zealand’s electorate voted on two referendums: one to decriminalise the recreational use of marijuana; the other to allow some terminally ill people to request assisted dying. The election was commonly dubbed the “Covid election”, with the coronavirus pandemic the main issue for voters throughout the campaign. Jacinda Ardern, the incumbent Prime Minister from the Labour Party, had been widely praised for her handling of the pandemic and the “hard and early” plan introduced by her Government in the early stages. She led in the polls throughout the campaign. Preliminary results from the election show Ms Ardern won a landslide victory, securing 49.1 per cent of the votes and a projected 64 seats in the new (53rd) Parliament: a rare outright parliamentary majority. -
Constitutional Handcuffs Richard Albert Boston College Law School, [email protected]
Boston College Law School Digital Commons @ Boston College Law School Boston College Law School Faculty Papers January 2010 Constitutional Handcuffs Richard Albert Boston College Law School, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://lawdigitalcommons.bc.edu/lsfp Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Richard Albert. "Constitutional Handcuffs." Arizona State Law Journal 42, (2010): 663-. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Commons @ Boston College Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Boston College Law School Faculty Papers by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ Boston College Law School. For more information, please contact [email protected]. CONSTITUTIONAL HANDCUFFS Richard Albert † TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION ......................................................................................664 II. CONSTITUTIONAL ENTRENCHMENT .......................................................668 A. Degrees of Permanence .................................................................670 B. Entrenching Permanence ...............................................................672 III. POPULAR RETRENCHMENT ....................................................................678 A. Preservative Entrenchment ............................................................678 B. Transformational Entrenchment ....................................................685 C. Reconciliatory Entrenchment .........................................................693 IV. -
Explore Parliament
8 Y5≥8 eXplore PARLIAMENT How does Parliament recognise the Treaty of Waitangi? There are many parliaments around the world, but only the New Zealand Parliament incorporates the principles of the Treaty of Waitangi into the work that it does. The Treaty is unique to New Zealand and gives our Parliament a special relationship with Māori as tangata whenua. What is the Treaty of Waitangi? The Treaty of Waitangi, Te Tiriti o Waitangi, is New Zealand’s founding document. It is an agreement, written in English and Māori, between the British Crown (Queen Victoria) and Māori. Representatives of many, but not all, iwi signed the Treaty. It established British authority over New Zealand and promised Māori full protection under British law. At the time, it was intended that the Treaty would create unity between Māori and Pākehā, but for a number of reasons both peoples had different understandings of what the document would deliver. Partly, this was because the English and Māori versions of the Treaty are not exact translations of each other. (For example, “kāwanatanga” [governance] in the Māori version becomes “sovereignty” in the English.) Despite these issues, the Treaty is still very important for New Zealand. Today, the New Zealand Government represents the Crown in the partnership with Māori. It must make sure that the principles of the Treaty are upheld in all its areas of responsibility. The Treaty of Waitangi, Te Tiriti o Waitangi (Courtesy Archives New Zealand) Principles of the Treaty are recognised DID YOU KNOW ? in our laws The Treaty is an agreement, not a law, so it doesn’t TE REO MāORI IN THE HOUSE The Treaty of Waitangi was first signed explain anything in detail. -
Indigenous Representation: a Comparative Perspective
CHAPTER THREE INDIGENOUS REPRESENTATION: A COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE INDIGENOUS REPRESENTATION: A COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE 3.1 INTRODUCTION Dedicated seats have been established for particular ethnic or indigenous groups in several countries including Lebanon, Fiji, Zimbabwe, Singapore and New Zealand. The state of Maine in the United States has also established dedicated seats for two Indian tribes, although the representatives in these seats do not have the right to vote. This Chapter briefly describes dedicated seats in New Zealand and Maine because electoral arrangements in these places are similar to those in NSW. The establishment of indigenous parliaments, either as part of the existing political structure or as advisory bodies with control over certain areas is another way to enhance political representation for indigenous people. This Chapter also looks at how one country, Norway, has provided for representation for indigenous people at a national level through the establishment of an indigenous parliament. A participant at the consultation meeting in Redfern asked the Committee to investigate indigenous representation in Canada. A brief summary of the Committee’s research on this issue is provided at Appendix One. The material in this Chapter is a very brief summary of the information in the Issues Paper produced in 1997 for this Inquiry entitled, Aboriginal Representation in Parliament. Copies of the Issues Paper are available from the Committee Secretariat. Updated information about the Sami Assembly was obtained from the Norwegian Government’s Internet site (www.ODIN.DEP.NO). 3.2 DEDICATED SEATS IN NEW ZEALAND Dedicated Maori seats have existed in the New Zealand Parliament since 1867. The New Zealand Parliament is comprised of one House: the House of Representatives, which has approximately 120 members. -
The Impact of MMP on Representation in New Zealand's Parliament
The Impact of MMP on Representation in New Zealand’s Parliament – a view from outside Parliament Dr. Therese Arseneau Convenor, New Zealand Branch ASPG In the 1990s New Zealand did something quite extraordinary – it changed its voting system. Substantive electoral reform is rare, especially in a well-established and stable democracy like New Zealand. Alan Renwick (2010) described it as the most momentous post-war electoral reform: [Since 1911] New Zealand had never deviated from plurality rule, and single-member plurality became universal there before even in the UK. In 1993, New Zealand broke all Westminster tradition. Not only did it adopt proportional representation: it also opted for a form of PR – mixed-member proportional (MMP) – never before used in the Westminster world. A country that previously had shown exceptional electoral system conservatism stepped decisively into the unknown (p. 6). How it came about was also extraordinary. An improbable and unique set of circumstances – a respected Royal Commission report recommending a change to MMP; back to back first-past-the-post (FPP) elections in 1978 and 1981 which produced a National majority government when Labour had received more votes; a voters’ revolt against the neo-liberal economic reforms by successive Labour and National governments – raised concerns among an increasingly disillusioned and angry public that FPP was ‘broken’. Ultimately the National government led by Prime Minister Jim Bolger bowed to public pressure and two referendums were held on the electoral system. In the 1992 indicative referendum, 84.7% of those voting rejected FPP and 70.5% chose MMP as their preferred option to replace it.