Redalyc.China's Universities and Social Change: Expectations
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Heretics of China. the Psychology of Mao and Deng
HERETICS OF CHINA HERETICS OF CHINA THE PSYCHOLOGY OF MAO AND DENG NABIL ALSABAH URN: urn:nbn:de:bvb:473-opus4-445061 DOI: https://doi.org/10.20378/irbo-44506 Copyright © 2019 by Nabil Alsabah Cover design by Katrin Krause Cover illustration by Daiquiri/Shutterstock.com All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form or by any electronic or mechanical means, including information storage and retrieval systems, without written permission from the author, except for the use of brief quotations in a book review. ISBN: 978-1-69157-995-2 Created with Vellum During his years in power, Mao Zedong initiated three policies which could be described as radical departures from Soviet and Chinese Communist practice: the Hundred Flowers of 1956-1957, the Great Leap Forward 1958-1960, and the Cultural Revolution of 1966-1976. Each was a disaster: the first for the intellectuals, the second for the people, the third for the Party, all three for the country. — RODERICK MACFARQUHAR, THE SECRET SPEECHES OF CHAIRMAN MAO In many ways, [Deng Xiaoping’s] reputation is underestimated: while Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev oversaw the peaceful end of Soviet communist rule and the dismembering of the Soviet empire, he had wanted to keep the Soviet Union in place and reform it. Instead it fell apart; communism lost power—and Russia endured a decade of instability […]. Perhaps the most influential political titan of the late 20th century, Deng succeeded in guiding China towards his vision where his fellow communist leaders failed. — SIMON SEBAG MONTEFIORE, TITANS OF HISTORY CONTENTS Introduction ix 1. -
China: Economic Transformation Before and After 1989 Barry
China: Economic Transformation Before and After 1989 Barry Naughton Draft prepared for the conference ―1989: Twenty Years After.‖ University of California, Irvine. November 6-7, 2009. [1] The year 1989 in China marked the defeat of a group of reformists in the Communist Party leadership and shattered widespread expectations of continuing broad liberalization. In retrospect, 1989 marked the end of one era of cautiously managed economic reform. Economic reforms resumed in earnest around 1992, but they took on a much harsher form that exposed some social groups to major losses and widened inequality. The post-1989 model of economic reform was a model of concentrated power wielded more effectively. Thus, 1989 was important because it brought to the surface latent tensions over the direction of China’s reform process, and led within a few years to the crystallization of a new reform model. This paper primarily addresses the economic aspects of the change in China’s reform and development model before and after 1989. I argue that while marketization characterizes both periods, there are important differences in the reform model that can be understood in terms of the priority given to government interests and the willingness to allow specific social groups to bear the costs of marketization. Before engaging that discussion, I begin with a more speculative section that describes the intellectual and international context within which these reform models developed. International events crucially shaped the way China’s elites conceived of the reform process, in very different ways before and after 1989. Before 1989, China had an unusual degree of international space, or room for maneuver. -
DENG XIAOPING's REFORM and the CHINESE WORKERS' PARTICIPATION in the PROTEST MOVEMENT of 1989 Paul Zarembka, Ed. Research In
DENG XIAOPING'S REFORM AND THE CHINESE WORKERS' PARTICIPATION IN THE PROTEST MOVEMENT OF 1989 Paul Zarembka, ed. Research in Political Economy Vol. 13 (1992), pp. 163-197 Shaoguang Wang Department of Political Science Yale University New Haven, CT 06520 (203) 432-5262 ABSTRACT This article tries to explore structural and immediate socioeconomic factors which gave rise to the Chinese workers' participation in the protest movement of 1989. At the structural plane, the author argues that the workers' involvement in the protest movement marked a turning point of changing class relations in China. Although the state socialist society claims to be a workers' state, the workers have no power by the mere virtue of being workers and can exercise power only through control over their representatives who run the state and economic machine. If this control lapses, so does their influence. In China, as in the other "existing socialist countries," hierarchies have been installed without democracy. The persistence of such undemocratic authority structures has given rise to relations of dominance and subordination. Thus, ever since the establishment of the People's Republic in 1949, there have been two structurally antagonistic classes in Chinese society: Cadre class and working class. In the first thirty years of the communist rule, however, this antagonism was largely obscured by two intervening factors: class designation system and patron-client relations. In the past ten years or so, the class designation system was abolished altogether and the patron-client relations have lost much weight. As a result, the working class is becoming more solidified in confrontation with an equally consolidated cadre class which holds political, social, and economic powers. -
The 20Th Anniversary of the Tiananmen Square Protests: Examining the Signifi- Cance of the 1989 Demonstrations in China and Implications for U.S
THE 20TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE TIANANMEN SQUARE PROTESTS: EXAMINING THE SIGNIFI- CANCE OF THE 1989 DEMONSTRATIONS IN CHINA AND IMPLICATIONS FOR U.S. POLICY HEARING BEFORE THE CONGRESSIONAL-EXECUTIVE COMMISSION ON CHINA ONE HUNDRED ELEVENTH CONGRESS FIRST SESSION JUNE 4, 2009 Printed for the use of the Congressional-Executive Commission on China ( Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.cecc.gov U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 51–191 PDF WASHINGTON : 2009 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office Internet: bookstore.gpo.gov Phone: toll free (866) 512–1800; DC area (202) 512–1800 Fax: (202) 512–2104 Mail: Stop IDCC, Washington, DC 20402–0001 VerDate Nov 24 2008 12:52 Nov 03, 2009 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00001 Fmt 5011 Sfmt 5011 U:\DOCS\51191.TXT DEIDRE VerDate Nov 24 2008 12:52 Nov 03, 2009 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00002 Fmt 5011 Sfmt 5011 U:\DOCS\51191.TXT DEIDRE CO N T E N T S Page Opening statement of Hon. Byron Dorgan, Chairman, Congressional-Execu- tive Commission on China ................................................................................... 1 Walz, Hon. Tim, a U.S. Representative from Minnesota, Member, Congres- sional-Executive Commission on China ............................................................. 3 Barrasso, Hon. John, a U.S. Senator from Wyoming, Member, Congressional- Executive Commission on China ........................................................................ 4 Smith, Hon. Christopher H., a U.S. Representative from New Jersey, Ranking Member, Congressional-Executive Commission on China ................................ 4 Pitts, Hon. Joseph R., a U.S. Representative from Pennsylvania, Member, Congressional-Executive Commission on China ................................................ 6 Wu, Hon. David, a U.S. Representative from Oregon, Member, Congressional- Executive Commission on China ....................................................................... -
Front Matter
Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-04207-0 — June Fourth Jeremy Brown Frontmatter More Information June Fourth The Tiananmen protests and Beijing massacre of 1989 were a major turning point in recent Chinese history. In this new analysis of 1989, Jeremy Brown tells the vivid stories of participants and victims, explor- ing the nationwide scope of the democracy movement and the brutal crackdown that crushed it. At each critical juncture in the spring of 1989, demonstrators and decision makers agonized over difficult choices and saw how events could have unfolded differently. The alter- native paths that participants imagined confirm that bloodshed was neither inevitable nor necessary. Using a wide range of previously untapped sources and examining how ordinary citizens throughout China experienced the crackdown after the massacre, this ambitious social history sheds fresh light on events that continue to reverberate in China to this day. Jeremy Brown is Associate Professor of Modern Chinese History at Simon Fraser University. © in this web service Cambridge University Press www.cambridge.org Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-04207-0 — June Fourth Jeremy Brown Frontmatter More Information New Approaches to Asian History This dynamic new series publishes books on the milestones in Asian history, those that have come to define particular periods or to mark turning points in the political, cultural and social evolution of the region. The books in this series are intended as introductions for students to be used in the classroom. They are written by scholars whose credentials are well established in their particular fields and who have, in many cases, taught the subject across a number of years. -
The 1957-1958 Anti-Rightist Campaign in China: History and Memory (1978-2014) Christine Vidal
The 1957-1958 Anti-Rightist Campaign in China: History and Memory (1978-2014) Christine Vidal To cite this version: Christine Vidal. The 1957-1958 Anti-Rightist Campaign in China: History and Memory (1978-2014). 2016. halshs-01306892 HAL Id: halshs-01306892 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-01306892 Preprint submitted on 25 Apr 2016 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Distributed under a Creative Commons Attribution - NonCommercial - ShareAlike| 4.0 International License C.C.J. Occasional Papers n°4 ABSTRACT The end of the Mao Era was accompanied neither by a April 2016 full and complete rehabilitation of the victims of the Anti- Rightist Campaign of 1957, nor by a true historiographical revolution. Thus, the “return” of history’s “forgotten ones” first occurred through literature and investigative journalism, which was the main relay for the memory of the victims in the 1980s, before testimony emerged in the following decade. Since then, however, the “historian’s territory” has expanded. This article places the questions about the relationship between history and memory within the specific context of the People’s Republic of China, where the Party in power claims the right to a monopoly over the interpretation of the past, in order to show how a plural memory is being constructed today, and how a history which “works” with this memory is being written. -
The Perils of Protest
The Perils of Protest THE PERILS OF PROTEST State Repression and Student Activism in China and Taiwan Te res a Wr i g h t University of Hawai‘i Press Honolulu © 2001 University of Hawai‘i Press All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America 06 05 04 03 02 01 6 5 4 3 2 1 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Wright, Teresa. The perils of protest : state repression and student activism in China and Taiwan / Teresa Wright. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0–8248–2348–6 (alk. paper) — ISBN 0–8248–2401–6 (pbk. : alk. paper) 1. Students—Political activity. 2. Students—China. 3. Students—Taiwan. I. Title: State repression and student activism in China and Taiwan. II. Title. LB3610.W74 2001 378.1'981'0951—dc21 00–064928 University of Hawai‘i Press books are printed on acid-free paper and meet the guidelines for permanence and durability of the Council on Library Resources. Designed by Nighthawk Design Printed by The Maple-Vail Book Manufacturing Group Contents Acknowledgments vii Chapter 1 Introduction 1 Chapter 2 The Political Environment of Students in China and Taiwan 8 Chapter 3 Student Mobilization and Organization in China, April 15–May 10, 1989 21 Chapter 4 Student Mobilization and Organization in China, May 11–June 4, 1989 57 Chapter 5 Student Mobilization and Organization in Taiwan, March 1990 95 Chapter 6 Conclusion 129 Appendix A Autonomous Student Organizations in Beijing, Spring 1989 141 Appendix B “Letter to All University Students” (Text of Class Boycott Proposal) 142 Appendix C Autonomous Student Organizations in Taipei, Spring 1990 144 Notes 145 Bibliography 175 Index 185 v Acknowledgments I am grateful to many people and institutions for their support of this project. -
Propaganda and Resistance: a Neoculturalist Analysis of the Crisis of Legitimation Manifested at Tiananmen in 1989
PROPAGANDA AND RESISTANCE: A NEOCULTURALIST ANALYSIS OF THE CRISIS OF LEGITIMATION MANIFESTED AT TIANANMEN IN 1989 Xiaoping Meng M.A., The Graduate School, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in the School of COMMUNICATION @ Xiaoping Meng 1994 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY December 1994 All right reserved. This work may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without permission of the author. APPROVAL NAME: Xiaoping Meng DEGREE: TITLE: PROPAGANDA AND RESISTANCE: A NEO CULTURALIST ANALYSIS OF THE CRISIS OF LEGITIMATION MANIFESTED AT TIANANMEN IN 1989 EXAMINING COMMITTEE: CHAIR: Roger Howard Pat Howard Senior Supervisor School of Communication, SFU Supervisor School of Communication, SFU D;. Paul Lin External Examiner Honorary Prof. in the Institute of Asian Research, UBC PARTIAL COPYRIGHT LICENSE I hereby grant to Simon Fraser University the right to lend my thesis, project or extended essay (the title of which is shown below) to users of the Simon Fraser University Library, and to make partial or single copies only for such users or in response to a request from the library of any other university, or other educational institution, on its own behalf or for one of its users. I further agree that permission for multiple copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by me or the Dean of Graduate Studies. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Title of Thesis/Project/Extended Essay PROPAGANDA AND RESISTANCE: A NEO CULTURALIST ANALYSIS OF THE CRISIS OF LEGITIMATION MANIFESTED AT TIANANMEN IN 1989 Author: w ,,-. -
Information to Users
INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from any type of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand corner and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. Each original is also photographed in one exposure and is included in reduced form at the back of the book. Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6" x 9" black and white photographic prints are available for any photographs or illustrations appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order. University Microfilms International A Bell & Howell Information Company 300 North Zeeb Road. Ann Arbor. Ml 48106-1346 USA 313/761-4700 800/521-0600 Order Number 9401311 A comparative study of provincial policy in China: The political economy of pollution control policy Maa, Shaw-Chang, Ph.D. The Ohio State University, 1993 UMI 300 N. -
Political Reformism and Leadership Performance in Closed Systems: the Cases of Deng and Gorbachev in Comparative Perspective
Political reformism and leadership performance in closed systems: The cases of Deng and Gorbachev in comparative perspective A thesis presented by Marko Patchev to the Department of Balkan, Slavic and Oriental Studies in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Political Sciences University of Macedonia, Thessaloniki September 2020 Thesis advisors: Dr. Christos J. Paraskevopoulos Dr. Eftihia Voutira Dr. Ioannis Armakolas Acknowledgements I am most grateful to professor Takis Pappas for helping me enrol in the University of Macedonia PhD programme and to professors Christos Paraskevopoulos and Eftihia Voutira for their support and guidance in pursuing this project. The scholarships from the Open Society Foundation and the Greek State Scholarship Foundation were also crucial for completing this project. All insights contained in this research are the result of extensive institutional and financial support as well as the numerous and lengthy discussions with my supervisors; all errors are mine. 2 ABSTRACT Focusing on the exercise of power of individual leaders in the context of examining institutional change is typically understood by social scientists as a way of highlighting the obvious and the idiosyncratic. That is to say, such an approach should be avoided because it combines the worst of both worlds. This research will argue that the potentialities of the approach remain misunderstood. Focusing on what leaders do, and how they do it, is not only about revealing complexities and regularities, but it also brings out certain realities of institutional change which hitherto have eluded the more conventional approaches to agency and institutional change. What eludes mainstream social science (and what the study of individual leaders brings in focus) is the following: political leaders try to organise change; and some perform better than others in that role. -
Zürcher Beiträge China and Eastern Europe, 1960S–1980S
Research Collection Conference Proceedings China and Eastern Europe 1960s-1980s Proceedings of the International Symposium: Reviewing the History of Chinese-East European Relations from the 1960s to the 1980s, Beijing, 24-26 March 2004 Publication Date: 2004 Permanent Link: https://doi.org/10.3929/ethz-a-004847336 Rights / License: In Copyright - Non-Commercial Use Permitted This page was generated automatically upon download from the ETH Zurich Research Collection. For more information please consult the Terms of use. ETH Library Zürcher Beiträge zur Sicherheitspolitik und Konfliktforschung Nr. 72 Xiaoyuan Liu and Vojtech Mastny (eds.) China and Eastern Europe, 1960s–1980s Proceedings of the International Symposium: Reviewing the History of Chinese–East European Relations from the 1960s to the 1980s Beijing, 24–26 March 2004 Hrsg.: Andreas Wenger Forschungsstelle für Sicherheitspolitik der ETH Zürich Inhaltsverzeichnis Preface 5 The Editors 7 Opening Session 19 Session One: Chinese–Eastern European Relations within the Context of the Sino–Soviet Split 29 Session Two: China, Eastern Europe, and the Vietnam War, 1964–1973 53 Session Three: The Effects of the Cultural Revolution on the Relations between China and Eastern Europe, 1966–1969 81 Session Four: Chinese–Eastern European Relations after Czechoslovakia and the Sino–Soviet Border Clashes, 1968–1972 101 Session Five The Impact of the Sino–American Rapprochement on Chinese–Eastern European Relations, 1968–1972 131 Session Six: The Mutual Effects of the Reforms in China and Eastern Europe, 1978–1989 147 Session Seven: The Road to Normalization in Chinese–Eastern European Relations, 1976–1989 173 Roundtable Discussion 195 Closing Session 221 3 Preface On 24–26 March 2004, the Parallel History Project on NATO and the Warsaw Pact (PHP) held an international seminar on “Reviewing Relations between China and East European Countries from the 1960s to the 1980s” in Beijing. -
Double-Edged Rituals and the Symbolic Resources of Collective Action: Political Commemorations and the Mobilization of Protest in 1989
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Departmental Papers (ASC) Annenberg School for Communication 2001 Double-Edged Rituals and the Symbolic Resources of Collective Action: Political Commemorations and the Mobilization of Protest in 1989 Steven Pfaff Guobin Yang University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/asc_papers Part of the Communication Commons Recommended Citation Pfaff, S., & Yang, G. (2001). Double-Edged Rituals and the Symbolic Resources of Collective Action: Political Commemorations and the Mobilization of Protest in 1989. Theory and Society, 30 (4), 539-589. https://doi.org/10.1023/A:1011817231681 NOTE: At the time of publication, author Guobin Yang was affiliated with the University of Hawaii at Manoa. Currently, he is a faculty member at the Annenberg School for Communication and the Department of Sociology at the University of Pennsylvania. This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/asc_papers/338 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Double-Edged Rituals and the Symbolic Resources of Collective Action: Political Commemorations and the Mobilization of Protest in 1989 Abstract The year 1989 was rife with resonant political anniversaries in both Eastern Europe and China ̶ as well as being the two-hundredth anniversary of France’s first great democratic revolution. Democracy and the future of socialism were on many peoples’ minds. Communist elites hoped to use these anniversaries as opportunities to celebrate the triumphs of the last forty years, but dissidents found these anniversaries even more auspicious as occasions to condemn “really existing” socialism. As a result, popular revolts erupted from Beijing to Berlin.