The Role of Shaikh-Ul-Hind Maulana Mahmud-Ul-Hasan in the Indian Freedom Movement
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
THE ROLE OF SHAIKH-UL-HIND MAULANA MAHMUD-UL-HASAN IN THE INDIAN FREEDOM MOVEMENT Dlsscptdtlon Submitted for the Degree of M^&ttv of $t|iIos[opl^p IN POLITICAL SCIENCE BY MOHAMMAD TAYYAB Under the supen/iaion of Dx. SHAN MUHAMMAD PROFESSOR DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY ALIGARH (INDIA) 1990 f.i^M*. f^-'-^i'i L ^/Q^o I Jf^^ ;.--I« DS1840 Prof. Shan r'lohamtriad blic -. 26720 Department of Political Science Phones : 266 Aligarh Muslim University •' I Un Aligarh 9.7. 1990 This is to certify thdt fir. r'iohammad Tayyab has completed nis dissertation on "The Role of Shaikh-ul-Hind l^iaulana riahmud-ul- Hasan In t,he Indian Freedom fOov/ement" under my supervision. The work is original and is suitable for submission for the award of ri.phil degree in Political Science. J^i^/bi^ i<r Shan P'lohammad Professor CONTENTS Pages preface ... i-iv CHAPTER - I Introduction ... 1-17 CHAPTER - I^ The Life Sketch of Shaikh-ul-Hind Maulana Mahmud-ul-Hasan (1851-1920).. 18-25 CHAPTER - III Early Activities of Shaikh-ul-Hind in Deobend ... 26-47 CHAPTER - IV On a Secret Mission to Saudi Arabia.. 48-70 CHAPTER - V Political Role after Release ... 71-85 CONCLUSION ... 86-91 Bibliography .... 92-97 PREFACE The suppression of the great Revolt of 1857 had seen, along with other institutions,the emergence of the Mohammadan Anglo-Oriental College at Aligarh and the Deoband School at Deoband with Sir Syed Ahmad Khan and Maulana Qasim Nanautawi as their foxjnders respectively. Both the institutions had different ideologies and produced students likewise. Maulana Mahmud-ul-Hasan was a product of the Deoband School who had taken inspiration from his teacher* Maulana Qasim and stood for the ideology for which the Deoband School was founded. He inherited frcni his revered teacher the anti~British sentiments and planned to fight the British with or without the weapons. In his youth Mahmud-ul-Hasan planned to resort to airms; sent Obaiduaiah Sindhi to Afghanistan and himself proceeded to Arabia to seek military aid from Germany, Russia and Turkey in atta cking India and the British. But when he failed in it and returned to India in 1919/ he drifted to Gandhian ideology of passive resistence. This dissertation deals with the political activities and role of Shaikh-ul-Hind Maulana Mahmud-ul*Hasan in the Freedom Movement in India. He was the first active and revo lutionary Alim who zealously planned and assidUDUsly fight for the independence of India. In the last stages of his life he mobilized Indians against British rule and tried ii to awaken the Muslim masses through Quranic verses. It is a pity that his role in the struggle for India's independence has not been given its due. References here and there in the English books merely show that there ever lived an Alim who undertook some political activities but a consolidated book has not hitherto been attempted. This is the first hunble attempt in English on the role he played in the national movement in India. The First Chapter is introductory and deals with the condition of India before and after the catastrophy of 1857. The Second Chapter gives a brief life-sketch of Maulana Mahmud- ul-Hasan. The Third Chapter describes the early revolutionary activities of Shaikh-ul-Hind in India until his departure for Haj to Mecca in 1915. The Fourth Chapter highlights his acti vities in Hejaz, close contact with Ministers of Hejaz, silk letters conspiracy and confinement in Malta. The Fifth Chapter deals with the release of the Shaikh from Malta in 1919; his arrival to India* the inauguration of Jamia Millia Islamia# at Aligarh and his participation in the Second Annual Session of Jamiyat-ul-Ulema-e-Hind. This chapter also deals with his close contact with Gandhiji and other Indian leaders and active participation in Non-Cooperation and the Khilafat Movements.* A short conclusion has also been added which discusses the achievements and failure of his mission. iii I am grateful to Professor A.p. Sharma# Chairman, Department of Political Science* Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh who has been very helpful in the preparation of this dissertation. I owe my indebtedness to my sv:5>ervisor Professor Shan Mohammad, who had been a source of inspiration and encouragement throughout the completion of this work. He sv^pervised the work with profound interest. My thanks are also due to Professor A.F. Usmani, and Professor Moinuzzafar Khan for their help. I am also beholden to Dr. Ali Ahmad and Mr. Asad Yar who helped me during the preparation of the disser tation. I am equally thankful to the members of staff of the Nehru Musean Library, New Delhi, Mahmudia Library, New «Del hi. Library of Dar-ul-Uloom, Deoband, Maul ana Azad Library and seninar library of Islamic Studies, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh. I will be failing in my duty if I do not express my gratefulness to my parents and brothers for sv^jpor- ting me financially, which enabled me to complete this dissertation. My thanks are also due to Maulana Ajaz A^mad Qasmi, Joint Editor, Peoband Times, Deoband, and Maulana iv Asad Madani/ president, Jamiyat-ul-Uleina-e-Hind, New Delhi/ who helped me in collection of materials. I am thankful to my friends and colleagues Messers Haklmuddin, Jamshed Ahmad, Iftekhar Ahmad, Frahim Khan, Mohammad Aslam, Shujauddin and Dr. Nizamuddin Khan for their moral support. To Allah, I owe my thanks for giving me the courage and strength to accomplish this work. July 10, 1990 ^^^L. Department of Political Science Mohammad Tayyab ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY ALIGARH CHAPTER - I INTRODUCTION Eighteenth century was a turning point in the history of India. The decline of the Mughals after the death of Aurangzeb led to the disintegration of a powerful «npire. The growth of independent petty states with their power politics provided the foreigners an opportunity which they needed. Many nations, the English, the Dutch and the French which had their strong business settlements in the south of India fought together for political hegemony and out of that the English emerged victorious. One after the other they defeated the indigenous powers and finally became st^sreme in the beginning of the eighteenth century. With their pre-eminence in Bengal after the battle of Plassey in 1757 and with the annexation of the Punjab in 1849, the entire 1 country passed under their dominance. With its establishment, India soon felt that she had not 2 only been conquerred but also enslaved. People were extremely unhappy at their subjection to a foreign authority which is evident from the fact that during the disturbances of 1824 in the Ijjpper Provinces, the Land holders 1. V.P.S. Raghuvanshi, The Indian Nationalist Movement and Thpuqht, Agra, 19 59, p. 15. 2* JMj^' P* 16. kept away from the government. The revolt of 1857 was the consequence of the feeling of dissatisfaction among the people of India which they demonstrated but were finally defeated by 1 the British. Revolutionary ideas put forth by a galaxy of well-read men provoked Indians to try to oust their new masters. Exciting runours filled the air. Exaggerated stories of the Persian v^r were freely circulated and it was said that Persians were making great preparations # accunulating ammunitions of war and he€$>ing 2 treasure to conquer India. In Bazar« these stories excited great sensation which was further strengthened by the prophecy that the English rule would disappear after a hundred years of the battle of Plassey (1757). In the Mughal palace the subject of conversation, night and day, was the early arrival of the Persians. Hasan Askari, a Mohammadan priest who lived near the Royal palace# had also prophesied and convinced the King that it had been divinely revealed to him that the dominion ©f the king of Persia would extend tpto 3 Delhi and he would bestow the crown xjpon the Mughal king. 1. Ibid., p. 17 2. Kaye and Malleson, H< story of Ir^dian Mutiny of l,857'-58 (ed) by Ctol. Malleson, VDI. II, London, 1897, pp. 26-27. 3» Ibi(^.. p. 28. The vague talks took a more solid form and the impression which these rijniours had produced in the public roind were streng thened by the sight of the proclamation, posted at the main entrance of Jama Masjid, Delhi, giving a clarion call to the Musalmans to join the army sent by the Shah of Persia to 1 restore the Mughals. The Greased Cartridges incident further added panic to this horrible situation. The disgruntled Indian cavalry of Meerut in a fit of insane fury sabred the English officers and * made their way to Delhi amidst lofty shouts of 'Bahadur Shah Ki 2 Jai' and the rumours thus led to actual revolution. Every European found in the way was cut down, their houses were put to fire, their property was looted and the cry of 'Din-Din' was common. The citiaen closed their ships in 3 terror and the streets became bloody. A proclamation was issued by the Emperor Bahadur Shah which read "... it is incumbent on all to give \ip the hope of the continuation of the British sway, side with me, and deserve the consideration of Badshahi, or imperial government, by their 1. Shan Muhammad, Sir Sved Ahmad Khant A political Bioaraohv. Meerut, 1969» pp. 24-25. 2. Ishwari Prasad, A History of Modern India, Allahabad, 1938, p. 250. 3. V.D. Savarkar, The Indian war of Independence ^857. Delhi, 1970. pp. 118-119. individual exertion in pranoting this common good, and thus attain their respective ends, otherwise if this golden oppor tunity slips away, they will have to repent for their folly." In Oudh a similar proclamation was issued under the seal of Birjees Qadr, Walee of Oadh, to all the Musalmans residing in his state asking them to unite and firm in their faith against 2 the British.