THE ROLE OF SHAIKH-UL-HIND MAULANA MAHMUD-UL-HASAN IN THE INDIAN FREEDOM MOVEMENT

Dlsscptdtlon Submitted for the Degree of M^&ttv of $t|iIos[opl^p IN POLITICAL SCIENCE

BY MOHAMMAD TAYYAB

Under the supen/iaion of Dx. SHAN MUHAMMAD PROFESSOR

DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY ALIGARH (INDIA) 1990 f.i^M*. f^-'-^i'i

L ^/Q^o I Jf^^

;.--I«

DS1840 Prof. Shan r'lohamtriad blic -. 26720 Department of Political Science Phones : 266 Aligarh Muslim University •' I Un Aligarh

9.7. 1990

This is to certify thdt fir. r'iohammad Tayyab has completed nis dissertation on "The Role of Shaikh-ul-Hind l^iaulana riahmud-ul- Hasan In t,he Indian Freedom fOov/ement" under my supervision. The work is original and is suitable for submission for the award of ri.phil degree in Political Science.

J^i^/bi^ i

Pages preface ... i-iv

CHAPTER - I Introduction ... 1-17 CHAPTER - I^ The Life Sketch of Shaikh-ul-Hind Maulana Mahmud-ul-Hasan (1851-1920).. 18-25

CHAPTER - III Early Activities of Shaikh-ul-Hind in Deobend ... 26-47

CHAPTER - IV On a Secret Mission to Saudi Arabia.. 48-70

CHAPTER - V Political Role after Release ... 71-85

CONCLUSION ... 86-91

Bibliography .... 92-97 PREFACE

The suppression of the great Revolt of 1857 had seen, along with other institutions,the emergence of the Mohammadan Anglo-Oriental College at Aligarh and the Deoband School at Deoband with Sir Syed Ahmad Khan and Maulana Qasim Nanautawi as their foxjnders respectively. Both the institutions had different ideologies and produced students likewise. Maulana Mahmud-ul-Hasan was a product of the Deoband School who had taken inspiration from his teacher* Maulana Qasim and stood for the ideology for which the Deoband School was founded. He inherited frcni his revered teacher the anti~British sentiments and planned to fight the British with or without the weapons. In his youth Mahmud-ul-Hasan planned to resort to airms; sent Obaiduaiah Sindhi to Afghanistan and himself proceeded to Arabia to seek military aid from Germany, Russia and Turkey in atta­ cking India and the British. But when he failed in it and returned to India in 1919/ he drifted to Gandhian ideology of passive resistence.

This dissertation deals with the political activities and role of Shaikh-ul-Hind Maulana Mahmud-ul*Hasan in the Freedom Movement in India. He was the first active and revo­ lutionary Alim who zealously planned and assidUDUsly fight for the independence of India. In the last stages of his life he mobilized Indians against British rule and tried ii

to awaken the Muslim masses through Quranic verses.

It is a pity that his role in the struggle for India's independence has not been given its due. References here and there in the English books merely show that there ever lived an Alim who undertook some political activities but a consolidated book has not hitherto been attempted. This is the first hunble attempt in English on the role he played in the national movement in India.

The First Chapter is introductory and deals with the condition of India before and after the catastrophy of 1857. The Second Chapter gives a brief life-sketch of Maulana Mahmud- ul-Hasan. The Third Chapter describes the early revolutionary activities of Shaikh-ul-Hind in India until his departure for Haj to Mecca in 1915. The Fourth Chapter highlights his acti­ vities in Hejaz, close contact with Ministers of Hejaz, silk letters conspiracy and confinement in Malta. The Fifth Chapter deals with the release of the Shaikh from Malta in 1919; his arrival to India* the inauguration of Jamia Millia Islamia# at Aligarh and his participation in the Second Annual Session of Jamiyat-ul-Ulema-e-Hind. This chapter also deals with his close contact with Gandhiji and other Indian leaders and active participation in Non-Cooperation and the Khilafat Movements.* A short conclusion has also been added which discusses the achievements and failure of his mission. iii

I am grateful to Professor A.p. Sharma# Chairman, Department of Political Science* Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh who has been very helpful in the preparation of this dissertation. I owe my indebtedness to my sv:5>ervisor Professor Shan Mohammad, who had been a source of inspiration and encouragement throughout the completion of this work. He sv^pervised the work with profound interest. My thanks are also due to Professor A.F. Usmani, and Professor Moinuzzafar Khan for their help.

I am also beholden to Dr. Ali Ahmad and Mr. Asad Yar who helped me during the preparation of the disser­ tation. I am equally thankful to the members of staff of the Nehru Musean Library, New Delhi, Mahmudia Library, New «Del hi. Library of Dar-ul-Uloom, Deoband, Maul ana Azad Library and seninar library of Islamic Studies, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh.

I will be failing in my duty if I do not express my gratefulness to my parents and brothers for sv^jpor- ting me financially, which enabled me to complete this dissertation. My thanks are also due to Maulana Ajaz A^mad Qasmi, Joint Editor, Peoband Times, Deoband, and Maulana iv

Asad Madani/ president, Jamiyat-ul-Uleina-e-Hind, New Delhi/ who helped me in collection of materials. I am thankful to my friends and colleagues Messers Haklmuddin, Jamshed Ahmad, Iftekhar Ahmad, Frahim Khan, Mohammad Aslam, Shujauddin and Dr. Nizamuddin Khan for their moral support.

To Allah, I owe my thanks for giving me the courage and strength to accomplish this work.

July 10, 1990 ^^^L. Department of Political Science Mohammad Tayyab ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY ALIGARH CHAPTER - I

INTRODUCTION

Eighteenth century was a turning point in the history of India. The decline of the Mughals after the death of Aurangzeb led to the disintegration of a powerful «npire. The growth of independent petty states with their power politics provided the foreigners an opportunity which they needed. Many nations, the English, the Dutch and the French which had their strong business settlements in the south of India fought together for political hegemony and out of that the English emerged victorious. One after the other they defeated the indigenous powers and finally became st^sreme in the beginning of the eighteenth century. With their pre-eminence in Bengal after the battle of Plassey in 1757 and with the annexation of the Punjab in 1849, the entire 1 country passed under their dominance.

With its establishment, India soon felt that she had not 2 only been conquerred but also enslaved.

People were extremely unhappy at their subjection to a foreign authority which is evident from the fact that during the disturbances of 1824 in the Ijjpper Provinces, the Land holders

1. V.P.S. Raghuvanshi, The Indian Nationalist Movement and Thpuqht, Agra, 19 59, p. 15. 2* JMj^' P* 16. kept away from the government. The revolt of 1857 was the consequence of the feeling of dissatisfaction among the people of India which they demonstrated but were finally defeated by 1 the British.

Revolutionary ideas put forth by a galaxy of well-read men provoked Indians to try to oust their new masters. Exciting runours filled the air. Exaggerated stories of the Persian v^r were freely circulated and it was said that Persians were making great preparations # accunulating ammunitions of war and he€$>ing 2 treasure to conquer India.

In Bazar« these stories excited great sensation which was further strengthened by the prophecy that the English rule would disappear after a hundred years of the battle of Plassey (1757). In the Mughal palace the subject of conversation, night and day, was the early arrival of the Persians. Hasan Askari, a Mohammadan priest who lived near the Royal palace# had also prophesied and convinced the King that it had been divinely revealed to him that the dominion ©f the king of Persia would extend tpto 3 Delhi and he would bestow the crown xjpon the Mughal king.

1. Ibid., p. 17 2. Kaye and Malleson, H< story of Ir^dian Mutiny of l,857'-58 (ed) by Ctol. Malleson, VDI. II, London, 1897, pp. 26-27. 3» Ibi(^.. p. 28. The vague talks took a more solid form and the impression which these rijniours had produced in the public roind were streng­ thened by the sight of the proclamation, posted at the main entrance of Jama Masjid, Delhi, giving a clarion call to the Musalmans to join the army sent by the Shah of Persia to 1 restore the Mughals.

The Greased Cartridges incident further added panic to this horrible situation. The disgruntled Indian cavalry of Meerut in a fit of insane fury sabred the English officers and * made their way to Delhi amidst lofty shouts of 'Bahadur Shah Ki 2 Jai' and the rumours thus led to actual revolution.

Every European found in the way was cut down, their houses were put to fire, their property was looted and the cry of 'Din-Din' was common. The citiaen closed their ships in 3 terror and the streets became bloody.

A proclamation was issued by the Emperor Bahadur Shah which read "... it is incumbent on all to give \ip the hope of the continuation of the British sway, side with me, and deserve the consideration of Badshahi, or imperial government, by their

1. Shan Muhammad, Sir Sved Ahmad Khant A political Bioaraohv. Meerut, 1969» pp. 24-25. 2. Ishwari Prasad, A History of Modern India, Allahabad, 1938, p. 250. 3. V.D. Savarkar, The Indian war of Independence ^857. Delhi, 1970. pp. 118-119. individual exertion in pranoting this common good, and thus attain their respective ends, otherwise if this golden oppor­ tunity slips away, they will have to repent for their folly." In Oudh a similar proclamation was issued under the seal of Birjees Qadr, Walee of Oadh, to all the Musalmans residing in his state asking them to unite and firm in their faith against 2 the British.

At Allahabad, Moulvi Liaqat Ali (189 5-19 51) also issued a proclamation for Jehad to both great and small for overthrowing the Christian rule.

In the beginning it was believed that the Mughals had been restored to their former position but it was only a runour. The English forces defeated the rebels and finally captured Delhi. The Palace was seized and the King with his whole family was arrested. Then followed the general massacre in the city 3 where insecurity prevailed.

1. Freedom Struggle in Uttar Pradesh. Source Material Vbl. I 1857-58, 1957, p. 454.

2' Ibi<^. , pp. 446-449. 3, Edward Thompson and Garratt, Rise and Fulfilment of British Ru;Le in India, Allahabad, 1973, p. 462. The slaughter of innocent, helpless voinen and chilciren 1 was revenged in a manner that no one had ever anticipated* Not only did the people of Delhi have to undergo such hardships but oudh also had to face the same tribulations.

The East India Company was abolished, India came directly under the British Crown, Queen Victoria being later proclaimed 2 Empress of India.

Under these circumstances, Mxislims had only two alterna­ tives either directly to face British against their misfortunes through arms with the co-operation of their country-men without restriction of faith and religious customs or to accept English 3 as their masters and forget the dreams of independence. The success of the mass regime had frightened the Ulema who in their success saw the fall of their religion. The Ulema therefore, planned a strategy to fight against the British for the restoration

Charles Metcalfe, Two Native Narratives of the Mutiny in Dialhi, Westminster, 1298, p. 73. V.D. Mahajan, British Rule in India and ^fter, Delhi, 1980, p. 197; See also Edward Thompson and G.T. Garratt,

Tara Chand, History of th^ Freedom Mnvement in India> \fol. II, Publication Division, Ministry of Information, Govt, of India, 1965, pp. 349-350. of the indigenous rule. Ihis grox^j of Ulema took their inspi- 1 ration from the life of Shah Waliullah (1703-1762) and his 2 school who was the first leader of the freecbm Movement.

At the time of revolt of 1857 against the British the Ulema were divided into two factions. One faction consisted of Haji Imadullah (1817-1899), Maulane Abdul Ghani (1819-1878) and Maulana Mohammad Yaqoob (1831-1884) of Delhi. They fought for

He was the prodigious son of Shah Abdur Rahim, who had collaborated in the preparation of 'Patawa Alamgiri' %*iich is counted among those few distinguiahed thinkers of the World of Islam whose contribution to Islamic learning is original and whose influence on the subsequent generations has been tremendous. Within the scope of the Islamic traditional sciences he was versatile and wrote with almost equal competence on all religious subjects. His knowledge was comprehensive and his 'Hujjat al-Allah al-Balighah* stands as a living testimony to his encyclo­ pedic kix>wledge and original thinking. His greatest and most important contribution was, however, his emphasis on achieving the true knowledge about the Quran and the Hadith. In India, throughout the centuries of Muslim rule, 'fiqh' and the knowledge of fiqh had been considered the most essential aspect of Islamic sciences. The Quran and the Hadith, the two primary sources of the shariah and the core of Islamic learning had been neglected to such an extent'the Indian Islam had become devoid of all vitally He revived a new interest in the Quran by translating it into Persian; See Ziya-ul-Hasan Faruqi, Deoban<^ School and the Demand for Pakistan. Bombay, 1963, p. 136.

Ibi^, p. 350. He was the son of Maulana Munluk Ali the head of Delhi Madarsa. He wrote the biography of Maulana Qasim named as Sawaneh Uhiari published in Deoband; See Mohammad Mian, Uleroa-e-Hind Ka Shandar Mazi. Aljamiyat press, Delhi, 1960, p. 326. the restoration of the last Mughal sovereign Bahadvar Shah Zafar 1 and gave the decree (Fatwa) or Je,had for Muslims. But the other faction consisting of Maulana Nazir Husain of Delhi and Maulana Shaikh Mohammad did not like the idea of Jehad and their strategy was to restore the Mughals through passive means to their former position and the free country from the British. In the revolt of 1857 both Hindus and Muslims fought against the government. But the government felt that the Muslims were more violently anti-British than others. For this reason the heavy 2 hand of the British fell particularly ipon the Muslim community. The Muslims faced so many problems after the revolt. They lost their properties and nothing was left to them. They were not permitted to oome back to Delhi till 1859 but Hindus were free 3 to return within a few months of the revolt. Everywhere the Muslims had lost their pesition for their active role in the revolt, At that time the main source of income of Muslims was government jobs e.g. police services and courts of law etc. But after the revolt they lost their position and no Muslims could join the army an6 they had sunk so low in the society that if any one wished to make a sensation in the 'House of Common', he had only narrate

1. Obaidullah Sindhi, Kabul Mein Sat Sal# Lahore, Sindh sagar Academy, 1953, pp. 120-125. 2. Ashok Mehta, 1857 the Great Rebellion, Bombay, 1946, p. 68. 3. fihalib, Ood-e-Hindi, pp. 86-87; See Ghaiib's letter to Mr. Mehdi. 8

1 the destruction of the Muslim families.

W.W. Hunter, an authority on Muslim problems, speak about it. He remarks "A hundred and seventy years ago it was almost impossible for a well born Musalman in Bengal to become poor; at present it is almost impossible for him to continue 2 3 rich." A Persian D^ily of Calcutta describes as to how they were discriminated in government services. It pointed the govern­ ment's policy of racial discrimination and said that the Government should treat all its subject alike. It said that recently, when several vacancies occurred in che office of the Sunderbans Commissioner that official in advertising them in the government Gazette stated that the appointments would be given to none but Hindus. It deplored the action of the Government and drew its 4 attention to their helpless conditions. There was hardly a government office in Calciatta in v^ich Muslims could get any post above the rank of a porter, messenger, 5 filler of ini^ots and mender of pens.

1. W.W. Hunter, The Indian Musa;^pian8, Calcutta, 1945, p. 159 2. Ibid, p. 158. 3. pur bin, 14 July 1869 4. Mohammad Noman, Muslim India. Kitabistan Allahabad, 1942, pp. 22-23. 5. W.W. Hunter, op.cit., p. 170, Muslims were excluded from Government services not only in Calcutta but in other provinces also. Such partial treatment compelled the Musalmans of Orissa to make a petition to the Commissioner, Mr. E.M. Molony, The petition said:

•*As loyal subjects of Her Most Gracious Majesty the Queen/ vie have, we believe, an equal claim to all appointments in the administration of the country. Truly speaking, the Orissa Mohammadans have been levelled down and down, with no hopes of rising again. Born of noble parentage, poor by profession, and distitute of patrons, we find ourselves in the position of a fish out of water ... The penniless and parsimonious condition which we are reeiuced to conseqtJent on the failure of our former Government service, has thrown us into such an everlasting despondency, that we speak from the very core of our hearts, that we would travel into the remotest corners of the earth, ascend the snowy peaks of the Himalya wander the forlorn regions of Siberia, could we be convinced that by so travelling we would 1 be blessed with a Government appointment of ten shillings a week."

Muslims were crushed not only economically but educationall^ also they were facing many difficulties. The courses of schools and colleges were so designed that teaching of Persian and Arabic

Ibid.. p. 176. 10

was impossible. The Muslims considered that English education would make them irreligious. They believed that there would be no value of education unless based on Arabic. As a result, not one per cent of Muslims were found in the English colleges and 1 schools. The Muslims were also opposed to the new system of education and considered the acquisition of English* below their 2 dignity.

After the revolt of 1857, the school of Shah Waliullah suffered organizationally due to the migration of Maulana 3 Mohammad Ishaq (1778-1846) to Mecca. Shah Waliullah*s teachings survived only in the minds and works of those scholars who were connected with other institutions. Among those scholars was

!• Ibid., p. 189 Shan Muhammad, Sir Sved Ahmad Kvian, 2. Meenakshi Prakashan, Meerut, 1969* p. 3 5» 3. He was a very learned and pio\2s alim and particularly his knowledge of Hadith was un-surpassed. Obaidullah Sindhi is of the opinion that after the sad event of Balakot Maulana Mohammad Ishaq reorganized the movement and gave it a complete programme purging it of Nejdi, Yamani influence. His programme was mainly based on the two principles: (a) A strict observance of Hanafi Mazhab and (b) an alliance with Ottoman Sultanate of Turkey. In 1841, he accompanied by his younger brother, Maulana Mohammad Yaqoob went to Mecca in order to seek co­ operation for his cause from the Caliph. He died there in 1846; See Husain Ahmad Madani, Naash-e-Havat, Vbl.II, p. 42; See also Qeyarouddin Ahmad, Wahabi ^vepient: in Ipd^a, Calcutta, 1966. 11

Maulana Murluk All v4io joined the staff of the Government aided Delhi College and had the distinction of teaching among others to Syed Almad Khan (1817-1898) , Maulana Mohammad Qasim Nanautawi (1832-1880) and Rashid Almad Gangohi (1828-1905) . Syed Ahmad Khan founded the Moharomadan Anglo Oriental College for imparting western education to Muslims at Aligarh in 1877, while Maulana Qasim Nanautawi founded a school at Deoband, District Saharanpxar in 1867, an institution to impart purely religious education 1 to Muslinis.

The family of Shah Waliullah was in a way like the family of Hazrat Ibrahim whose object was to produce men of high calibre. It is correct to sayj ^ y * ^ '

(That tree firmly rooted and its branches reach the sky) For understanding the work of Shah Waliiiiiah it is necessary to look at the conditions that had passed. When the status of East India company was no more than a business concern the first school

in India was established in 1713 at Calcutta. Thereafter about twenty more schools were opened by Church of England and in 1820, the Bishop Church was inaugurated by public collection of England in Calcutta. In 1849, a first girl school was started in

1. Aziz Ahmad, Islamic Modernism in India and Pakistan, Oxford Utiivarsity Press, London, 1967, pp. 103-104; See also Obaidullah Sindhi, Shah Waliullah Aur Unki Sivasi Teh^rik, Lahore, p. 88. 12

Calcutta. Several missionary centres were founded in U.P. and 1 Punjab for the propagation of missionary literature.

Since 1829, the British Government introduced English as the medium of instructions in the Government Schools. It was a deliberate attempt to push the Persian and Arabic medium schools into oblivion. Hindus took the new system of education as they thought that it would provide them jobs because the Government had already announced that English educated men would be preferred 2 in the Government services.

This was done by Britishers for the propagation of English language on pne hand and to crush the Arabic and the Persian edu­ cation on the other. Muslims were against the new edvcation not because their religion prevented them but because the English schools under the Christian missionaries/ taught to their students literature against Islam. In 1856 in one of the schools of Hyderabad (Sindh) children were converted to Christianity. This

1. Syed Asghar Husain, Maktubat-e-Shaikh-ul-Hind. Kutub Khana Rashidiya, Delhi, pp. 24-25. 2. Ibid., p. 25. 13 had frightened the Muslims. Keeping this in view Shah Abdul 1 Aziz started a great movement called "Targheeb Mohamroadia" which was later called Jamiyat-ul-Uleroa. One of the followers of Shah Abdul Aziz was Maulana Mohanmad Qasim Nanautawi who founded in 1867 a great seminary which is called Dar-ul-Uloom 2 Deo band.

He was the son of Shah Waliullah Dehlavi and lived in Delhi for about 78 years* During this period Delhi passed through one of the most momentous periods of its history. Prom the third battle of Panipat (1761) to the entry of Lord Lake's forces in Delhi (1803) he saw Delhi passing through many vjps and downs and to a very great extent his political ideas were moulded by these development. It is remarkable that though he condemned/ the Sikhs/ the Jats, the Marathas depredations, he did not declare the country under their control as Dar-ul-Harb i.e. a seat of war. But when the British power was established in Northern India, he issued a 'Fatwa' declaring all land under the British occvpation as Diar\il-Harb. See T.A. .Nizami, Muslim political Thought and Activitv in India, Aligarh, 1969, p. 23. His attitude towards the British was however, extremely realistic. He permitted his pupils to acquire knowledge of English and praised the technical skill of Englishmen. See Shah Abdul Aziz, MaJ-f uzat-i-Shah Abdul Aziz, Karachi, 1960, p. 51.

The Maktab was started shortly after 1857 in tl^ Jama Masjid of Deoband by Hafiz Syed Abid Husain, Maulana Mehtab Ali and Shaikh Nihal Ahnad. Syed Abid Hussain who was the chief of Maktab had never thought of erecting the grand edifice of a 'dar-ul-uloorn'on its foundations. It is^said that he strongly opposed the propsal of Maulana Manautawi to shift the Maktab out of the small and dark rooms Of the Masjid but finally he succvxnbed to the determined persuasion of the Maulana. See Mohammad Mian, Uleroa-e-Haa. Vbl. I, Kutub Khana Pakhriya, Muradabad, 1947, pp. 69-76. 14

The Deoband School constitutes one of the important schools of Muslim political thought in India. It is 1 significant that Sir Syed Ahmad and Maul ana Mohammad Qasim were the

Sir Syed was sincere and serious when he said that philosophy will be in our right hand* Natural sciences in the left and the crown of 'La Illaha Illallah Muharotnadur Rasullah' on our head. It was unfortunate that in his advocacy of western civi­ lization and in his interpretation of the Qxiran he went too far and alienated his supporters from his plan of religious reform. There grew a storm of opposition bDth from amongst his colleagues and outsiders and in the interest of the college, he had to make certain compromises which ultimately led to the abandonnent of two thirds of his original plan. Moreover, the groiip of people with whose monetary sv^port he had founded the M.A.O. College and who controlled the Board of Trustees, was interested only in English 'madarsas* where their children could get modern education resulting into the availability of Government posts and privileged positions. It was really harmful for the Muslim Society that in the long rvm, Aligarh turned out to be mainly an educational factory which manufac­ tured graduates to run the British adninistration. See Ziya-ul-Hasan Faruqi, The Depbapd Schoo^ ap<^ The Demand for paj^istan^ Bombay, 1963, pp. 38-39. 15

disciples of a Wahabi Alim - Maul ana Mutnluk Ali. The Aligarh mov«nent of Sir Syed Ahmad aimed at the welfare of Muslim cotninu- nity through Western education with the support of the British Government. Maul ana Qasim, though not opposed to modern education and sciences, considered that primary education of a child should 1 be based on Islam and the traditional learning (Uloom-e-Naqli) . Dar-ul-Uloom Deoband represented the rebellious spirit of the discontented Mtislims who had been demonstrating their uneasiness and dissatisfaction/ in one way or the other/ with the state of affairs created by the establishment of foreign rule in India. They were determined not to surrender to the British after their failure in 1857. They were fully conscious of the fact that the British rule# now more powerful than before, would put \jf> innumerable hurdles in their way# yet they were to march independently, rejecting all official interference and depending entirely on 2 Divine assistance and tbe sincere religiosity of their brethren. 3 According to Professor Ziya-ul-Hasan Paruqi 'Shamli' and 'Deoband* were the two sides of one and the same picture. The differences were only in the use of weapons. The sword and spear was used at Shamli in order to secure political independence and

1. ziya-ul-Has an Farugi,. op.cit., p. 30 2. iSiiL.' P- 24. 3. Shamli is a small town in the district Muzaffarnagar. 16 freedom for religion and culture. But at Deo band its founder followed a different policy. It was a policy of passivity and non-violence as it was through it their aims could be 1 achieved.

The Ulema realised that the liberation of India was necessary in the interest not only of India but also Muslims of the world. They had also the clarity of vision to see that the independence of India could not be achieved without unity and co-operation between Hindus and Muslims, The views of Jaitialuddin Afghani (1838-189 7) were adhered to by Deoband school. They had/ therefore, welcomed the formation of the Indian National Congress and when in 1888 Sir Syed Ahmad Khan advised the Muslims not to join the Congress, the Ulema of Deoband condemned Sir Syed's attitude and even issued a religious decree (fatwa) against his Patriotic Association as well as Mohammadan Anglo Oriental Defence Association whose secretary and moving spirit was Principal Theodore Beck of M.A.O. College. The attempts of Sir Syed to obtain the co-operation of the Ulema 2 in his plans were repudiated by the authorities of Deoband because the pioneers of Deoband School movement thought that Sir Syed would introduce western ideas in his college. The Deoband School, as we have seen, had opposed the British since

1. aiya-ul-Hasan Faruc^i, op.cit,, p. 22 17 its foundation because it were the British who were enemies 1 of Islam and to whom they want to oust.

Upto 1905 the political programme of Ulema appears to be vague and uncertain. It was Maul ana Mahmud-ul-Hasan (1851-1920), successor of Rasheed Abroad Gangohi, who attempted to provide political and intellectual insight to the religious ideal of Deoband school. He was very conscious of the need for vigorous political activities and importance of organization. The need of rapproacheroent between the Ulema and western educated youths the establishment of Jamiyat-ul-Ansar and role of Nazarat-ul- Ma'arif the two organizations which Mahmud-ul-Hasan founded later 2 throw sufficient light on the influence of Maulana Mahmud-ul-Hasan.

Ibid.» pp. 79-80. 2. Hasan Ahmad Madani, Nagsh-e-Havat. Vbl. II, Delhi* 1954, p. 257. CHAPTER - II

THE LIFE SKETCH OF SHAIKH-UL-HXND. rSAULANA MAI»1UD-UL-HASAN

1 Maulana Malmud-ul-Hasan* comtnonly known as "Shaikh-ul-Hind" , was born in 1851 in Bareilly. His father, Maulana Zulfiqar All, belonged to a noble Usmani family of DeOband in District Saharanpur

His father was a Government servant and worked as Deputy Inspector 2 of schools in Bareilly till 1867. Shaikh-ul-Hind was the first 3 student/ alongwith five others to join Dar-ul-Uloom, Deoband in 1867 to get education. He was a brilliant student and favourite pi:pil of Maulana Mohammad Qasim Nanautawi# the founder of Deoband Seminary. He assimilated true spirit latent in the establishment of the Dar-ul-Uloom. He completed his education in 1873 and was

1. The title of Shaikh-ul-Hind was given to him by Indian Muslims particularly prominent leaders of Khilafat Commit­ tee at Bombay in June 8, 1920, when he returned from Malta after passing three years and seven months as a state prisoner (see Hvisain Ahmad Madani^ Naasl^-e-Havat/ Vol. II, p. 248) . His name is Mahnnud Hasan but most of the authors have written Malmud-ul-Hasan after Arabic style. The present author has also adopted it. 2. Hxxsain Ahmad Madani, op.cit. * p. l3l; See also Naresh Kunar Jain, Muslims in India - A Biographical Dictionary, Manohar publication. New Delhi, 1983, p. 39. 3. In the first batch five students who completed their education were: Maulana Mahmud-ul-Hasan Deobandi, Maulana Abdul Haq Sakin Poorqazi, Maulana Fakhr-ul-Hasan Gangohi, Maulana Fateh Mohammad Thanawi and Maulana Abdullah Jalalabadi: See Mohammad Mian, Ulema-e-Haq, Vbl. 1/ pp. 76-77. 19

appointed a teacher at Dar-ul-Uloom. In 1877, he went for Haj alongwith the prominent Deobandi Ulena Maulana Mohammad Qasim, 1 Maiilana Mohammad Yaqoob and Maulana Rasheed Ahmad Gangohi. During Haj, he met Haji Imdadullah, his pir and a great spritual leader. He came back, after six months, to Dar-ul-Uloom and 2 continued his teaching*

seven years before the birth of Indian National Congress in 1878, Maulana Mahmud-ul-Hasan founded an organization of his students and disciples called 'Thamarat-ul-Tarbiyat' (the fruit of the training) to instil in them revolutionary ideas. This organization was made under the instruction and guidance of his 3 teacher Maulana Nanautawi who was the patron of this organization

!• He was a very close friend of Maulana Nanautawi and succeeded Maulana Nanautawi in 1880 as patron and spokesman of Dar-ul- Uloom. Pie was a great sufi and Alim and lived in Gangoh (his home town in the District of Saharanpur) . Occasionally he came down to Deoband for visits and vigilance, (see Faruqi, op.cit., p. 43). He opposed the teaching of •Falsafa' at Deoband. He was traditionalist through and through, but in field of politics he showed progressive tendencies and gave a 'Fatwa* declaring that in worldly matters co-operation with the Hindus was permissible provided it did not violate any basic principle of Islam. He died on Ai^ust 11, 1905. See Mohammad Mian, Uleroa-e-Haa, Vol. I, pp.lOO-lOl. 2. Husain Aim a d Ma dan i, op.cit., pp. 131-13 2. 3. Mohammad Mian, Aseeran-e-Ma 1 ta, Aljamiyat Book Depot Delhi, 1976, p. 9. 20

and who actually fought the British in 1857.

At that time* the Indian Muslims particularly the students and teachers of Dar-ul-Uloom felt that the expulsion of the British from India was their fundamental and religioxis duty. There is no doubt that Haji Abid Hussain and Maul ana Mehtab Ali founded the Deoband Madarsa only for the purpose of religious studies but Maulana Nanautawi changed the aim of Madarsa when he joined it. In the vords of Shaikh-ul-Hind the aim of the establishment of Dar-ul-Uloom was to produce the students who could compensate 1 the loss of 1857.

Maulana Moharwnad Yaqoob was the first principal of the Dar-uI-Uloom Deoband. After his death in 1883, Maulana Syed Ahmad Dehlavi became sadr Mudarris. In 1890, after his migration to Bhopal Shaikh-ul-Hind became its Sadr Mudarris (Principal). In 1905, when one of its founder, Maulana Gangohi died* he 2 became the head of the Institution and patron of the Dar-ul-Uloom. During his stewardship the Deoband School achieved international 3 reputation and attracted students from many rouslim countries. The fame of Maulana's learning especially his profound knowledge of Hadith, spread far and wide and attracted students not only from every corner of India but also from Afghanistan, Central

!• Ibid., pp. 9-10. 2. Mushirul Haq, Mpdern Pp^itics ;Ln Modern India (1857-1947) . Meenakshi prakashan, Meerut, 1970, p. 84, 3. N.K. Jain, op.cit., p. 39. 21

1 Asia and Hejaz.

Shaikh-ul-Hind inherited from his two predecessors, not only their learning and piety but also their nationalistic ideas. In fact/ his passion for freedom was even more intense than theirs. He had made a profound study of the history of India and its political and economic pr6blems, and the regular reading of newspapers kept him in touch with global affairs. AS soon as he had taken over the responsibility of guiding the destiny of Deoband seminary in 1909/ he formed a groip of some of the most sincere and sensible pvpils under the name of Jamiyat- ul—Ansar and imparted them political training to fight an alien 2 rule.

To activise the political movement, Shaikh-ul-^lind convened the first Jalsa-e-Dastarbandi at Deoband in 1910 which was attended by thirty thousand MusJjims of different shades of 3 opinion. Maulana Mohammad Mian in his book, U|.eroa-e-Haa, VojLj I, holds that because of the vigilance of the Government everything was kept in secret and Shaikh-ul-Hind persuaded his colleagues 4 in the administration to hold the famous jalsa-e-Dastarbandi to

1. S. Abid Hussain, The Destl-nv of Indian Muslims, Delhi, 1965, p. 74. 2- i^i^^ p. 75. 3. Naresh Kumar Jain, op.cit., p. 39. 4. Mohammad Mian, op•9it.. pp. l3o-l3l. 22 conceal his political mission. The most trusted of them was a young man from a Sikh family of Punjab converted to Islam who after accepting the Islamic faith had made Sindh his home and 1 came to be known as Obaidullah Sindhi. Obaidullah Sindhi had a

Obaiduilah Sindhi was born of Sikh parent in a village of the Punjab. Whilst yet a boy» he rebelled against his family religion and accepted Islam. According to his own accounts two books» Tuhfat-ul-Hind and Taawivatul Iman of Shah Ismail Shaheed/ had a revolutionarizing infliience and encouraged him to renounced Sikhism. He left his home at the age of fifteen, reached Bharchandi (Sindh) , got accession to a sufi, Hafiz Mohammad Siddiq, and became his murid. After a short stay with his pir, he proceeded to Bhawalpur where he studied a few elementary Arabic books. It was here that he heard of the Dar-ul-Uloom Deo band. He proceeded to Deoband in 1889. At Deoband he remained very closed to Shaikh-ul-Hind who acquainted him with the writings of Shah Waliullah and Maul ana Manautawi. He was also ini­ tiated in the politico-religioxis spirit underlying the Dar-ul- Uloom. After his gradxiation he went back to Sindh and started his career as a teacher. In 1908 he' was called back to Deoband and was entrusted with the programme of Jamiyat- ul-Ansar. He left India in 1915 on a special mission and was forced to lead a life of exile for more than twenty years. During the years of his banishment he lived in Afghanistan, USSR, Geneva, Turkey and Hejaz and studied the situation abroad with an open eye. In the USSR he saw a new world emerging from ruins of Tsardan and in Turkey. He found an old order giving place to the new. The Arab revolt of 1916 and the Arab nationalist aspirations afterwards gave a ruM.c shock to his mission and when he returned to India in 1939 his approach to Indian politics was one of nationalist secu­ larist rather than Islamist. He had left India as a firebrand agitator and returned as a thinker. During the last phase of his life he attempted to philosophize his nationalism in terms of a special Muslim social theory from Shah Waliullah of Delhi. He was a supporter of Indian National Con^jress in so far as it reported the Indian Nationalism, but he was very critical of "Gandhism** and lamented the misfortune of India that Gandhiji, besides being a political leader, was religious leader also. For a detailed study of Obaidullah Sindhi's political and social ideas, see Mohammad Sarwar's Maulana Obaidullah Sindhi, Sindi Sagar Academy, Lahore. 23

nationalistic outlook given to him by his erudite teacher, Shaikh-ul-Hind's training had made hlni a hard core against the British and he was destined to do great things for his motherland. The Balkan war gave a fresh impetus to his political activities, despite differences with some of his colleagues in Deoband. Obaidullah Sindhi shifted the venue of his movement to Delhi. In 1913, he formed an institution named Nazarat-ul-

Ma'arif on the instruction of Shaikh-ul-Hind and in association with Ajmal Khan and Nawab Vvqar-ul-Mulk. The object of the Nazarat was not only to educate Quran to Western educated youths but to unite Ulema and English educated youths. Through this organization, he wanted to create anti-British sentiments in the Muslims. The fulfilment of Lhe mission of Shaikh-ul-Hind was not possible in India because of British vigilance. Hence some adjoining country was to be the head quarters of this and no better country could be chosen than Afghanistan because of its being a Muslim state and also bordering India.

By 1914 plans for a revolt against the British in India were finalised and for that purpose, Obaidullah Sindhi was despatched to Kabul where he founded the first Provisional Government of free India along with Raja Mahendra Pratap Singh while he himself proceeded to Hejaz with a few friends to seek support from Turkey. He met Turkish war minister Anwar 24 pasha (1881-19 22) and obtained declaration of jehad from Governor of Hejaz/ Ghalib Pasha* and finalised his plan for the liberation of India. These plans were carefully transmitted to India through secret means. Maulana Sindhi's correspondence with his teacher, written on yellow silk,, fell into British hands and with these letters the whole 1 plan was leaked out in 1916.

While Shaikh-ul-Hind was planning to go to Turkey to meet the Caliph, Sharif Husain of Mecca, with British sv¥>poi"t revolted against the Turks. Sharif Husain wanted the approval of his office from Muslim Uleroa through a fatwa which Shaikh-ul-Hind refusedc to sign. He was, therefore, arrested and handed over to the British who took him to Malta in February 1917. He along with Maulana Husain Ahmad Madani, was released in March

1920. He thus earned the title of •ASEER-E-MALTA' (The prisoner of Malta) . In the meantime, the Uleroa mainly his disciples had already formed the Jamiyat-ul-Ulema, Maulana presided over the Second Session of Jamiyat despite his illness. He sv;pported the Non-Co-operation Movement by the Congress and issued a Fatwa in its favour.

1. Naresh Kunar Jain, op.c^-t., pp. 39-40. 25

under his inspiration students of Anglo-Oriental College/ Aligarh/ boycotted their classes. Thus begain Jamia Millia Is lamia, \it\ose foundation stone laying ceremony was held on 29 October, 1920 in the Jama Masjid, Aligarh Muslim university. On 30 November 192o, he passed away 1 in Delhi and was buried at Deoband.

1. Mi^liro Ii^dia, Monthly itournal, October 1984, p. 4 53; Naresh Kumar Jain, oo.cit.^ p. 40; see also Mohammad Mian, Aseeran-e-Malt^^ Delhi, 1976, pp. 57-61. CHAPTER - III

EARLY ACTIVITIES OF SHAIKH-UL-HIND IN DEOBAND

AS Stated earlier in the sv:t}pression of the revolt the Muslims were the target of the British because they mainly considered them the organisers of the rebellion. A section of the Muslims who had realised the si:|>eriority of British power, co-operated with it, but the Ulema considered India Dar-ul-Harb and therefore wanted to overthrow the British.

For this reason, the Ulema founded Dar-xol-Ulocm at Deoband after ten years of the revolt of 1857, But actually the main aim of this institution was to compensate for the loss of 1857. The first student of Dar-ul-Uloom, Maulana Mahmud-ul-Hasan explaining the aims of this institution said that after 1857, this institution had been established as a centre for Muslims to produce competent scholars to conpensate 1 the loss of 1857.

With this spirit in 1878 after having worked for five years in Dar-ul-Uloom as a teacher, Maulana Mahmud-ul-Has an founded an or§anisation of his students and disciples called

1. Sawan-e-Qasmi, p. 226; See also Moin Shakir, Khilafat to Partition, Delhi, 1970. 27

Thamarat-ul-Tarbiyat (the fruit of training) to introduce them 1 with revolutionary ideas.

In the early stage of this organization there were 2 eighteen founder members except Shaikh-ul-Hind. This was his first active role and the starting of his political career. This revolutionary organization continued for about thirty years in different parts of India and abroad especially North-west Frontier Provinces. Writing about the aims of this organization Maulana Mohammad Mian in his book *Aseeran-e-Malta' says that its object was to get financial aid from its followers and contact 3 the old boys of Dar-ul-Uloom. Everything was kept in secret and the fear of leakage prevented the organizers to describe in words

1. Mohammad Mian, As^ran-e-Malta, Delhi, 1976, p. 9.

2. These war follows; (1) Maulana Ahmad Hasan Amrohavi, (2) Maulana Fakhr-ul-Hasan Gangohi, (3) Maulana Mohammad Pazil phalati (4) Maulana Mir Mohammad Sadiq Madarasi, (5) Maulana Abdul Qadir Deobandi« (6) Maulana Fateh Mohammad Thanawi, (7) Abdul Haq Purqazawi# (8) Maulana Abdullah Ambethawi/ (9) Maulana Mohammad Murad Village Pa)q:>atan, (10) Maulana Abdullah Gawalapuri, (11) Maulana Abdul Ali Abdullahpuri Meerut, (12) Maulana Nihal Ahmad Deobandi, (13) Maulana Abdul Lateef Sahaspuri, (14) Maulana Abdullah Jalalabadi, (15) Maulana Mohammad Ala Aiiibethawi (16)Maulana Abdul Adl phalati, (17) Maulana Kausar Nageenawi, (18) Maulana Karamatullah Dehlawi, See Professor Anwar-ul- Hasan sherkoti, Al-Rasheed, Dar-ul-Uloom Number, pp. 282-83, Quoted Maqam-e-Mahmud, Compiled by Habibur Rehman, Deoband, pp. 273-74. 3. Mohammad Mian, Aseeran-e-Malta, op.cit., p. 9. 28 the aims and objects of the organization. Its role in the freedonn struggle had been different in different times.

After the death of its patron, Maulana Qasim Nanautawi, the whole responsibility of organization had fallen on the soldiers of Shaikh-ul-Hind and he tried his best to achieve 1 the mission for which this organization was founded.

Since the manifesto and activities of the organization were tept in secret/ no material is available for reference. But one can infer frem the speeches given by Maulana Ahmad Hasan 2 Amrohawi in ;^ril 15-17, 1911, at Moradabad that the work of Thamarat-ul-Tarbiyat had not been stopped. For the last thirty years, this organization had been working underground in different parts of the country and abroad. He says that there are some . western scholars who believe that Jamiyat-ul-Ansar was the true copy of the "Old Boys Association" but it is absolutely wrong. Because the movement of Jamiyat-iilAnsar had already started thirty years thence. The first student of this madarsa, Shaikh-ul- Hind was the founder of this roov«nent. Later he felt that the time fear the movement was not ripe and, therefore, it was stopped. 3 In 1909, Jamiyat-ul-Ansar was revived with its original aim.

1. Mohammad Mian, Aseeran-e-Malta, p, 25. 2. He was an old friend of Shaikh-ul-Hind and a favourite pif)il of Maulana Qasim Nanautawi. 3. Mohammad Mian, opicit., pp. 23-24. 29

Maulana Obaidullah Sindhi visited Kabul. He found a sizeable population to be under the influence of Shaikh-ul- Hind. His teaching had already created an atmosphere there against the British. He was happy that the Shaikh-ul-Hind had 1 selected him to carry out his mission in Afghanistan.

Maulana Mohammad Mian says and the name of this organi­ zation also shows that Ulema had established the organization for political purposes through his religious teachings. The proposal of Shaikh-ul-Hind was to unite Iran and Afghanistan on a single point. He further observes that Kabul was the part of India under Muslim Kings. Syed Ahmed Shaheed had succeeded in bringing Indian and Frontier Mujahideen close. This relation was constant before the foundation of Thamarat-ul-Tarbiyat. After that the financial relations were detached but relation of Mujahideen with the Indian people continued. Indian Mujahideen were left in frontier area. Under such circumstances Dar-uL- Uloom Deoband had changed its strategy and Obaidullah Sindhi 2 propagated the ideas of Shaikh-ul-Hind to get their svjpport to fight against the British.

On the basis of the above discussion one can say that the Thamarat-ul-Tarbiyat was an organization whose object was to prepare youngmen from India and abroad especially Muslim

1. Maulana Abdullah Laahari, Obaidullah Sindhi Ki Sarquzisht Kabul. Islamabad, 1980, p. 12. 2. Mohammad Mian, Uleroa-e^aq, Vol. I, pp. 128-29. 30

countries on a single point. For the achievement of this goal Shaikh-xxl-Hind had chosen Afghanistan to carry out his mission through his religious teaching and Obaidullah Sindhi was the best example in this sense.

Such was the political situation in India and abroad when Shaikh-ul-Hind decided to launch his programme to oust the foreigners from his motherland. His programme consisted of bringing the Governments of Afghanistan and Iran closer to each other on sane workable point and gain the military support of 1 Turkey to attack India through Iran and Afghanistan.

Theonission of Shaikh-ul-Hind was known under the name of Thamarat-ul-Tarbiyat. But due to secrecy in 1909/ the name had become changed to jamiyat-ul-Ansar. The aim of organization was the same as that of Thamarat-ul-Tarbiyat.

A major section of the Mujahideen population in the North- West Frontier organised in the early nineteenth century still lived there and a section of Indian Muslims had their contact with them throughout the years before and after 1857. It is also noteworthy that Deoband* ideologically closer to the 'Jehad' move­ ment of Syed Ahmad Shaheed (1786-1831) had attracted studentis

1. Ibl^ 31

from tbat area and during the period of the principalship of Shaikh-ul-Hind/ the contact between Deoband and the tribal areas of the north had become tnore widespread. Hundreds of the students who came to Deoband and studied under him carried with them a new spirit of struggle and sacrifice. He was fully aware of the strategic position of the tribal frontier and knew that the North-West Frontier could be roused v^ easily against the British provided the people of that area were organized for a common cause. The success of his programme also demanded a well-knit organization of the Muslims in India. It was a dange­ rous game since the Government of India kept a watchful eye on Deoband» and therefore the whole activity was to be carried 1 on with caution and in secrecy.

For these pxarposes Shaikh-ul-Hind called back Obaidullah Sindhi a very devout student from his home. Maulana Sindhi in his autobiography says that his political ideas were nurtured and moulded by his teacher Maiolana Mahmud-ul-Hasan. In his own words: "In 1909/ I was called back to Deoband by the Shaikh-ul-Hlnd Maulana Malirjud-ul-Hasan who gave me instruction of work at Deoband. I continued to work in Jamiyat-ul-Ansar 2 for four years."

1. Ziya-ul-Hasan Faruqi, op.cit.» pp. 55-6. 2. Mohammad Sarwar, Khutbat Obaiduj.lah Sindhi, p. 67 32

The Deoband School had two aims before it, namely (i) to propagate the teachings of Islam and (ii) to keep alive the spirit of Jehad against the British rule. It was to achieve 1 these objectives that Dar-ul-Uloom had been established. The scholars trained in the seminary, were to boost i^ the pan- Islamic feelings among Muslim brethren and mobilise public opinion against the British rule in India to overthrow it. Consequently, a nunber of associations were formed in different parts of India. Jamiyat-ul-Ansar was one of them. It was established in 1909 at Deoband, comprised of the alumni of the Dar-ul-Uloom.

The Rudad Ijlas Jamiyat-ul-Ansar, 1909 Deoband, (Report of Jamiyat-ul-Ansar, 1909) wrote that Maulana Mahmud-ul-Hasan had infused the spirit of anti-British rule in his pv:t>il Obaidullah Sindhi. Uhder the Presidentship of Shaikh-ul-Hind, 3 Obaidullah Sindhi called a meeting to i;pgrade the standard of

1. Tara Chand, op.cit.. Vol. Ill, p. 254. 2. Hafeez Malik, Moslem Nationalism in India and Pakistan, Washington D.C. 1963, p. 229. 3. The following participants were there: (1) Maulana Mahmud-ul- Hasan, (2) Maulana Hafiz Ahmad (Principal of Madarsa, (3) Maulana Habibur Rahman (Asst. Principal) , ^4) Maulana Mohammad Fazil, (5) Maulana Mohammad Nazir Hasan, (6) Maulana Mohammad Ahmad Chakwali, (7) Mavdana Sadiq, (8) Maulana Abdul Momin, (9) Maulana Zia-ul-Haq, (10) Maulana Husain Ahmad Madani, (11) Maulana Noorul Hasan Deobandi, (12) Maulana Mohammad Yasin, (13) Maulana Shabbir Atmad, (14) Maulana Abdus Sami,(15) Maulana Gul Mohammad, (16) Maulana Abdur Rehman Madrasi,(17) Maulana Kifayatullah Gangohi, (18) Maulana Sultan Ali Bareilavi, (19) Maulana Mohammad Shafi,(20) Maulana Mohammad Mian, (21) Maulana Abdul Lateef, (22) Maulana Zahur-ul-Haq, (23) ,Maulana Ghularo Rasul Punjabi, (24) Maulana Zahur Mohammad Saharanpuri, (25) Mau­ lana Mahboob Sharif Hydrabadi.'See Mukhtasar Rudad IJlas Jamiyai- ul-Ansar,Matlaba-ul Madarsa Alia Ta^a,n^=. r>—Z oamxy^^- AliQarh,pp<, 1-4. "^^"^ ^^^^ Isl ami a, Deoband, Ahmad Press, 33 the seminary and to propagate the ideas end ideals for which it stood. Actually this organization was not new but it was more or less like the Thamarat-ul-Tarbiyat. Thirty years had passed when it was foxjnded and the crying need of the time was to re-organize it and put a new life in it. Its managerial meeting 1 decided that the name of organization would be Jamiyat-ul-Ansar with its head office at Madarsa Alia Deoband. Maulana Obaidullah Sindhi was to be the Nazim (Manager) , and Maulana Mohammad Mian, Maulana Zahur-ul-Haq were appointed as Naib Nazim (Vice-Manager>. A separate seal and separate receipts were made. It was also decided that reports of the organization would be published in different newspapers. To carry on its business the collection of Its. 2000/- and making of 300 members and thousand of wcrkers were also proposed with a membership fee of Rs. 4/- per head. It also discussed the syllabi and methods of teaching in 2 Madarsa.

It is strange that the actual programme of Jamiyat-ul- Ansar was still unknown. Maulana Obaidullah Sindhi and Maulana Husain Ahmad Madani who were considered the most authentic reporters of the movement, made only casual references to it and did not throw any light on the aims and objects of this organization. It seems that the idea was to lay the foundation

1. It was proposed by Maulana Obaidullah Sindhi. 2. Ziya-ul-Hasan Faruqi, op.c4.t., p. 56. 34

of an organization conposed of the graduates of Dar-ul-Uloom 1 who could be mobilised in tiroes of need*

In order to popularise the programme of Jainiyat-ul-Ansar, Shaikh-ul-Hind called Jalsa-e-Dastar Bandi (Convocation) in 1910 and in its gathering of more than thirty thousand people Maulana Obaidullah Sindhi, Nazim of Jamiyat-ul-Ansar delivering an important lecture explained the importance of Dar-ul-Uloom 2 and its ideas.

He further said that the unity among the graduates of whatever school of thought they belonged, w«|s the aim of Dar-ul- 3 Ulooro Deoband. In the above lectiare he detailed out the objects of Jaroiyat-ul-Ansar. These objects were hitherto kept in secret and this was the first time when the programme was exposed not only the Muslims of India but the whole world. The rules and objects of Jamiyat-ul-Ansar were as follows:

1* li>^

(1) The purpose of the Jamiyat was to help and support the aim of Madarsa and propagate the same* without any relation to indigenous politics. (2) The old boys of the Madarsa would be the member of the Jamiyat. To struggle for educational* managerial and financial improvement would be compulsory for each and every member. (3) Member of the shura and Managerial committee would be the patron of the organization whose approval would be necessary in each matter. (4) If every literate person* practically participate to support the aims of Jamiyat he would be recalled Aewan (helpers) and also could participate in meetings as a member. (5) The patrons of the Jamiyat would be authorised to select president for any meeting. In the absence of patron the member of the Jamiyat meeting would be elected through majority votes. (6) To meet the urgent financial needs Jamiyat would collect money frcm Muslims. (7) The Jamiyat would accept thankfully the gifts extended to it and would spend this money within limitations.

(8) The money bag of Jamiyat would be called Khazinat-ul Ansar (Treasury of Ansar) . No spending would be allowed beyond the aims of Jamiyat. (9) The whole organization would be responsible for any action and inplementation of the Jamiyat. 36

(10) The account would be open for any member to check the collection and expenditure. (11) In every meeting of the Jaroiyat decision would be on the basis of majority vote, president of the organization in the alasence of patrons would cast two votes.

(12) Among the members of the organization a wise, experienced, reliable and honest man would be appointed as a Nazim. The Nazim of Jamiyat would be given full power on behalf of the organization.

(13) The meeting of the Jamiyat would be called for three main grounds. Ijma-ul-Ansar (union of Ansar) , Jalsa-e-Intizarriia 1 (Managerial) and Jalsa-e-Ilmia (Educational).

To carry on the above business the following five main departments were created: (A) Takmegj.-ujL-TB^J.i)[ii (completion of education) : (i) Books of Maul ana Qasim, Shah Waliullah and Mujaddid 2 Alf Thani (1562-1624) would in coxarse of education i.e. Hujjat-ul-allah-ul Baiigha,Khair-e-Kaseer Ibqat etc.

!• jtbi^y, pp. 4-5. 2. He was born in Sirhind (Midway between Delhi and Lahore) . He is also known as Shaikh Ahmed Al-Faruqi Sirhindi and Imam e-Rabbani. See G. Allana, Muslim Political Thought Throiyjh Eves, 1562-1947, Delhi, 1969, pp. 23-4. 37

(ii) Tafseer-o-Kalaro and arts and literature in the high level books would be in the coxarse. (iii) To practice writing and lecture, (iv) To learn methods of education and management.

(B) Nizam-ul-Talean (Management of Education) (C) Al-Rashad: To prepare trained speakers who could defeat anti Muslims organizations and individuals through literature

and speeches, (D) At-Taleef-o-Ishayat (compilation and publication) To compile and pxiblish the book of Shah Waliullah (1703-1762) , 1 Shah Abdul Aziz (1746-1824) Shah Raf iuddin* Shah Ismail (1779-1831), Mohammad Ishaq (1778-1846) Maulana Nanautawi (183 2-80) and Rasheed Ahmad Gangohi (1828-1905) in different languages and also other new books and journals on its patrons.

(E) Jalsa-e-Ilmiva (Educational function) x (i) To explain rules of Quran and Hadit^i. (li) To teach educational papers for enhansing virtues, faith, mutual relations, (iii) To discuss the problems of security and publicity of Islamic education.

1. He was commonly known as Shah Ismail Shahid, was the son of Maulana Abdul Ghani* the youngest brother of Shah Abdul Aziz. After Shah waliullah he was the Chief theoretician of the movement led by Syed Ahmad Shaheed. He was a fire brand •Mujahid' a real "Wahabi' and a bold reformer. His book, Taawivatul Iman^ (Urdu) on the subject of 'Tawhid' created a storm of protest from many a responsible alim and is still a subject of great controversy. He remained attached to the cause of 'Jehad* and was killed in 1831 in the battle of Balakot* 38

1 (iv) This branch will also be known as Mootmar-ul-Ansar.

The C.I.D. record, however, gives the following aims and objects 2 of the Jainiyat-ul-Ansar,

(a) To organize and improve the Deoband Seminary. (b) Collections of funds for its proper functioning. (c) propagation of ideas and ideals for which the seminary stands. (d) Establishment of similar institutions in other parts of the country.

It was also proposed that all institutions ii^arting Islamic teaching all over the country should be organized under Jamiyat-ul- Ansar. Scholars qualified from the Deoband seminary were to be sent to all institutions and in this way a perfect and well- integrated teaching of the principles of Islam were to be set vp in the country. The Jamiyat had several of its annual meetings 3 at Moradabad and Meerut.

The Jamiyat had an inner circle also which was a secret body and its aims and objects were not known. But this much was obvious that it was working against the British interests. The

1« Al-oasim (Months) Deoband, Rabius-Sani, 1329 H., pp. 6-7. 2. Mohammad Mian (ed) Tehrik Shaikh-ul-Hind, Reshmi Khutoot Sazish Case, Delhi, 1975, p. 48. 3. Ibid., p. 49. 39

jamiyat also collected funds for printing and distributing revolutionary and anti-British literature within and outside India. Mauiana Obaidullah Sindhi worked as its Naziin for 1 four years.

Meanwhile war broke out between Italy and Turkey (Sept. 1911 - Oct. 1912) in Tripoli. It was followed by the Balkan wars (Oct. 1912 - Oct. 1913). The role played by Great Britain in these wars made it quite evident that British policy was anti-Turkish. The Muslims in India resented the anti-Turkish policy of the British Government. They were in full sympathy with the Turks. Money was collected by the students of Deoband seminary and sent to Turkey. The seminary was also closed for 2 a short period as per instructions of Shaikh-\il-Hind.

The activities of Jamiyat-ul-Ansar had now cone to be suspected by the British Government and therefore,it was decided 3 to shift its head quarter frOn Deoband to Delhi. But how this was to be done? To conceal this the lieutenant Governor of united Province was invited to the seminary in 1912 and an address was presented to him. Mauiana Abul Kalam Azad also reached Deoband the same day and stayed as a guest of the Shaikh-"^ Shaikb-ul-Hind Hind, /did not attend the function. Mauiana Azad also stayed

1. Ibi^ 2. Husain Ahmad Madani, Naash-e-Hayat, Vol. 11/ pp. 193-94 3. Mohammad Mian, Tehrik Shaikh-ul-Hind. p. 51. 40

back with him. It was# however/ given to unc3erstand that Maulana Hafiz Mohammad Ahmad Saheb (Secretary) and Shaikh-ul- Hind of the Deoband Seminary vere not happy with the anti- British activities of some of the member of school and therefore they did not attend the function. Consequently, Maulana Obaidullah Sindhi along with Maulana Anis Ahmad and his asso- 1 cietes were asked to leave the institution. Thoi^h the actual fact was that on the instruction of Shaikh-ul-Hind Maulana Obaidullah Sindhi left the institution. Maulana Mohammad Mian in his book has given a graphic description of all this and 2 calls it a fine show.

Maulana Obaidullah Sindhi who v»as apparently dismissed from the rolls of the staff of the institution but he continued to visit Deoband secretly and had his confidential meetings with the Shaikh-ul-Hind who remained the principal of tl^ school. The Ulerna had resorted to this course to save the institution frcm the wrath of the Government. Not only this they also shifted their seat of activity from Deoband to Delhi 3 and thus Nazarat-ul-Ma'arif came into existence in 1913. They also changed the name of their organization from Jamiyat-ul- Ansar to Nazarat-ul-Ma'arif.

1. Ibj.d.. p. 195«: 2- Ibid. 3. Husain Ahmad Madani/ Naash-e-Havat# Vb}., 11* p. 144. 41

When Obaidullah Slndhi was forced to leave Deoband for Delhi in 1913, Shaikh-ul-Hind asked him to start a school for the Quranic instruction. The patrons of this plan were Nawab VLqar-ul-Mulk, Hakim Ajroal Khan and Dr. Mukhtar Atinad 1 Ansari. Both Hakim Ajmal Kh^n and Dr. Ansari played an impor­ tant part as intermediaries between the Ulema and Western educated section of the community in the years to ccxne. The Hakim was a scion of the family of traditional Muslim medical practitioner whose ancestors had been physicians to the Mughal court. He was also an active trustee of the Aligarh College. The Nazarat-ul-Ma*arif-ul-Quraniya was set \ip in Fatehpuri Masjid* a royal Mosque in the heart of Old Delhi/ not far from Dr. Ansari's dispensary, Ajmal Khan and Dr. Ansari raised finances for the school from Nawab of Rampur, the Begun of Bhopal and a nunber of wealthy Muslim traders of Bombay and 3 Karachi.

Shan8->ul-Ulema Maul ana Mohammad Ahmad who was a government informer had something more to say about Nazarat-ul-Ma'arif. According to him the field of Obaidullah's subversive activities

1. Mohammad Mian, Ulama-e-Haa, Vol. I, op.cit./ p. 136. 2. Gail Minault, The Khilafat Movement. Delhi, 1982. p. 30. 3. Chaudhary, Khaliquzzaroan, pathway to Pakistan, Longmans Green and Co. Ltd., London, 1961, p. 32, 42 now lay in the Fatehpuri mosque at Delhi, It was a centre of a new society of which Obaidullah was the Nazim and the association was thoroughly seditious. The Nazarat received a subsidy of Rs. 200/- per mensuii from Bhopal. The Shams-ul- Ulema requested to the Government that Obaidullah who was the heart of a conspiracy should be cleared out of Delhi and sent 1 back to Sindh.

Maulana Idrees Ahmad, Assistant Secretary, Aligarh College and father of Maulavi Anis Almad was also attracted towards Nazrat-ul-Ma'arif. Khawaja Abdul Hai and Maulvi Anis Ahmad received scholarships from Nazarat-ul-Ma'arif. Some other persons associated with the organization were Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, Maulana Fazl-ul-Hasan popularly known as Hasrat Mohani as well as Hakim Ajmal Khan* Kawab Mushtaq Husain, Viqar- ul-Mulk and Maulana Mohiuddin of Qusur. Dr. Ansari contributed 2 te. 50/- per month towards the organization.

The main purpose of this school was to teach the Holy Quran and the principles of Islamic theology, but the plans were also made to prepare instructors for the teaching of Quran

1. Letter fron the Secretary, Government of U.P. to Secretary, Government of India 27th Sept. 1915 by Shan Muhammad, The Indian Muslimsf A Docunentarv Record 1900-1947, Vbl. V. Meerut/ 1982, pp. 51-2. 2. Mohammad Mian, Tehrik Shaikft^ul-Hindy p. 196. 43

in schools and colleges and to translate the Quran into 1 different langxiages.

Maiilana Sindhi had interpreted Islam as a revolutionary religion which prepared Muslims for 'Jehad' . He contented that the Muslim community had fallen on evil days whenever it shirked from its duty to wage holy war against injustice and tyrany. His teachings of 'Jehad* in accordance with the principles of Islam, were contained in two books entitled, Tajleem-ul-Quran, and jCul,iac(-€-quran' written by Maulvi Anis Ahmad. It also conveys to the Indian Muslims that if they wanted to regain their lost glory and freedom, they should rise in revolt 2 against the British imperialism.

The Intelligence record had described the activities of the organiaSation as highly provocative. According to it the organization head quarters was the rendezvous of the Ulema who 3 conspired against the British rule.

1. Gail Minault, op.cit., p. 30, See also Mashria, "Rules of Nazarat-ul-Ma'arif", Gorakhpur, July 1, 1913, pp. 689-90. 2. Mohammad Mian, Tehrik-e-Shaikh-ul-^H n^. p. 197. 3. Ibid. 44

Shaikh-ul-Hind in accordance with his programme, decided to launch his programme to oust the foreigners from India. Here it is significant to note that before the advent of Gandhiji on the political scene/ the Indian terrorists and revolutionaries believed not only in violent method but were also convinced that India could not be freed without the support of a foreign Goverrment. His programme consisted of bringing the Government of Afghanistan and Iran closer to each other on some workable point and seeking the military support of Turkey in 1 attacking India through Iran and Afghanistan. For that purpose, in August 1915, Shaikh-ul-Hind asked Obaidullah to go to Kabul on a secret mission. The adventure did not appear feasible as he had no money on him. The wife of a friend, sold out her jewellary to provide him money for the journey. He slipped out of Delhi quietly and travelled by an almost unknown route, and succeeded ir. entering Afghanistan. His assignment kept him in Kabul for about seven years* Maulana Obaidullah and his three companions, Abdullah, Pateh Mohammad and Mohammad Ali were instructed by Shaikh-ul-Hind to proceed to Afghanistan where he found a number of people, disorganized and without a common programme, but ready to risk and strike against 2 the BritisH, The idea of Shaikh-ul-Hind was to try in

1. Mohammad Mian, Ulema-e-Haa. Vol. I. p. 129. 2. Husain Almad Madani, Naq8l:>-^-H^yftt. Vol. II, p. 146. 45

1 co-operation with a revolutionary party of Raja Mahendra 2 Pratap, to liberate India with the help of Germany* Turkey and Afghanistan. Keeping this in view they set vp a Provisional National Government under the Presidentship of Raja Mahendra Pratap and began to prepare themselves for a confrontation with the British to gain independence for India. They also tried to establish contacts with Russia and Japan and sent their 3 missior^ to these countries but failed to achieve anything. Obaidullah Sindhi and his associates also organized a branch of the Indian National Congress with himself as its president which in turn was affiliated to the mother organization in India in 19 22. During the reign of Amir Habibullah, Afghanistan/

1. It was also called the Ghadr Party. The founder and organizer of this movement was one Hardayai, a Hindu graduate of Punjab university. In 1905 he proceeded to England on Government scholarship for higher educa- tion» but later he changed his mind* returned the scholarship and went to America where he organized the Indian students and started a newspaper* 'Gha^'in 1913, It was a "revolutionary conspiracy of all commu­ nities "with its branches in America, Philippines, Malaya, Singapore, Hong Kong, Egypt, Tvurkey, Afghanistan and Germany. During the war its propagation stirred a vain hope in India, particularly in Punjab, that Germany's immenent attack on England, if it conclded with a general vprising in India, would give a golden opportunity to Indians to free themselves from the foreign yoke. Raja Mahendra Pratap and Maulvi Barkatullah who had joined •Obaidullah's provisional Goverrment at Kabul, were the prominent leaders of the movement. See Ziya-ul-Hasan Faruql, op.c^t. p. 60, 2. He was a noble man of Mathura District. In 1914, he left India and went Switzerland and joined the Ghadr Party in America. He came to Germany and sent a special mission to Kabul. 3. Husain S. Abid., op.cit., p. 75. 46 though in sympathy with the programme of the Indian revolu­ tionaries* maintained its neutral policy to avoid any clash with the British but after the assassination of the Amir when a civil war eri;5)ted and Amanullah came to power/ there were some unsuccessful military operations against the British on the North-West Frontier. Obaidullah and his party had cordial relations with the Amir,

The Provisional Government of India was to get the powerful support of Maulana Abdur Bazraq, Chief Mulla of the Chief court of Kabul. He actively hleped Obaidullah in his plan to raise an army called "Hizbullah" (the Army of God) with its headquarters at Madina. Shaikh-ul-Hind who had arrived at Mecca,ostensibly for the purpose of Haj, was to be the head of the army while local generals were to be appointed at Kabul was to be Obaidullah himself. There were to be a number of Lt. Generals and Major Generals whose names were mentions by Obaidullah in his letter to Shaikh-xil-Hind. It was from here that the famous Silk letters were sent to a confidential person at Hyderabad for 1 onward despatch to Shaikh-ul-Hind at Madina. Shaikh-ul-Hind had been requested to convey all these events to the Ottoman Government. The letters were written on yellow silk.

P.N. Chopra, ,Role of Indian Muslims in the Struggle for Freedom, Rohtak, 1979, p. 209. 47

These letters contained a complete outline of the Army of God. The 'Silk letters' had fallen into the hands of the British Government. On account of the information given in these letters some precautions were considered 1 necessary, in 1916, Shaikh-ul-Hind and four of his compa- 2 nions were arrested by the British Government.

1. (1) Maulana Husain Ahmad Madani, (2) Maul ana Uzalr Gul, (3) Hakeem Nusrat Husain and (4) Maulana Waheed Ahmad. 2. Husain AJwad Madani, op«cit^.. p. 244. CHAPTER ~ IV

ON A SECRET MISSION TO SAUDI ARABIA

As Stated earlier Shaikh-ul-Hind was known to have had personal relation with the conteipporary Muslim and non-Muslim nationalists and revolutionaries in India. On the eve of the First World War the Government of India began to suspect him. It was brought to the notice of the Government that one of his pv^jils, Maulana Obaidullah Sindhi, had crossed the North-West Frontier of India at the behest of the Maulana to contact some of the Indian revolutionaries who had set cp their head-quarters at Kabul. Before the Indian Government could take any action, Shaikh-ul-Hind left for Mecca to perform the Haj in September 1 1915. It was a great significance because he was considered one of the most learned and respected 'alim* in Northern India. His pilgrimage added a new dimension to the movement. Steps were taken to publish the news widely among his followers 2 in India from Surat to i^ngoon.

The whole expenses of journey was facilitated by Hakim 3 Abdur Razzaq Ghazipuri and Dr. Mukhtar Ahmad Ansari from Delhi.

1. Mushirul Haq, Modern Politics in India (1857-1947) . Meenakshi Prakashan, Meerut, 1970, p. 84, See Gail Minault, The Khilafat Movement, Delhi, 1972, p. 3i; See also, R.C. Chaudhary, Role of Religion in Indian Pftlitica (1900-1925) ,Delhi, 1978. 2. Husain Ahmad, op.cit«, pp. 212-13. 3. He was brother of Dr. Mukhtar Ahmad Ansari. 49

Some other followers were also accompanied with hlni, namely, 1 2 Maulana Mohammad MianAmbethawi , Maulana Uzair Gul , Maulana 3 Hakim Nusrat Husain, Maulana Murtaza Hasan Chandt>uri/ Maulana 4 Mohammad Sahool Bhagalpuri, Hakim Khan Mohammad, Maulana 5 Matlub-ur-Rahman Deobandi, Haji Mahboob Khan Saharanpuri, 6 Haji Abdul Hakim Saranji, Maulana Waheed Almad etc. etc.

1. He was the son of Abdullah, professor of Theology at Aligarh College and nephew of Hafiz Mohammad Ahmad, the manager of Deoband Madarsa. He came from Ambetha in Saharanpur. 2. He came from the North-west Frontier province and came under Shaikh-ul-Hind's influence while he was a student at Deoband. He was very keen on Hijrat and all along insti­ gated Shaikh-ul-Hind to leave India for Jehad. 3. He was educated at Deoband where he also subsequently worked as Madarris (teacher). Be was considered to be the ablest and cleverest of the whole lot by Shaikh-ul- Hind and belonged to Chan<%>ur in District Bijnore. 4. He belonged to Pareni at Darbhanga in Bihar and was educated at K-anpur and Deoband. He was a student of Shaikh-ul-Hind. After completing his education, he worked as a teacher in the Deoband Madarsa. He also worked in Arabic School at Calcutta as Senior madarris (teacher) . 5. He was a brother of Habib-ur-Rahman, Assistant Manager of Deoband Madarsa. He was a faithful disciple of Shaikh- ul-Hind and a strong advocate of Jehad. 6. Mohammad Mian, Ulema-e-Haa, Vol. I, op.cit., p. 139. See Maulana Asghar Husain, Hayat Shaikh-ul-Hind , Deobaxld, 1948, p. 3l. 50

Shaikh-ul-Hind wanted to unite all the Islamic countries under the caliph to join the Afghan, the Frontier Tribes and the Muslim masses as well as Hindus in India in a combined effort to oust the British from India. The proper place to pursuade the Turks and €he Arabs to join him was Saudi Arabia and with this intention he proceeded for Haj. He built 145 hopes vpon the pan- Islamic tendencies visible amongst the Indian Muslims after the declaration of war by Turkey against the British.

The Government wanted to arrest Shaikh-ul-Hind. But he managed to go to Mecca for Haj pilgrimage alongwith his companions and started his journey from Bombay on September IB, 1915. The Goverritient was in the know of his Haj programme 1 but his departure was so secret that it could not arrest him.

2 At Mecca, Shaikh-ul-Hind met Hafiz Abdul Jabbar and discussed with him his whole plan. He requested Hafiz Abdul Jabbar to facilitate his meeting with Ghalib pasha, the Governor of Hejaz. The meeting of the two was arranged, Shaikh- ul-Hind unfolded his plan to Ghalib Pasha and requested him

1» Hxisain Ahmad, op.cit./ p. 213. 2. He was one of the followers of Syed Ahmad Shaheed and belonged to a very religious and educated family of Delhi. He had good relations with authorities at Mecca and vas kiVDwn there as a famous business man. He stayed at Mecca for a nunber of years. 51

to extend all possible help and facilitates to the revolutio­ naries at Kabul, The points of discussions were so crucial that it became necessary to hold another meeting for that purpose. Therefore Ghalib pasha met again next day for final discussion in detail to reach some solutions. Knowing the Shaikh-ul-Hind*s political and educational status among the Indian masses* Ghalib pasha had full confidence in his leadership. He was advised to strengthen the party, maintain strict secrecy and pave the way for a revolution in India. It was also thought that the Amir of Afghanistan would also support the movement and arrange help for a popular agitation in svpport of their claim at the time when the peace negotiations were held at Paris. Later on, he further advised him to go back to India to accelerate his mission, Shaikh-ul-Hind told that he would be arrested in India and would not be allowed to carry on his work. Ghalib pasha insisted and suggested that the Muslims of, India by themselves would not be able to achieve much and, therefore, they must secure the confidence and co- 1 operation of Hindus.

1, Husain Ahmad Madani, QSuSiiX'» pp. 214-215> See also I.H. Qureshi, Ulema in Polit^cs^ Delhi, 1986, p. 246. 52

Ghalib pasha appreciated the mission and promised to help him in his endeavours to attack India through the Khaiber pass. He also gave three letters to him. The first letter was addressed to the Indian Muslims asking them to be ready for 'Jehad' against the British. This letter came to be known as "Ghalib Nama" because of the signa- 1 ture and seal of Ghalib Pasha on it. The second letter was addressed to Basri pasha, the Governor of Madina introducing the Shaikh-ul-Hind as a reliable person and requested hi» to arrange for his journey to Constantinople. The third letter v.as addressed to Ghazi Anwar Pasha, the Minister of War, recommending that the requirements of Shaikh-ul-Hind be immedia- 2 tely arranged and si;pplied with.

A translation of important passages of Ghalib Nama given in the Report of Sedition Committee appointed by the Government 3 of India in 1918 runs as follows:

"The Mohammadans in Asia, Europe and Africa adorned themselves with all sorts of arms and rushed to join the Jehad in the path of God. Thanks to Almighty God that the Turkish

1. Ziya-ul-Hasan Faruqi, op.cit., p. 61. 2. Mohammad Mian, Tehrik Shaikh-ul-Hjnd^ op.cjt., p. 78 3. Sedition Committee R«aport. I^IS. Calcutta, 1918, p. 179. 53

Army and .Mujathideen have overcome the enemies of Islam. Ohl Moslems, therefore attack the tyrannical Christian Government under whose bondage you are hasten to put all your efforts, with strong resolution, to strange the enemy to death and show your hatred and enemity for them. It may also be known to you that Maulvi Mahmud-ul-Hasan Effendi (formerly at the Deoband Madarsa) came to us and sought our counsel. We agreed with him in this respect and gave him necessary instructions. You should trust hiro if he comes to you and help him with men, money and whatever he requires,**

Shaikh-ul-Hind was not in a mood to retxicn to India but his intention was to go to Istumbool through Madina Munawwira after meeting Ghalib pasha. He sent back Maulana Matlub-ur-Rahman, one of his companions of Haj, imnediately to India. Shaikh-ul-Hind also sent back to Maulana Murtaza and Mohammad Mian from Madina to India with Ahmad Mian, brother of Mohammad Mian. The first letter of Ghalib pasha, for Indian Muslims was given to Mohammad Mian, who was to show it, to 1 certain men in India and then to pass it on to frontier. Murtaza, Mohammad Mian and Ahmad Mian successfully evaded

1. Y. Dev Prasad, the Indian Muslims and World War 1(1914-1918) , pp. 13 5-136 (quoted from the Report on Silk letter case. Central Intelligence Department, U.p. Part I, p. 16, L/P Sc 3/10/633. No. 4260/1916^. 54 the vigilance of the customs officials when they arrived at 1 2 Bombay. Mohammad Zahur and Mohammad Husain received them at Bombay. Mohammad Zahur and Mohammad Husain had collected funds for Shaikh-ul-Hind's trip to Saudi Arabia and were in his full confidence.

From Bombay Moharmnad Mian and Murtaza went to Bhopal through Randhar and met Nawab Mohiuddin Ahmad Khan, Qazi of Bhopal state. Qazi Saheb was a very close friend of Shaikh-ul- Hind from his student life at Deoband. At the time of Shaikh-ul- Hind's journey for Haj, he had gone to Bombay to see him off. 3 He was fully informed of all the activities of Shaikh-uI-Hind.

From Bhopal, Mohammad Mian proceeded to Northern India and met Hamdullah of Panipat and Moharranad Mobin. Hamdullah, a faithful follower of Shaikh-ul-Hind and known as his "Khas Adni" was left behind in India by Shaikh-ul-Hind to look after the families of the fellow plotters in India and those who had 4 accompanied him to Arabia. Mohammad Mobin was a Mudarris in the Islamia Madarsa at Ambala and had become a devotee of Shaikh-ul- Hind only about six months before he left for Arabia in September

1. He belonged to Saharanpur and was attached to the Arabic School at Roorkee. 2. He came from Randhar, near Surat and was educated at Deoband. 3. y. Dev Prasad, op.cit., p. 136. 4- Ibid. 55

1915. He was sent to Calcutta to brief the programme of Shaikh-xil-Hind's journey to Maul ana Abul Kalam Azad (1888-19 58) 1 and bring Azad's reply.

Mohammad Mian also had interviews with Hasrat Mohani, the renowned Urdu poet, at Aligarh and Azad at Calcutta. After meeting Abu Mohammad alias Ahmad Chakwali, a very intimate associate of Obaidullah and Imam of the Sufi Mosque at Lahore, Mohammad Mian crossed the frontier towards the end of April 1916 2 and showed the Ghalib Nama to the tribes men there.

Thus, Mohammad Mian dissiminated the message of Ghalib pasha with the instruction given by Shaikh-ul-Hind to his followers in India and North-West Frontier. He met Obaidullah Sindhi and discussed his plan which was sent by Shaikh-ul-Hind in August 1915. By this time Mahandra Pratap and Barkatullah, with an anti-British mission, reached Afghanistan from the West. They began to work together with Obaidullah for a common cause 3 to induce the Amir of Afghanistan to abandon his neutrality.

Shaikh-xil-Hind met Basri Pasha, Governor of Madina and delivered him the second letter of Ghalib pasha. Minister of War. Later on Jaroal Pasha, Suez commander of Hejaz and Anwar

1. Ibid., ppr 136-37. 2. Ibid., p. 137. 3. Bamford P.O., History of the Non-CQQperatj.on and Khilafat Movements, Delhi, 1925, pp. 124-25. 56

Pasha both came to Madina and thus# Maul ana was able to meet 1 them secretly. He also handed over the third letter of Ghalib Pasha to them. They warmly received him and were very glad with his meeting. They emphasized that Indians should continue the freedom movement till they attained complete independence. It was decided that a peace conference would be held in near future where Turkey and her allies would raise and discuss the question of Indian Independence. They were assured of all possible help and full co-operation in this behalf. Shaikh-ul-Hind was eager to pay a visit to the Mujahideen camp at the Frontier of India. But this could not be materialized since the allies were in occupation of Iran and the transit 2 through that country was not possible.

Anwar Pasha and Jamal Pasha wrote letter to Indian Muslims extending full co-operation in achieving the objectives of their mission. The letter known as Anwar Kama, was in three languages i.e. Arabic, Persian and Turkish. It was very signi­ ficant to note that Turkish people developed full confidence in Shaikh-ul-Hind. Not only this, they also ordered the Turks to help and participate in the national struggle of Shaikh-ul- Hind.

1. Husain Ahmad Madani, op.cit., p..217. 2. Ibid., pp. 219-220; See also I.H. Qureshi, op.cit.. p. 251 3. Ibid., p. 221. 57

It was proposed that the letter under reference should be sent to different activist centres and branches in India, But it was not easy to do since British intelligence kept strict vigilance over the matter. However, as the delivering of the letter was necessary, it was carefully concealed in the cavity of the bottom of a box in which clothes were packed and sent to India through Mauiana Hadi Hasan Khanjahanpuri (Muzacfarnagar) 1 and Haji Shah Bakhsh Sindhi who were close associates of Shaikh-ul-Hind with instructions to deliver the letters to Haji Nurul Hasan (Muzaf famagar) who was to get them photographed by Ahmad Mirza, photographer of Delhi and also to distribute 2 them to the relevant persons.

Mauiana Hadi Hasan and Haji Shah Bakhsh returned from Haj by ship and reached Bombay sea port. The box carrying the letter successfully passed without any checking through Mauiana Mohammad Nabi of Khanjahanpuri, a sincere follower of Shaikh- ul-Hind. It was known to the Indian police (Intelligence) that some followers of Shaikh-ul-Hind had come by this ship with instruction frcm Shaikh-ul-Hind. Therefore, Mauiana Hadi Hasan alongwith some other associates were arrested by police at

1. Both were Shaikh-ul-Hind's friends and members of the revolutionary party. 2. Husain Ahmad Madani, op,cit,, pp. 2 22-23; See also S. Abid Husain, The Destiny of Indian Muslims, Delhi, 1965, pp. 1^-n. 58

Bombay and were sent to prison. The Government wanted from him some confidential information about the Shaikh-ul-Hind's role against British but it was a vain effort. Maulana Mohammad Nabi got the said letter. Police made a raid on the Maulana's house but they failed to trace the letter and the said letter was sent to Nurul Hasan who passed it on to Haji Ahmad Mirza, the photographer of Delhi. Thus, the whole mission of delivering the letter was successfully completed. Though the Government was chasing the letter but all its attempts to seize the letter had failed. Thus, Haji Nurul Hasan distributed 1 the photo copies of this letter to all the centres and branches of the movement according to the instructions of Shaikh-ul- 2 Hind.

It was expected that the distribution of this letter among the Indian people would have a wide impact but the expec­ tations were not fulfilled because of the First World War. This had an adverse effect on Turkey whose defeat was a 3 foregone conclusion. At this critical juncture the secret mission of ^haikh-ul-Hind to Saudi Arabia was leaked out to the Indian Government by some of his relatives who had come to

1. There were seven main centres according to Obaidullah Sindhi: (a) Deoband, (b) Delhi, (c) Dinapur Shareef, (d) Amrawat Shareef, (e) Khada (Karachi) , (f) Chakwal (g) one was in Bengal, See Mohammad Mian, ^seQr^p-e-»l^;ita. Qp«cit», p. 31. 2. Husain Ahmad Madani, op.cit.# pp. 223-226; See also Ghulam Rasul Mehr, Sarquzish-e-Mu1ahideen, Lahore, 1906, p. 560. 3. Ibid^. p. 227. 69

Mecca and delivered money and the message of his followers in India. This messenger was not politically mature and when he was arrested in Bombay while returning from Mecca, he told all 1 about Anwar Nama to the Government. it also appears that some officials of CID had joined Shaikh-ul-Hind in his Haj pilgrimage who noted all the activities of his movement and made it avai­ lable to the Government of India.

During the Haj pilgrimage Shaikh-ul-Hind went fron Madina to Taif to meet Ghalib Pasha to discuss future programme of action of his mission. He explained the whole position to him and wanted to know his line of action. Meanwhile the Britishers were doing their best to overthrow the Turkish rule in Arabia through their agent, the Sharif Husain and when Shaikh-ul-Hind was in Taif, he received the news of the revolt of Shareef of Mecca against Turkey in December 1916, Taif was cut off from other parts of the country for about six weeks. Ghalib pasha advised Shaikh-ul-Hind to go back to India at the 2 earliest to mobilize public opinion against the British.

When communications with Taif were restored after about one and a half months, Shaikh-ul-Hind moved to Mecca. It was decided that since it was difficult to go to India due to

1. Husain Ahmad Madani, op.cit., pp. 228-231. 2. I.H. Qureshi, op.cit.# p. 252. 60 political problems, he should stay in Hejaz for sometimes to get exact information about Indian political development and the attitude of the Government against him before proceeding to India. But the political situation in India was not in his favour and, therefore, he planned to stay at Mecca till next Haj.

The Silk l,etters Conspiracy;

Inspite of all the drawbacks, the followers of Shaikh- ul-Hind had planned to establish a Provisional Government at Kabul. The most active in this scheme was Maul ana Obaidullah Sindhi, a lieutenant of Shaikh-ul-Hind. The other companions of Obaidullah Sindhi were Abdullah, Pateh Mohammad and Mohammad Ali.

Mauiana Obaidullah Sindhi wrote a series of letters explaining his programme for the establishment of a Provisional Government at Kabul. Since these letters were written on silk 1 clothes, these are known as Silk Letters. The Goverrxnent came to know about the ^iik Letters in August, 1916. The Rowlatt Committee Report, 1918, gives the following accounts of the Silk Letters Conspiracy:

1. Abdul Hamid/ Muslim Separatism in India, Oxford University Press, 1967, p. 117. 61

The Provisional Government had to prepare an army known as the "Army of God" which was to draw its recruits from India anc to bring about an alliance among all the Muslim rulers in India and outside. The Army of God which was also to be known as Junudullah had its headquarters at Medina with Shaikh-\il-Hind as its General-in-Chief. Other headquarters of 1 the Army of God were to be at Constantinople* Tehran and Kabul.

Maulana Mohammad Mian in his book entitled Tehfik Shaikh-ul-Hind gives another version about the movement of the Shaikh which appears to be more authentic than the C.I.D. Report cited above. According to Maulana Mohammad Mian while in Afghanistan* Maulana obaidullah Sindhi had sent these letters known as silk letters to Shaikh Abdur Rahim Sindhi in India through one Shaikh Abdul Haq, introducing him to take them to Shaikh-ul-Hind at Madina or send them through some 2 very reliable Haji. He arrived in India and it is not known as to under what cirConstances Abdul Haq showed the letters to Rub Nawaz Khan, a police oi^ficer in Multan, whom he had served as private servant previously, instead of handing it over to Shaikh Abdur Rahim who was to take them to Maulana M a hm ud-xil-Has a n.

1. See the Rowlatt Committee Reoort 1918, p. 178. 2. Mohammad Mian, Tehrik Shaikh-ul-Hind. pp. 69-70. 62

The CID report revealed that Rub Nawaz had got the letters on August 4/ 1916 but the same could not be put xjp before the Ccxnniissioner of Multan before August 14, 1916, 1 because of the latter's absence. Rub Nawaz Khan told the Commissioner that Abdul Haq had been specially sent from Kabul with the instructions to deliver the letters to Abdur Rahim of Hyderabad (Sindh) and return to Kabul after obtaining the receipt of these letters. At first the Commissioner did not give any importance to them and considered it a joke but later on he handed it over to the C.I.D. branch of the Punjab which got it translated by August 3o, 1916 leading to a thorough 2 enquiry.

The letters were neatly written on three bits of yellow silk. The first letter was addressed to Shaikh Abdur Rahim of Hyderabad; second to Maul ana Mahmud-ul-Hasan and the third 3 letter was the continuation of the second letter. The first and the third letters were signed by Maulana Obaidullah Sindhi himself. The second letter bore no signatures. The inquiry, however, revealed that it was written by Maulana Mohammad Mian.

1. Mohammad Mian, op,clt., p. 126. 2. Ibid. 3. Ibid., p. 127. 63

The first letter dated July 10, 1916, addressed to Shaikh Abdur Rahini was a sort o^ covering letter. It mentioned the following points: (1) the letter was to be sent to Shaikh-ul- Hind at Madtna, (2) Shaikh-ul-Hind was to be warned both verbally and by the letter that he should not cane to Kabul, (3) Shaikh Abdur Rahini was instructed to join him at Kabul, (4) Shaikh Abdur Rahim was told that, if necessary, he might get assistance from Hamdullah of Panipat in forwarding the letter to Madina. Shaikh Abdur Rahim was also instructed to send the answer from the latter either directly to Kabul or through Ahmad Lahori 1 alias Ahmad Chakwali.

The second letter dated July 9, 1916 was addressed to Maulana Mahmud-ul-Hasan but did not bear any signatures at the end. The author therein described the position of Madarsa at Deoband after his arrival from Jeddah, the activities of Mujahideen in Yagistan region, the favourable effect of the Ghalib Nama and the negotiations that were going on with the Government of Kabul to seek its help against the British and the arrival of Indo-German and the Turkish Mission in Kabul. It also mentioned the arrival of Raja Mahendra pratap and Maulvi Barkatullah 2 from Germany to assist him in his mission.

1. Mohammad Mian, op.cit^, p. 268. 2. Ibid.. pp. 269-271. 64

In the third letter dated nil, Maulana Obaidullah Sindhi had very elaborately described the formation of Junudullah (the army of God) , Provisional Goverrinent of India and fine I relation with Indo-German mission.

A study of the translation of the second and the third silk letters rendered by Dev Prasad in his book Indj.ap, MusjL ims and World War I reveals that Obaidullah Sindhi in association with Raja Mahendra pratap had wide connection throughout Asia and Europe. With the sole intention of liberating India under the instruction of Shaikh-ulHind an army was organised of which Raja Mahendra Prasad was the president. There was an another army known as Al-Junud-al-Rabbania which was a special Islamic Jamaat based on military principle. It was to con act the Muslim rulers. The Shaikh-\il-Hind was appointed president and 2 Medina was the head-quarters of this Provisional Government.

The scheme was an ambitious one and by no means impossible of execution in the circumstances that existed. The revolu­ tionaries in Afghanistan specially the Pan-Islamic Party were sure of its success but unfortunately Abdul Haq who carried

1. Mohammad Mian, op.cit., pp. 276-77. 2. Syed Mahboob Rizvi, History of Day-ul-Uloom Deoband, Vbl. II, Tr. Murtaza Husair Qureshi, Deoband, 19 80, p. 139. 65 those letters/ instead of talcing them to the persons concerned/ revealed their contents to Khan B^hadiir Rvb Nawab Khan. Therev^on the authorities in India were apprised of the whole conspiracy.

This discovery resulted in the arrest of many persons in the Punjab, Sindh/ Delhi and Peshawar. In all 59 persons were convicted in what came to be known as the Siik Letters Conspiracy 1 case.

The conspiracy did not succeed because of the attitude of neutrality adopted by the Amir of Afghanistan. Another factor which proved a stunbling block in the fulfilment of the project was the revolt of Sharif Husain of Mecca who revolted against the Ottoman Empire on British instigation and joined the 2 British forces to drive the Turks out of Mesopotamia.

The failure of the silk letters conspiracy made the Govern­ ment of India very cautious about the Ulema grovjps. The British used Sharif of Mecca against Turks and won their objectives which was the defeat of Turkey in war. This weakened the position of 3 Shaikh-ul-Hind. His whole plan leaked out because of the

1. T.R. Sareen/ Indian Revo;LutjLonary Movement Abroad/ 1905-1920, Delhi/ 1979/ p. 182. 2. Tara Chand/ Historv of the Freedom Movement in India, Vo^. Ill, p. 415. 3. R.c. Majundar/ History of the Freedom Movement in India,Vol.II Calcutta/ 1962/ p. 445. 66 negligence of his associates which provided too much informa­ tion to the Government leading to the imprisonment of responsible persons in India*

The arrest of Shaikh-ul-Hind was now the foremost question with the Goverrment of India. Government wanted to implicate him through some other ways also. Therefore, on the instruction of Govermient a fatwa against Turkey was framed by Khan Bahadur 1 Mubarak Ali Aurangabad. Government wanted Shaikh-ul-Hind to approve and sign the Fatwa. The content of the Fatwa was against Turkey but in favour of Sharif Husain acknowledging the sovereignty of the Sharif over Mecca. This was against the principle and policy of Shaikh-ul-Hind who refused to sign and this caused his and his party's arrest by the Sharif's forces. Ultimately the Shaikh and his party was brought to Jeddah on 2 December 17, 1916. After one month they were sent to Egypt from Jeddah and then sent to Khera (another side of Nile river) where two hundred other political prisoners mostly Muslims were already in Jail. At that time the British authorities also interviewed the Shaikh- ul-Hind about the whole case of Silk LettersConspiracy to which

1. Mohammad Mian, Aseeran-e-MaJ.ta, op.cit., p. 43. 2. Husain Ahmad, Naash-e-Havat, Vbl. II. op.cit., pp. 232-33, 67 he very boldly replied. Some of the questions he wss asked were as to why he did not sign the Fatwa and what was the reality in the Silk Letters Conspiracy. In reply to the former he said that it was against Shariah and for the second 1 he expressed his inability. Other questions were also very boldlyreplied by the Shaikh which reflected his audacity to face the challenge of the British. Thereafter,he was confined in a dark room.

After a month and half they were transferred Malta» an island in the Mediterrean sea, on February 21, 1917.

Malta has its own strategic importance and it had been known as 'Kala Pani' where all the State Prisoners were kept in those days. Before the arrival of Shaikh-ul-Hind there were already two thousand prisoners of different nationalities and religions, like* Germany, Austria, Bulgaria, Egypt and Syria. The Jail life of the prisoners was of a different sort. They devoted themselves to study History, Politics, regional langua­ ges and discussed current problems without any fear. They sympathied each other and there was a perfect cordiality among them.

1. Mohammad Mian, A3eeran-e-Ma].ta, op.cit., pp. 46-47. 68

Shaikh-ul-Hind was respected by all prisoners. They were highly impressed by Shaikh-i;!-Hind's scholarship and hunanitarianism. Man's conversation is an index of his internal motive. They knew that Shaikh-ul-Hind suffered because he was fighting for the independence of his country and this naturally made him their hero who gave him all respects and put their caps on his feet. Actually, it is not the credit of Shaikh-ul- Hind but (who is for Allah/ Allah 1 is for himX

Malta is an island in the hemisphere the climate of v*iich did not suit him. In the early hours of the morning when most of the people were still asleep, he got up for his Tahajjud Namaz and thence his day started. It included prayers, lessons of Quran to his other co-prisoners anc' the teaching of other 2 leading Islamic books. Their lives were not a bed of roses. They had to undergo great hardship and suffered tremendous pain. The most trying period of the Shaikh's prison life was the moment when one of his colleagues Maulana Nusrat Husain passed away in 3 1919 in Malta Jail.

1. Husain Ahmad Madani, Safaf-Nama Sh^ikh-ul-Hind/ pp. 76-81. 2. Maulana Asghar Husain, Havat-Shaikh-ul-Hlnd. Darul Kitab Asghariya, Deoband, 1948, pp. 96-97. 3. Mohammad Mian, Ulema-e-Haq, Vol. I, op.cit., pp. 161-61. 69

Having stayed in Malta for three years and two months on March 12, 1920 on Friday at 10.00 a.m. they were ordered to be released. A special ship 'Aukboat* took them to Iskandaria on March 15, 1920. Here the prisoners were sent to the jail of Syedi Bashar (Egypt) and were kept there for eighteen days. Here too they had undergone great hardship. Most of the pri­ soners were Turks but they were not allowed to talk with others.

On April 2, 192o# Shaikh-ul-Hind and his colleagues were sent to Suez by train where they were sent to another prisoners camp far from the populated area in which they stayed for 6 weeks and from where they were again taken to Suez on 1 May 22, 1920. The same day they were taken by ship to Aden. From here Shaikh's party sent three telegrammes to Hakim Mohammad Hasan, at Deoband, Dr. Mukhtar Ahuad Ansari at Delhi , Hakim Ajmeri at Bombay about their arrival to Bombay on June 8, 2 1920 . The Shaikh was cordially welcomed at Bombay and he felt free after having been a state prisoner for more than 3 years.

At Bombay Shaikh-ul-Hind was seen by Maulana Rahim Bakhsh an agent of the British Government. He was advised to avoid political activities. He further advised him to go back to

1. Husain Ahmad Madani, Safar Nama Shaikh-ul-H^nd, pp. 124-27 2. Husain Alxnad, Naash-e-Havat, op.cit./ p. 23 6. 70

Deoband directly without any break of journey. But Shaikh-ul- Hind did not accept these suggestions. They were received by Khilafat Committee and many Indian prominent leaders. After two days sojourn he went to Delhi and stayed with Dr. Ansari and finally reached Deoband through Meerut, Muzaffarnagar on 1 June 14, 1920 getting warm welcome throughout his journey.

The Shaikh's arrival in Deoband, the place which nurtured him and made him what he was, and which was most dear to him, was celebrated with great festivities. "With what sincerity, favour and jubilation, a glorious welcome was accorded to him could be estimated by only those people who had witnessed this auspicious scene." said in a report. The residents of Deoband who had been hearing of him since last five years and who were eager to get him around were now extremely happy that God had 2 saved their saviour from the clutches of the British.

1. Husain Ahmad, Safar Nama, op.cit., p. 128» See also Qazi Mohammad Adeel Abbasi, Tehrik-e-Khilafat, Delhi, 1978, p. 167, 2, Syed Mahboob Rizvi, History of Dar-ul-Uloom Deoband, Vol. I, (Tr. by Murtaza H.F. Qureshi) , Deoband, 1980, pp. 197-98. CHAPTER - V

POLITICAL ROLE AFTER RELEASE

In 1918-19 when Shaikh-ul-Hind Maulana Mahmud-ul-Hasan reached India, it was seething with discontent. Indians who held high expectations of a brighter India felt sulky. Indian peasantry had become poor and desperate. The prices soared high, much beyond the expectation of the common man. Punjab which had supplied the bulk of soldiers to Indian army did not receive its due and it had become a centre of revolutionary 1 activities. This led to the introduction of the Rowlatt Bill in April 1919 into the legislative council through which the

British intended to deal with the agitators after summary trials 2 and without the least legal formalities.

On February 24, 1919 Gandhiji started Satyagraha and on

March 8, 1919 a meeting was held at Bombay which said that the bills known as the Indian Criminal Law Amendment 1919 was unjust, subversive to the principles of liberty and justice 3 and were destructive of the elementary rights. On April 6,1919

1. Hirendranath Mukerjee, India St^ruggles for Freedom, Bombay, 1948, p. Ill,

2. Ram Gopal, How India Struggled for Freedom, Bombay, 1967, pp. 300-301.

3. Pattabhi Sitaramayya, History of the Indian National Congress Vbl. I. Bombay, 1947, p. 161. 72

Gandhi started his All India Satyagraha against the Rowlatt 1 Act. Both Hindus and Muslims responded to his call with enthusiasm. On April 8, 1919# Gandhiji left Bombay for Delhi but was arrested at Palwal. On account of the outbreak of violence in the movement Gandhi suspended the Satyagraha on April 18, 1919. But in the same year, the Jallianwala Bagh 2 massacre changed the entire atmosphere. The hand of svjppression fell heavily once again and the Martial Law was promulgated throughout the Punjab.

As for the Muslims, they were more embittered because of the peace proposals after the end of war in 1919 which had falsified the assurances given to th«n about Turkey and the Khilafat. They were also worried about the HOly Places in the 3 Hejaz which were to go under the control of non-MusUms. It disturbed the Muslims of India, Khilafat Day was observed throughout India. Thousands of meetings were held in which restoration of the Holy Places to Turkey was demanded and the Jallianwala Bagh incident and Rowlatt Act condemned.

1. B.N. Pandey, The Indian National Movement 1885-194 7^ Delhi, 1979, p. 52. 2. Dr. Rajendra Prasad* Autobiography, Bombay, 1957, p. 107. 3. Ziya-rul-Hasan Faruqi, op.cit.. p. 63, 73

At this time Gandhiji joined the Khilafat Movement from which platform he was soon to declare non-cooperation against the Goverrxnent. He had been interested in the Hindu-^iisl im unity since his days in South Africa. The LiJcknow Pact accor­ ding to him did not form an adequate basis for unity. He hed established contact with the Ali Brothers and felt that 1 their Khilafat demand was just. He protested against their arrest. The Treaty of Versailles sharpened the edge of the movement which dismembered the Turkish empire. The Sultan was deprived of the real authority in his remaining territory. The Muslims of India decided to force Britain to change her Turkish policy. A Khilafat committee was formed under the leadership of Maul ana Aza6, Hakim Ajmal Khan and Hasrat Mohani. Gandhi was willing to help it. The Khilafat agitation was to him "an opportunity of uniting Hindus and Muslims as would not arise in a hundred years.** Gandhi viewed it rather too simply as a unity of hearts. "If I deem the Mohammedan to be my brother", he wrote in Young India, "it is my duty to help him in his hour of peril to the best of my ability, if his 2 cause commends itself to me as just."

1. V.D. Mahajan, British Rule in India and After. Delhi, 1980, p. 410. 2. Bipin Chandra, Freedom Struc^qle, Delhi, 1972, p. 132. 74

1 At the same time, the Jamiyat-ul-Ulema-i-Hind was founded in the wake of Khilafat Movement in 1919. For the first time, it broixfht the Ulema of all shades of opinion on a common platform and induced them to organize themselves into a religious political body to guide the Muslims of India in 1 their religious and political matter. The Jamiyat-ul-Ulema-i- Hind was organized with the exclusive purpose of safeguarding the 'shariat' and giving the Muslims community religious

1. The Jamiyat started as a body of Muslim religious leader belonging to different schools. But after the collapse of the Non-Co-operation Movement and the Khilafat agitation when the Hindu-Muslim question assuned a burning importance, it generally came to be dominated by the Deobandi Ulema. There has always been in it, however a nunber of non-Deobandi elements influential in their respective spheres.

2. Mohammad Mian, Jam iyat-ul-Ulema Keva Hai, Part, I, Delhi, p. 9. 75 and political guidance according to Islamic principles and 1 commandnents.

This was the political situation of India when Shaikh- ul-Hind came back to India in 1919. He had to bear severe hardships in his old age as an internee, therefore his health broke dawn. But inspite of his ill health during this short

Aims and objects of Jamiyat as laid down were as follows: 1. To guide the followers of Islam in their political and non-political matters from religious point of view. 2. To defend on 'sharaih (Rules of Islam) grounds, Islam, centres of Islam (the Jazirat-ul-Areib and the seat of the Khilafat) , Islamic rituals and customs and Islamic nationalism against all odds injurious to them. 3. To achieve and protect the general religious and natio- . nal. rights of the Muslims. 4. To organize the Ulema on a connrnon platform. 5. To organize the Muslim community and launch a programme for its moral and social reform. 6. To establish good and friendly relations with the non- Muslims of the country to the extent permitted by the Shariat-i-Islamiah. 7. To fight for the freedom of the community and religion according to the shariah. 8. To establish Mahakim-i-shariah (religious court) to meet the religious needs of the community. 9. To prcpagate Islam, by way of missionary activities in India and foreign lands. 10. To maintain and strengthen the bond of unity and fraterna relations (as ordained by Islam) with Muslims of other countries* See Asasi-Usul-o-AQraz-o-Maaasid-o-iidawabit'-e- ,Jamivat-ul-Ulema-e-Hind, p. 16. 76 period he succeeded in giving a nev? turn to the sitxjation and 1 aided the anti-British spirit in Indian Muslims. Shaikh-ul- Hind stood for the independence of India and was determined to do everything his country needed.

Shaikh-ul-Hine was brought to Bombay on June 8, 1919 the Khilafat Committee accorded him a hearty reception, presen­ ted an address and conferred on him the title of "Shaikh-ul- Hind* (leader of India) in recognition of his services to the cause of freedcm. Gandhiji and other leaders were also there for his reception. They briefed him about the political situa­ tion at home.. Maulana Abdul Bari Firangi Maheli (Lucknow) , the active member of Khilafat Movement, who was in Bombay to receive him explained to him the Joint Khilafat-Congress programme to which he gave his sv;^port. Gandhi ji returned his Qaiser-a-Hind gold medal anc started touring the whole country. A special session of the Congress was convened in September 1920 which had approved the Non-Cooperation programme of Gandhiji which meant the surrender of titles, resignation from the honourary posts, refxised to attend Government, Durbars, withdrawal of students from the Government schools and Colleges and the esta­ blishment of their own etc. Shaikh-ul-Hind lent his svpport

1. Husain, S. Abie., op.clt., p. 77. 77

to Mahatina Gandhi and after a few days, he issued his fatwa 1 giving religious sanction to the Non-Co-operation Movement.

Not only this, he prepared some bacic principles for all Muslims in support of the Non-Co-operation. It v^as to return honour and titles to the Government and to refuse parti­ cipation in any council of Government and to avoid the adnission of their children in Government schools and colleges.

He also made a revolutionary tour of Kora Jahanabad, district Fatehpur, Allahabad, Ghazipur, Faizabad. Lucknow and Moradabad exhorting the Muslims to follow the lead of the Khilafat Congress leaders and work for the success of the Non- cooperation Movement. He did it in spite of his serious illness and against the advice of his doctors. Frail health and conti­ nuous illness prevented him from addressing the meetings. Therefore Maulana Shabbir Ahmad Usmani who accompanied him whereve he went /read the speeches in all the places on behalf of Shaikh-ul-Hind 3 in favour of Khilafat and Non-Cooperation Movements-j-.^-

1. Ziya-ul-Hasan Faruqi, op.cit., p. 64. ^^>^, '^ 2. Dr. Abu Sulman Shahjahanpuri,Shaikh-ul-HincHB

The Impact of the tour of Shaikh-ul-Hind in different places for mobilizing Musims in favour of Non-Co-operation was great. The appeals of Shaikh-ul-Hind cemented the bond of unity between Hindus and Muslims and thus his association made the movements very powerful.

The fatwa in favour of the Non-Co-operation Movement was a new device of Shaikh-ul-Hind to fight British after he returned to India. He felt that without the cooperation of Hindus and Muslims, it was impossible to achieve independence. He justified the participation of the Musalmans in the Non- Co-operation Movement and told them that their religion would not tolerate any injustice towards any people.

Fatwa was the only instrument through Muslims could be united and mobilised. Musalmans respected none but the Holy Quran and Shaikh-ul-Hind interpreted it according to the true spirit of the Book. For the mobilization of the entire Muslim population of the country he published another fatwa with the signatures of five hundred Ulema. This fatwa had a profovind impact on Muslims in developing anti-British spirit. During that period, Non-Co-operation was the burning issue for all Indians. Therefore,the students of Mohammedan Anglo-Oriental College, Aligarh, also needed a clarification about their involvement

1. Magam-e-Mahmud, op.cit., p. 230. 79 in the Non-Co-operation Movement. The Shaikh-ul-Hind was quick to issue a fatwa which was very significant and which reflects the ideology and activities of Shaikh-ul-Hind about the Non- Co-operation. Mot only this it highlights his attitude about Britishers. He excited the students of the College for their participation in the Non-Co-operation Movement with courage and sincerity. He advised the Muslim youths that this was not the time of heavenly discussions but the time to work against the enemies of Islam under the non-violent weapon of non- cooperation. He f xarther communicated through these deliberation that the monetary aids of a Government for Colleges which was so hostile should not be accepted. There was no need of permission of the parents for the involvement of students in the Non-Co-operation Movement. He told them to convince the parents that their involvement in the Non-Co-operation Movement was their duty and responsibility. In response to this fatwa, majority of the students of the Aligarh College left their studies inspite of the fact that the College authorities were not ready to participate in the Non-Co-operation Movement led by Indian National Congress . it is very significant to note that there were two groves among Muslims. One group was in favour of co-operation with the Government and the followers of Sir Syed Ahmad Khan were the chief advocates of this groip. 80

The other group was those of Ulema who was in favour of the Non-Cooperation and opposed Government.

Through this fatwa Shaikh-ul-Hind had highlighted the place of Non-Co-operation Movement in the light of the Holy Quran and also emphasised the mode of behaviour, every Muslims should have with Christians, The fatwa highly revolutionarised the students of Aligarh College and they boycotted the College and decided to established a separate institution free from 1 the interference of the Government.

During his last days when the icy hand of death was fast approaching towards him and due to excessive weakness he could hardly move# he was asked to lay down the foundation of 2 the Jamia Millia Islamia at Aligarh in October 29, 1920. The inauguration ceremony of Jamia took place in the College Mosque. This was a part of the Non-Cooperation Movement and all leading nationalists including Maulana MDhammad Ali, Maulana Shaukat Ali, Hakim Ajmai Khan, A.M. Khwaja, Dr. Ansari and Gandhiji all participated. Shaikh-ul-Hind's health had been deteriorating and he had fever every day which had confined him to the bed. He was not able to speak, therefore, Maulana Shabbir Ahmad Usmani read the inaugural address in the ceremony.

1. Abu Sulman Shahjahanpuri, op.cit., pp. 71-78. 2. Mujeeb M., The Indian Muslims^ London, 1967, p. 524, 81

The historical and important sentences from his address are noted below:

"I have come here at your call in the hope of redis­ covering one of my lost gems. IT^ere are pious people whose faces are lit i:p with the glow of intense worship, but their hearts 1 start sinJcing when they are asked to rise and save the ' unmah' , 2 from the hands of the 'Kuffar' then they are afraid not of Allah but of a few unholy individuals and their military weapons ... comrades, I with a few of my friends, took a step towards Aligarh when i felt that I shall find sympathisers in my grief (which has been consuming my bones) , not in Madarsas and Khanqas (Monasteries) but in schools and colleges, thus we have been able to establish intimate relations between two historic centres of learning in India, Deoband and Aligarh. The informed ones among you know that my elders never issued a fatwa of Kufr prohibiting the learning of any foreign language or the sciences of other peoples. Yes, they did say that the ultimate result of English education, as has been generally seen, was that it inspires in the way of Christians and were in the habit of showering blasphemous remarks over their religion and co-religionists or turned out to be the worshippers of the government of the days.

1. Believers and followers of Islam. 2. Non-believers. 82

Hence/ they considered it better to remain ignorant than to acquire knowledge in such fashions.

"The great leaders of our nation have, as a matter of fact, realized the basic need of the Uhimat-i-Islamia. If the students of Muslim institution where modern sciences are taughtt, are kept ignorant of their religion, thereby forgetting their Islamic and national duties, then such institutions become instrunental in weakening the prestige of the Muslims. Therefore, it has been announced that there will be laid the foundation of an independent University which has nothing to do with government subsidy and interference and whose organization is 1 based on Islamic principles and national aspirations."

The second annual session of Jamiyat-ul-Ulema-e-Hind was held just before a week of his death on November 20-21, 2 1920 at Delhi. It was decided that Shaikh-ul-Hind would be the president in second session. In those days he resided at 3 the residence of Dr. Mukhtar Ahmad Ansari (Delhi) for treatment. He was not able to participate but his presidential address like his former addresses was read by Maul ana Shabbir Ahmad Usmani. It clearly brings out the main ideas of Shaikh-ul-Hind

1. Shaikh-ul-Hind, Khutba-e-Sadarat, Aligarh 192o, pp. 1-8. 2. Mohammad Mian, Jamivat-ul-Ulem^ Keva Hai. p. 36. 3. Husain Ahmad Madani* Naash-e-Hayat, Vol. 11, op.cit., p. 258; See Hardy, P., The Muslims of British India, Cambridge University press, 19 72, p. 194, 83 which are as follows:

1. The greatest enemy of Islam and Muslims of India is the British Government therefore, non-cooperation with her is an obligation to the Muslims. 2. If Hindus render assistance in protecting the Muslims and the caliphate/ they deserve our cooperation and gratitude. 3. For the liberation of India, active cooperation with Hindus is permissible but it should not violate Muslims religious right.

Some important statements of Shaikh-ul-Hind read in the last meeting of the Jamiyat, had advised the Hindu and Muslim leaders to pay due respects to the legitimate rights of each community. He is reported to have said:

"There is no doubt that Allah has been compassionate enough to you in that he has induced a spirit of co-operation in the hearts of your fellow countrymen who form an overwhelming majority to help you in the achievement of your noble cause. I regard this unity and co-cperation very useful ... For I know that any other situation will be extremely harmful to the cause of independence and the Bcitish bureaucracy will be more ruthless 84 in perpetuating its iron hold on the Indian soil, and if there is any clime imprint of Islamic hegemony left in the land it will be erased for ever. Yes, I have already said and I say it again that if you are interested in perpetuating good and friendly relations between various communities, then their units should be comprehended fully well and they are the same as laid down by Allah/ they should be, in no case, transgressed. There should be no interference in any community's religious affairs, nor in worldly affairs there should be any effort, on behalf of any grocp, to harm and antagonize the other group. I regret to say that many places the situation is the reverse. There are people who in excitement go far ahead in the field of co-operation so far as the religious affairs are concerned, but in Government offices and other fields of economic activity one x3oes not hesitate to injure the interests of the other."

"Today I am not addressing the masses. My addresses are the leaders of both the communities and I ask. them not to be deceived by the nunber of hands raised in st^jport of resolu­ tions in conferences. They should try to take full stock of the personal relations of the Hindus and Muslims and understand 1 their prejudiced rivalries in Government offices."

1. Mohammad Mian, jamiyat-ul-Uleroa Keva Hal, pp. 40-2, See also ZiyS-ul-Hasan Faruqi, op.clt., pp. 70-71. 85

Shaikh-ul-Hind was the most outstanding leader who fought with the British till the last days of his life through Gandhian principles. Undoubtedly he did not live long to see India independent but a seed had been sowed and the spirit he kindled was to continue long. It could be said that the aims and objects of the establishment of Dar-ul-Uloom Deoband was attained by Shaikh-ul-Hind and his associates. Even after returning from Malta when aged people prefer a life of retirement, he actively participated in all the organi2ation which fought against the British Government with Hindus and Muslims.

He died in November 3o, 192o in Delhi and was buried at Deoband by the side of his great teacher Maulana Mohammad 1 Qasim Nanautavi.

1. Mohammad Mian, Ulevna-e-Haa, Vol. I, p. 219. CONCLUSION

The revolt of 1857 was a watershed in the history of India in which the British defeated the Indians and established their rule in this country. It was a bloody revolution in which thousands of people had lost, their lives and the Muslims who were the rulers of this country suffered more than any other community. Though the combined forces of Hinduiand Muslims fought to oust the British but they could withstand a power which was intellectually, materially and economically far superior to them. The heavy hands of the British had fallen on the Muslims and they were made the target of attack from all sides. The British stood to avenge the wrong done to them and a reign of terror prevailed. During this period* a tew personalities among the Muslims appeared on the horizon who had chalked out different stra­ tegies to fight the British, They were Sir Syed Ahmad Khan and Maulana Qasim Nanautawi. While the former stood for the cooperation anc conciliation with the British, the later adopted an exclusive attitude. Both knew that they had to live in this country but both adopted different stra­ tegies. Sir Syed was a great adnirer of modern education and was of the opinion that Muslim should take it unhesitatingly. It would provide them Government jobs and patronage leading to their economic betterment and social uplfit. It would enlighten them politically and would in the long run result in 87

the movement for tht emancipation of India. While Maulana Qasim held the view that oriental learning would show them light and they would be able to meet the challenges posed to them by the British. With these two ideologies - Sir Syed founded the Mahomedan Anglo-Oriental College at Aligarh and Maulana Qasim laid the foundation of a seminary at Deoband (in Saharanpur) . Both these institutions are proud of produ­ cing a number of students who have done marvellous services to the cause of India's independence. Mahmud-ul-Hasan was one of the alunni of Deoband School who relentlessly fought with the British passively for the independence of his motherland.

Shaikh-ul-Hind Maulana Mahroud-ul-Hasan who practically spent all his life in the school, first as a student then as a teacher was a remarkable member of the Ulema group who clearly saw the danger to his country from the British rule and did all that lay in his power to overthrow them.

Early in life he had planned a strategy which he pursued till his last days. His object was to liberate India as well as the Mus.lirr. countries from the British onslaught. For the first time therefore in 1878, Shaikh-ul-Hind began his mission actively under the name of Thamarat-ul-Tarbiyat (the fruit of training) . This organization consisted of his disciples 88 of Darul Uloom Deoband which was to take revolutionary acti­ vities secretly.

In 1909, he extended his plans actively and started his work on two fronts - within the country and abroad. The two were to rise siiriultaneously in armed revolt and drive the British out of India. The armed rising was not planned as purely a Muslim affairs. Prom Punjab the Sikhs and from Bengal the revolutionary party members were invited to cooperate. These preparation were carried out in calmly. In his plan he was very much assisted by his favourite pupil Maulana Obaidullah Sindhi. For the purpose of mobilizing Inc^ians abroad, unity of revolutionary parties of India was essential. He founded an organization called Jamiyat-ut-Ansar in 1890, This vvas not an old boys Association but an association of those revolutionaries who were not pleased with the Government of Britain. To popularize this plan, he organized a convocation (Dastarbandi) in 1910 of Dar-ul-Uloom Deoband.

Due to the untiring efforts of Jamiyat-ul-Ansar anti-British spirit had been roused in the whole Muslim world especially Afghanistan, North-Vvest Frontier Province, Turkey and India. 89

After sometimes, the activities of Jamiyat-ul-Ansar was suspected by the British Government. He also felt that the co-operation of the Western educated people of India was also necessary in his movement. Due to these reasons he directed his favourite pijpil» and Nazim of Jamiyat-ul-Ansar, Maul ana Obaidxillah Sindhi to shift the head-quarters from Deoband to Delhi.

He wanted a base to carry on his activities in some foreign countries. His programme was to unite Afghanistan, Iran and other Muslim countries on a single workable point. For this purpose he sent Obaidullah Sindhi ts Afghanistan on a mission to pursuade Amir Habibullah . of Afghanistan to join Indians to fight the British. He himself went to Hejaz for Haj. The programme of Shaikh-ul-Hind was to proceed to Turkey through Saudi Arabia and from there to Afghanistan to prepare for a confrontation with the British Government.

Maul ana Obaidullah Sindhi succeeded in his mission and convinced the Amir of Afghanistan against British. With the co-operation of Indo-German mission, Maulana Obaidullah Sindhi Raja Mahendra Pratap and Maulana Barkatullah founded a provisiO' nal Government of India in Kabul which sent missions to Russia, Japan and Turkey for their aid in the liberation of their motherland. 90

Shaikh-ul-Hind succeeded in his mission to convince the High Cormnands of Arabs that they would get the cooperation of Indian people in their fight against British Imperialism. The Anwar Nama and Ghalib Nama were the best examples of this. But unfortunately in the mean time, the silk letters, containing full intormation about Hizbullah, were discovered by the British Government which were sent by Obaidullah Sindhi.

Consequently/ Shaikh-ul-Hind and some of his close associates were arrested by Saudi Police and sent to Malta jail as state prisoners where they were confined for four years and had to bear the brunt of the British Government.

In 1919, he returned to India from Malta. He was very frail and continuously ailing. But even at that time also he had actively associated himself with anti-British organizations. Fatwa in favour of Non-Cooperation Movement in 1919, laying foundation stone of Jamia Millia Islamia in 1920 at Aligarh, and Presidential address in second annual session of Jamiyat-ul-Ulema Hind in 1920 at Delhi were the best examples of the political activities of Shaikh-ul-Hind.

Shaikh-ul-Hind failed in his mission, because of the secrecy of his plan. Very few people knew about it and consequently he could not get the sijpport of the masses. 91

Actually even in Afghanistan, his headquarters, the silk letters sent to him leaked out, unfolded his plan and alerted the Government. Sherif of Mecca's revolt was another blow to his movement. It also appears frcxn the scrutiny of the whole case that the Lieutenants of Shaikh-ul-Hind were very weak and irresponsible. The Silk Letters which should have been taken very carefully to the sender were very carelessly treated leading to the exposition of the whole plan. At a result of all this the whole programme of provisional Government, Hizb- Allah were known to Government, leading to the arrest of Shaikh-ul-Hind and his other close and active associates. Therefore, it can be said that the method adopted by Shaikh-ul- Hind and his associates was not satisfactory.

However/ it goes to the credit of Shaikh-ul-Hind that inspite of so many drawbacks he continued his mission and very carefully thought over the plan. He failed because he could not get devoted men who could have sacrificed everything like the Shaikh for the independence of their country. BIBLIOGRAPHY

_B ^ p jc J

English source

Abdul Harnid/ Muslim Separatism In India (1858-1947), Oxford

University Press, 1967.

Atxnad, Qeyamuddin/ yfahabi Movement in Indj.a, Calcutta, 1966»

Allana, G., Muslim Political Thought Through Ages (1562-194 7) ,

Delhi, 1969.

Aziz Almad, Isl^ic Mpc^erpism j.n India and Pakistan (1857-1964),

Oxford University press, London, 1967.

Bamford, P.C, Histories of Hon-Cooper at ion and Khilafat

Movement, Delhi, 1925.

Banerjee, Indian Cpn^ptitution and pocuments Vol. II, Calcutta,

1949.

Chandra, Bipin, Freedom St^uaa^e. Delhi, 1972.

Chaudhary, B.M., Muslim politics in India, Calcutta, 1946.

Chaudhary, Khaliquzzaman, Pathway to Pakistan, Longmans Green,

London, 1961.

Chaudhary, R.C,, Role pf Religion in Indian politics (1900-19 25)

Delhi, 1978.

Chopra, P.N., Ro;ie of Indian MusJ.ifns in the Struggle fo^

Freedom, Rohtak, 1979.

Edward Thompson and G.T. Garratt, Rise and Fulfilment of British Rule in Int^ia, Allahabad, 1973. 93

Faruqi, Ziya-ul-Hasan, The Deoband School and the Demand for pakj.;^tep/ Asia Publishing House, Bombay 1963. Freedom Struggle in utt^ar pradesh* VoJ.* 1, Source M^terlaJ. (1857-58) , 1957. Gopal, Ram, How Indi^ StruqgJ.^d for Free^m, Bombay, 1967. Hardy, P., Tfte Muslilms of British Indjla, Cambridge University Press 1972. Hunter Sir, W.W., Ipd^an MusaJ.mans, Calcutta, 1945. Husain S. Abid., The Destiny of Indian Muslims^ Delhi, 1965. Jain, Naresh Kunar, Muslims in Indiat Biographical Dictionary, Manohar publication. New Delhi, 1983. Kaye and Malleson, The History of the Indian Mutiny of 1857-58. Vbl. 11/ London, 1897. Mahajan, V.D. British Rule in India and After, Delhi, 1980. Majundar, R.C., History of the Freedom Movement, Calcutta, 1962, Malik, Hafeez, M9sJ.em Nationalistn in India & Pakista^n. Washington, D.C. 1963, Mehta Ashok, 1857, the great Reb^;LJ.j.gp, Bombay, 1946. Metcalf. C, Two Narratives of the Mutiny ip pnglhi, (West Minster 1398. Minault, Gail, The Khilafat Movement^ Oxford university press, Delhi, 1982. Muhammad, Shan, Sj.r Syec^ Ahynad Khant A Political ^iograpl^y^ Meenakshi Prakashan, Meerut, 1969. 94

Muhammad/ Shan, Successors pf Sir Sved Ahma^ Khan, Delhi, 1980. ,The Indian Muslimst A Documeptarv Record,

1900-;L947. Vbls. V & VII, Meerut, 19 82. Mujeeb, M., The Indian Muslims, George Allen & Unwin Ltd., London, 1967. Mushir U. Haq, Muslim Politics in Modern India (1857-1947) Meenakshi Prakashan, Meerut, 1970. Nizami, T.A., Muslim Polit4.cal Thought ^nd Activity in India, Aligarh, 1969. Noman, Mohammad, Muslim India* Kitabistan, Allahabad 1942. Panday, B.N., The Indian National Movement (1885-1947), Delhi, 1979. Prasad, Ishwari, A Short History of Muslim Rule in India, The Indian Press, Allahabad, 1965. Prasad, Dr. Rajendra, Autobiography, Bombay, 19 57. Prasad Y. Dev., The Indian Muslims and World War 1, Delhi, 1985. Qureshi, Ishtlaq Husain, Ulema in PoliticS| Renainssance Publishing House, Delhi, 19 85. Qureshi, Murtaza Hussain F. (Translator) Mahboob, Rizvi Syed, History pf the Day-x^-yiopro Depband. Vol. I & 11^ Idar-e-Ihtemam, Deoband, 1980. Raghuvanshi, V.P.S., The Indian ^atiynal lat MovP>ment and Thought, Agra 19 59. Rowlatt, Sir Sidney, The Sedition Committee Report, Calcutta, 1918. 95

Sareen T.R., Indian Revolutionary Movement Abroad (1905-J.920) Delhi, 1979. Sarwar Mohairmad/ Maulana Obaiduj.lat> Sindhi, Sindh Sagar Academy Lahore» Savarkar, V.D., yhe Indian War of IncependencQ, 1857> Delhi, 1970. Shaklr, Moin, Khilafat to Partition, New Delhi, 1970. Sitaramayya, pattabhi. History of the Indian National Congress, Vbl, I, Bombay 1947. Tara Chand, History pf yhe Freedom Movement in India, Vol. I and ^^* Publication Division Government of India, 1965.

Books Urdu Sourc^es

Abbasi, Qazi Mohammad Adeel, Tehrik-e~Khilafat, N. Delhi, 1978. Abdullah Laghari, Obaidullah Sindhi Ki Sarquzisht-e-Kabul, Islamabad, 1980. Abdul Aziz Shah, Maifuzat-i-Shah Abdul Aziz, Karachi, I960. Asghar Husain, Syed, Maktubat-Shaikh-ul-Hind, Kutub Khana Rashidiya, Delhi. Ghalib, Ood-e-Hindi, Allahabad, 1928. Gilani, Manazir Ahsan, Sawaneh Qasmi, Dar-ul-Uloom, Deoband, 1373H. Habibur Rehman Qasmi, Maaam-e-Mahmoo

Khan Iqbal Hasan, Sh^ikh-ul-Hlnd Maulana Malmud Hasan, AMU Aligarh, 1973. Madani, Husain Ahmad, Saf.ar_Nama-e-Shalkh-ul-H;lnd, Dini Book Depot, Delhi, 1946. , Nagsh^e-Havat, \t>ls. I & II, Deoband, 1954. Mahmud-ul-Hasan, Khutaba-e-Sadarat, Aligarh, 1920. Mehr Ghulam Rasool, Sarguzisht Muiahideen, Ilmi Press Lahore, 1354 H. Mian Mohammad, Aseeran-e-Malta, Aljamiyat Book Depot, Delhi 19 76. ' Jamivat-ul-Ulema Keva Hai, Delhi. , Ulema-e-Hag, Vol. I, Delhi, 1946. , Ulema-e-Hind Ka Shandar Mazi, Vbl. II, Delhi, 1960 , Tehrik Shaikh-ul-Hind, New Delhi, 19 7 5. Mohammad Sarwar, Talimat-e-Maulana Obaidullah Sindhi, Sindh Sagar Academy, Lahore* 19 55, , Khutbat-e-Obaidullah Sindhi, Muk)itasar Rudad lilas Jamivat-ul-Ansar, Matlaba-ut-Madarsa Alia Deoband,- Ahmad Press, Aligarh. Sulman, Dr. Abul, Shaikh-ul-Hind Maulana Mahmud-ul-Hasan Karachi, 1980. Taiyab, Mohammad, Azadi-e-Hindustan Ka Khamosh Rehnuma, Darul-Uloom Deoband, 1957, 97

Journals/ papers an<3 Nevtstpaperst

Al-QasiiP (Monthly Journal), Deoband Rabius Sani 1329H. Al-Ras^ieed/ Dar-ul-Uloom Nvinber by Anwar Hasan Sherkoti, Durbln^ (A Persian Daily Newspaper) , Calcutta/ July 14, 1869. Mashrig, "Rules of Nazaratul Ma'arif ** ,Gorakhpur/ July 1/ 1913, Mtislim India, (Monthly Journal) October 1984.