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Tonhauser, Judith
UCLA Working Papers in Linguistics, Theories of Everything Volume 17, Article 7: 43-58, 2012 Nominal Tense in Tsou: Nia and Its Syntax/Semantics* Henry Y. Chang This paper investigates nominal tense (NT) in the Formosan language Tsou. In light of the NT diagnostics proposed in Nordlinger and Sadler (2004), this paper analyzes the nominal temporal marker nia as an instance of Independent NT (INT), heading a DP-internal tense phrase (TP). The INT-analysis explains nicely why (i) nia makes a temporal distinction of past versus nonpast within a noun phrase, (ii) nia cannot be replaced by a verbal tense/mood auxiliary, (iii) the meaning of nia is rather abstract—nia applies widely to nouns of various kinds, including nouns denoting artifacts, location and time, (iv) nia is normally preceded by a case marker, (v) a verb is required to undergo nominalization upon patterning with nia, (vi) nia is compatible both with definite and indefinite noun phrases, (vii) nia can co-occur either with a realis auxiliary or an irrealis auxiliary. These findings may advance our understanding of Tsou nominal structure on the one hand and shed new lights on the universal nominal structure on the other (cf. Cinque 2005, 2011). Keywords: Tsou, nominal temporal marker, independent nominal tense, past versus nonpast, nominal structure. 1 Introduction It is generally held that temporal information is characteristic of verbal categories and normally marked on them. However, recent studies have shown that temporal marking is also possible and productive with nominal categories across many genetically unrelated languages. The major debate in this connection is whether nominal temporal markers are instances of nominal tense (Nordlinger and Sadler 2004, 2008, Tonhauser 2007, 2008). -
A Grammar of Mantauran (Rukai)
Was I that lucky? Elizabeth Zeitoun(齊莉莎) Academia Sinica 2017/06/03 1 Fieldwork A schematic overview 2 1991‐1992 1991‐ 2005‐ 1992‐ 2013‐ Languages studied for the past 26 years 3 1991‐1992 1991‐ 2005‐ 1992‐ 2013‐ Languages studied for the past 26 years 4 1991‐1992 1991‐ 2005‐ 1992‐ 2013‐ Languages studied for the past 26 years 5 1991‐1992 1991‐ 2005‐ 1992‐ 2013‐ Languages studied for the past 26 years 6 Why not start with the Wu Dah‐you award? 2004 The dynamic/stative dichotomy in Formosan languages (Zeitoun & Huang 2000) 7 The dynamic/stative distinction •My first major paper was Zeitoun & Huang (2000) where we showed that the Formosan languages exhibit a pervasive distinction between dynamic and stative verbs. • Stative verbs are marked by Ø or ma‐ and in other contexts, these same verbs are marked by ka‐ (e.g. when marked as negative, imperative, causative, irrealis, and/or nominalized). •Conversely, dynamic verbs are marked by M‐ or Ø and in other contexts, these same verbs are unmarked (e.g. when marked as negative, imperative, causative, irrealis, and/or nominalized). Verb type Indicative AV form Alternant form –Basic Stem (negated or affixed) Dynamic /M/ Ø Ø Stative Ø ka‐ ma‐ 8 Twice awarded the MOST Outstanding Research Award: Ups and downs 2010 9 Rukai The Wanshan village (萬山村)in 1992, at the time when I carried my first fieldwork there • Rukai includes six main dialects: Tanan, Labuan, Budai, Maga, Tona and Mantauran. 10 Rukai http://www.wretch.cc/blog/maler3733 •In August 1992, as I was just starting working as a research assistant at Academia Sinica, I was asked by Prof. -
Equative Constructions in World-Wide Perspective
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by ZENODO 1 Equative constructions in world-wide perspective Martin Haspelmath & the Leipzig Equative Constructions Team1 Abstract: In this paper, we report on a world-wide study of equative constructions (‘A is as big as B’) in a convenience sample of 119 languages. From earlier work, it has been known that European languages often have equative constructions based on adverbial relative pronouns that otherwise express degree or manner (‘how’, ‘as’), but we find that this type is rare outside Europe. We divide the constructions that we found into six primary types, four of which have closely corresponding types of comparative constructions (‘A is bigger than B’). An equative construction often consists of five components: a comparee (‘A’), a degree-marker (‘as’), a parameter (‘is big’), a standard-marker (‘as’), and a standard (‘B’). Most frequently, the parameter is the main predicate and the equative sense is expressed by a special standard-marker. But many languages also have a degree-marker, so that we get a construction of the English and French type. Another possibility is for the equality sense to be expressed by a transitive ‘equal’ (or ‘reach’) verb, which may be the main predicate or a secondary predicate. And finally, since the equative construction is semantically symmetrical, it is also possible to “unify” the parameter and the standard in the subject position (‘A and B are equally tall’, or ‘A and B are equal in height’). But no language has only a degree-marker, leaving the standard unmarked. -
Thesis HUMA 2009
A Phonetic Study on Implosives in China by Cun Xi A Thesis Submitted to The Hong Kong University of Science and Technology In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for The Degree of Doctor of Philosophy In Division of Humanities April, 2009, Hong Kong i HKUST Library Reproduction is prohibited without the author’s prior written consent UMI Number: 3365904 INFORMATION TO USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleed-through, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. ______________________________________________________________ UMI Microform 3365904 Copyright 2009 by ProQuest LLC All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. _______________________________________________________________ ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, MI 48106-1346 Acknowledgements At this exciting and momentous time, the first person I would like to thank is my supervisor Prof. Zhu Xiaonong. Many years ago, when I was a newcomer to linguistics, he introduced me to the possibilities along that path and encouraged me to explore them. Reading and correcting every detail of my thesis is not his style, but his comments often hit the nail on the head. He likes to talk to students in an open-hearted way, as our friend, and invite us to meals at his home. -
19 Chapter 2. Cyclic and Noncyclic Phonological Effects a Proper
Chapter 2. Cyclic and noncyclic phonological effects A proper theory of the phonology-morphology interface must account for apparent cyclic phonological effects as well as noncyclic phonological effects. Cyclic phonological effects are those in which a morphological subconstituent of a word seems to be an exclusive domain for some phonological rule or constraint. In this chapter, I show how Sign-Based Morphology can handle noncyclic as well as cyclic phonological effects. Furthermore, Sign-Based Morphology, unlike other theories of the phonology-morphology interface, relates the cyclic-noncyclic contrast to independently motivatable morphological structures. 2.1 Turkish prosodic minimality The example in this section is a disyllabic minimal size condition that some speakers of Standard Istanbul Turkish impose on affixed forms (Itô and Hankamer 1989, Inkelas and Orgun 1995). The examples in (28b) show that affixed monosyllabic forms are ungrammatical for these speakers (unaffixed monosyllabic forms are accepted (28a), as are semantically similar polysyllabic affixed forms (29b). (28) a) GRÛ ‘musical note C’ b) *GRÛ-P ‘C-1sg.poss’ MH ‘eat’ *MH-Q ‘eat-pass’ (29) a) VRO- ‘musical note G’ b) VRO--\P ‘G-1sg.poss’ N$]$Û ‘accident’ N$]$Û-P ‘accident-1sg.poss’ MXW ‘swallow’ MXW-XO ‘swallow-pass’ WHN-PHO-H ‘kick’ WHN-PHO-H-Q ‘kick-pass’ What happens when more suffixes are added to the forms in (28b) to bring the total size to two syllables? It turns out that nominal forms with additional affixes are still ungrammatical regardless of the total size, as shown by the data in (30). (30) *GRÛ-P ‘C-1sg.poss’ *GRÛ-P-X ‘C-1sg.poss’ *UHÛ-Q ‘D-2sg.poss’ *UHÛ-Q-GHQ ‘D-2sg.poss-abl’ *I$Û-P ‘F-1sg.poss’ *I$Û-P-V$ ‘F-1sg.poss-cond’ These forms suggest that the disyllabic minimal size condition is enforced cyclically. -
The Case Markers in Tona Rukai Revisited
Concentric: Studies in Linguistics 31.2 (December 2005): 1-29 Case Markers in Tona Rukai Revisited: The Distinction between ko and na May Hsiu-mei Wang National Hualien Senior Vocational High School of Commerce This paper aims at reexamining the distinction between the two case markers for common nouns, ko and na, in Tona Rukai, a Formosan language. By studying the corpus established by Zeitoun et al. (2003), this paper argues against the distinction in case and proximity proposed in the literature. Instead, discourse information leads us to propose an anaphoric vs. non-anaphoric distinction.1 Key words: Tona Rukai, Formosan languages, case marker, anaphoric definiteness, discourse, corpus analysis 1. Introduction Rukai is one of the Austronesian languages of Taiwan, commonly referred to as the “Formosan languages”. The Rukai language is distributed in a rather small area in southeastern Taiwan and is spoken by a total population of approximately 10,0002. The language investigated in this paper, Tona, constitutes one of the six major Rukai dialects. It is spoken in the Tona Village (Maolin County, Kaohsiung Prefecture) with a population of about 600. This study is a part of my MA thesis (see Wang 2003). When I started to investigate the usage of NPs in Tona Rukai, the first challenge I encountered was to account for the use and functions of pre-nominal particles, conventionally called “case markers” among Formosanists. Although many studies have focused on case markers from a language-specific or typological perspective (see Zeitoun 1995, 2003, Li 1997a, 1997b and Huang et al. 1998), the distinction that had earlier been reported regarding the two case markers for common nouns, ko and na in Tona Rukai did not completely match my data and was very puzzling. -
Relating Application Frequency to Morphological Structure: the Case of Tommo So Vowel Harmony*
Relating application frequency to morphological structure: the case of Tommo So vowel harmony* Laura McPherson (Dartmouth College) and Bruce Hayes (UCLA) Abstract We describe three vowel harmony processes of Tommo So (Dogon, Mali) and their interaction with morphological structure. The verbal suffixes of Tommo So occur in a strict linear order, establishing a Kiparskian hierarchy of distance from the root. This distance is respected by all three harmony processes; they “peter out”, applying with lower frequency as distance from the root increases. The function relating application rate to distance is well fitted by families of sigmoid curves, declining in frequency from one to zero. We show that, assuming appropriate constraints, such functions are a direct consequence of Harmonic Grammar. The crucially conflicting constraints are IDENT (violated just once by harmonized candidates) and a scalar version of AGREE (violated 1- 7 times, based on closeness of the target to the root). We show that our model achieves a close fit to the data while a variety of alternative models fail to do so. * We would like to thank Robert Daland, Abby Hantgan, Jeffrey Heath, Kie Zuraw, audiences at the Linguistic Society of America, the Manchester Phonology Meeting, Academia Sinica, Dartmouth College and UCLA, and the anonymous reviewers and editors for Phonology for their help with this article; all remaining defects are the authors’ responsibility. We are also indebted to the Tommo So language consultants who provided all of the data. This research was supported by a grant from the Fulbright Foundation and by grants BCS-0537435 and BCS-0853364 from the U.S. -
The Effects of Duration and Sonority on Contour Tone Distribution— Typological Survey and Formal Analysis
The Effects of Duration and Sonority on Contour Tone Distribution— Typological Survey and Formal Analysis Jie Zhang For my family Table of Contents Acknowledgments xi 1 Background 3 1.1 Two Examples of Contour Tone Distribution 3 1.1.1 Contour Tones on Long Vowels Only 3 1.1.2 Contour Tones on Stressed Syllables Only 8 1.2 Questions Raised by the Examples 9 1.3 How This Work Evaluates The Different Predictions 11 1.3.1 A Survey of Contour Tone Distribution 11 1.3.2 Instrumental Case Studies 11 1.4 Putting Contour Tone Distribution in a Bigger Picture 13 1.4.1 Phonetically-Driven Phonology 13 1.4.2 Positional Prominence 14 1.4.3 Competing Approaches to Positional Prominence 16 1.5 Outline 20 2 The Phonetics of Contour Tones 23 2.1 Overview 23 2.2 The Importance of Sonority for Contour Tone Bearing 23 2.3 The Importance of Duration for Contour Tone Bearing 24 2.4 The Irrelevance of Onsets to Contour Tone Bearing 26 2.5 Local Conclusion 27 3 Empirical Predictions of Different Approaches 29 3.1 Overview 29 3.2 Defining CCONTOUR and Tonal Complexity 29 3.3 Phonological Factors That Influence Duration and Sonority of the Rime 32 3.4 Predictions of Contour Tone Distribution by Different Approaches 34 3.4.1 The Direct Approach 34 3.4.2 Contrast-Specific Positional Markedness 38 3.4.3 General-Purpose Positional Markedness 41 vii viii Table of Contents 3.4.4 The Moraic Approach 42 3.5 Local Conclusion 43 4 The Role of Contrast-Specific Phonetics in Contour Tone Distribution: A Survey 45 4.1 Overview of the Survey 45 4.2 Segmental Composition 48 -
Two Types of Portmanteau Agreement: Syntactic and Morphological1
January 2014 manuscript To apppear in Advances in OT Syntax and Semantics, edited by Geraldine Legendre, Michael Putnam, and Erin Zaroukian. Oxford University Press. (Paper presented at the Optimality Theory Workshop, Johns Hopkins University, Nov 2012) Two Types of Portmanteau Agreement: Syntactic and Morphological1 Ellen Woolford University of Massachusetts A portmanteau agreement morpheme is one that encodes features from more than one argument. An example can be seen in (1) from Guarani where the portmanteau agreement morpheme roi spells out the first person feature from the subject and the second person feature from the object. (1) Roi-su’ú-ta. [Guarani] 1-2sg-bite-future ‘I will bite you.’ (Tonhauser 2006:133 (8a)) This portmanteau morpheme is distinct from the agreement morpheme that cross-references the first person subject, in (2), and from the morpheme that cross-references the second person object in (3). (2) A-ha-ta. [Guarani] 1sg-go-future ‘I will go.’ (Tonhuaser 2006:133 (9a)) (3) Petei jagua nde-su’u. one dog 2sg-bite ‘A dog bit you.’ (Velázquez Castillo 1996:17 (14)) The goal of this paper is to answer the question of where and how portmanteau agreement is formed in the grammar. This is a matter of considerable debate in the current literature. Georgi 2011 argues that all portmanteau agreement is created in syntax, with Infl/T probing two arguments. Williams 2003 argues that what is crucial for portmanteau morphemes of any kind is 1 I would like to thank the participants in the November 2012 Advances in Optimality Theoretic-Syntax and Semantics Workshop at Johns Hopkins University and the anonymous reviewer for this volume for valuable comments on this paper. -
Morphology and Syntax of Gerunds in Truku Seediq : a Third Function of Austronesian “Voice” Morphology
MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX OF GERUNDS IN TRUKU SEEDIQ : A THIRD FUNCTION OF AUSTRONESIAN “VOICE” MORPHOLOGY A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE DIVISION OF THE UNIVERSITY OF HAWAI‘I AT MĀNOA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR IN PHILOSOPHY IN LINGUISTICS SUMMER 2017 By Mayumi Oiwa-Bungard Dissertation Committee: Robert Blust, chairperson Yuko Otsuka, chairperson Lyle Campbell Shinichiro Fukuda Li Jiang Dedicated to the memory of Yudaw Pisaw, a beloved friend ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS First and foremost, I would like to express my most profound gratitude to the hospitality and generosity of the many members of the Truku community in the Bsngan and the Qowgan villages that I crossed paths with over the years. I’d like to especially acknowledge my consultants, the late 田信德 (Tian Xin-de), 朱玉茹 (Zhu Yu-ru), 戴秋貴 (Dai Qiu-gui), and 林玉 夏 (Lin Yu-xia). Their dedication and passion for the language have been an endless source of inspiration to me. Pastor Dai and Ms. Lin also provided me with what I can call home away from home, and treated me like family. I am hugely indebted to my committee members. I would like to express special thanks to my two co-chairs and mentors, Dr. Robert Blust and Dr. Yuko Otsuka. Dr. Blust encouraged me to apply for the PhD program, when I was ready to leave academia after receiving my Master’s degree. If it wasn’t for the gentle push from such a prominent figure in the field, I would never have seen the potential in myself. -
(Pré)Histoires D'articles Et Grammaire Comparée Des Langues Austronésiennes
Alain Lemaréchal Bulletin de la Société de linguistique de Paris, t. XCIX (2004), fasc. 1, p. 395-456 (PRÉ)HISTOIRES D'ARTICLES ET GRAMMAIRE COMPARÉE DES LANGUES AUSTRONÉSIENNES RÉSUMÉ. — Après avoir examiné dans une perspective comparative le système des diathèses et des voix de quelques langues austroné- siennes (BSLP 2001), nous nous livrerons au même travail sur un autre domaine associant dans cette famille stabilité et renouvelle- ments/remaniements, celui des articles-«∞∞∞marques de cas∞∞∞», à partir d'un échantillon de 35 langues. Introduction Cet article s'inscrit dans le prolongement de celui paru dans le BSLP 20011 qui examinait les systèmes de marques de voix («∞∞∞focus∞∞∞») et de quelques autres marques verbales dans un certain nombre de langues austronésiennes. En effet, si ces dernières constituent sans doute l'élément le plus constant et le plus stable permettant (hors langues océaniennes) d'identifier une langue comme appartenant à la famille austronésienne, les articles + marques de cas + prépositions forment aussi une constellation récur- rente, certes en remaniement constant dans les différentes langues, mais réunissant des marques à signifiant stable et en petit nombre∞∞∞: les articles2 *a(∞), *i ou *si (*t'i chez Dahl), la marque de Génitif et de complément d'agent *n-, des prépositions/marques d'objet, de locatif, etc., *sa (*t'a chez Dahl), *i ou *di, *kV (ou *kan). Le Note∞∞: Je n'ai pu tirer parti, pour cet article prévu par le BSLP 2003, des textes parus dans Faits de langues, 23-24, 2004 (voir bibliographie). 1. «∞∞∞Problèmes d'analyse des langues de Formose et grammaire comparée des langues austronésiennes∞∞∞», BSLP, XCVI/1, p. -
Uu Clicks Correlate with Phonotactic Patterns Amanda L. Miller
Tongue body and tongue root shape differences in N|uu clicks correlate with phonotactic patterns Amanda L. Miller 1. Introduction There is a phonological constraint, known as the Back Vowel Constraint (BVC), found in most Khoesan languages, which provides information as to the phonological patterning of clicks. BVC patterns found in N|uu, the last remaining member of the !Ui branch of the Tuu family spoken in South Africa, have never been described, as the language only had very preliminary documentation undertaken by Doke (1936) and Westphal (1953–1957). In this paper, I provide a description of the BVC in N|uu, based on lexico-statistical patterns found in a database that I developed. I also provide results of an ultrasound study designed to investigate posterior place of articulation differences among clicks. Click consonants have two constrictions, one anterior, and one posterior. Thus, they have two places of articulation. Phoneticians since Doke (1923) and Beach (1938) have described the posterior place of articulation of plain clicks as velar, and the airstream involved in their production as velaric. Thus, the anterior place of articulation was thought to be the only phonetic property that differed among the various clicks. The ultrasound results reported here and in Miller, Brugman et al. (2009) show that there are differences in the posterior constrictions as well. Namely, tongue body and tongue root shape differences are found among clicks. I propose that differences in tongue body and tongue root shape may be the phonetic bases of the BVC. The airstream involved in click production is described as velaric airstream by earlier researchers.