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Ritual Leaders, Central Sites, and Legendary Forebears

Ritual Leaders, Central Sites, and Legendary Forebears

Háskóli Íslands

Hugvísindasvið and Medieval Norse Studies

Ritual Leaders, Central Sites, and Legendary Forebears:

The Correlation of Thematic Elements of Ritual Control and Material Remains in the Rise of the Iron Age Elite in Southern Scandinavia

Ritgerð til M.A.-prófs í Viking and Medieval Norse Studies

Jacob Ikaika Liphart Kt.: 300194-4009

Leiðbeinandi: Viðar Pálsson June 2019 ii

Abstract The textual accounts of the legendary leaders of the pre-Christian past in Scandinavia have extensive references to the mythic or divine heritage of the ruling elite, and their importance in the performance of ritual activity during this pre-historic period. This thesis discusses the perceptions of sacral kingship in pre-Christian Scandinavian society along with a selection of the ritual themes found in both medieval and contemporary textual sources that are connected to these Scandinavian rulers. The ritual themes primarily considered: ritual feasting and drinking, sacrifice, prophecy, and sanctuary guardianship. The texts I will be considering are the foreign contemporary observations of Tacitus in , Strabo’s Geographica, and Vita Anskarii by Rimbert- alongside the skaldic poems ‘,’ ‘Háleygjatal,’ and ‘Hákonarmál.’ Also considered are the later medieval texts Ynglinga and Hákonar saga góða attributed to . These textual themes are then carefully compared to archaeological material found at select sites in southern and , in an attempt to locate correlations between them that would support elite ritual control. The limitations of both categories of material without strong speculation encourages further investigation of the subject. Despite this, these comparisons resulted a number of correlations between the archaeological evidence and these elite ritual motifs in the literature, reflecting those found elsewhere in Scandinavia.

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Ágrip Ritaðar heimildir um forsögulega konunga og valdaelítu í heiðni á Norðurlöndum vísa ákveðið til ætlaðrar goðfræðilegrar og helgrar arfleifðar þeirra og miðlægs hlutverks í ritúölum. Í þessari ritgerð er sjónum beint að helgri konungsmynd í heiðni eins og henni bregður fyrir í völdum heimildum, flestum yngri textum en einnig samtímatextum, og tengslum hennar við ritúöl. Ritúölsk þemu sem gaumur er gefinn eru einkum: veislur og drykkjur, blót, spásögn og verndun staðarhelgi. Erlendar heimildir sem teknar eru til skoðunar eru Germania Tacítusar, Geographica Strabós og Vita Anskarii Rimberts. Dróttkvæðaflokkarnir Ynglingatal, Háleygjatal og Hákonarmál eru skoðuð auk yngri texta á borð við Ynglinga sögu og Hákonar sögu góða eftir Snorra Sturluson. Höfuðdrættir þessara ritheimilda eru þá bornir saman við vitnisburði fornleifa frá suðurhluta Svíþjóðar og Danmörku og kannað hvort þessir heimildaflokkar styðji hvorn annan er varðar forstöðu leiðtoga fyrir rútúölum. Niðurstaða ritgerðarinnar er meðal annars sú að báðir heimildaflokkar séu takmarkandi og óhægt að fullyrða um margt án frekari rannsókna. Samanburðurinn bendir engu að síður til náinna tengsla á milli forystuhlutverks og forsagnar fyrir ritúölum, eins og vísbendingar eru almennt um á Norðurlöndum.

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Acknowledgements First, would like to thank my advisor, Professor Viðar Pálsson, for all of his assistance and guidance in making this thesis a reality. Viðar helped to steer me in the right direction and develop this paper into the focused work it has become. He kept me on task while supporting my vision. I would also like to thank Liv Marit Mathilde Aurdal for introducing me to the world of Scandinavian Archaeology and encouraging me to pursue that area of study. This encouragement has led to the development of my passion for the field and my intent to continue my academic goals in that direction. I would also like to extend a warm thank to my dear friend, Mariateresa Esposito, for her help with my translations and her general support for my learning of the language. I could not have gotten as far as I have with the linguistic complexities of the Old Norse corpus without her encouragement and support. I would also like to extend thanks and love to my family, my loved ones, and friends for supporting my dream to pursue my M.A. in and this field. Thank you to my gaming crew for making these last two years fun and for all the memories. Thank you to my late grandfather Ken, for making my dreams possible. And thanks to the beautiful cultures and peoples of Iceland and Denmark for inspiring my journey.

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Ritual Leaders, Central Sites, and Legendary Forebears: The Correlation of Thematic Elements of Ritual Control and Material Remains in the Rise of the Iron Age Elite in Southern Scandinavia

Jacob Ikaika Liphart

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Table of Contents Introduction ...... 1 Chapter 1: Theory and Kingship ...... 3 Section I: Theoretical Frameworks ...... 3 Literary Analysis ...... 3 Archaeological Analysis ...... 6 Section II: Sacral Kingship ...... 10 Chapter 2: Ritual Power in Literature ...... 19 Section I: Divine Ancestry ...... 20 Section II: Ritual Control ...... 29 Ritual Feasting and Drinking: ...... 30 Sacrifices: ...... 32 Prophesy: ...... 36 The Protection of Sanctuaries: ...... 38 Chapter 3: Ritual Power in the Material Remains ...... 40 Section I: Wetlands and Halls - Context ...... 40 Section II: Ritual Evidence in Archeological Material ...... 42 Ritual Feasting and Drinking: ...... 42 Sacrifice:...... 46 Prophesy: ...... 51 The Protection of Sanctuaries: ...... 52 Conclusive Remarks ...... 56 Bibliography: ...... 58

1

Introduction

The mythic past of Scandinavia is frequently associated with an image of warrior kings and an elite who commit to family feuds and wars of inheritance; building halls, raiding in far off lands; and battling mysterious creatures. These figures (whether viewed as the descendants of gods, giants, or mythic men) were figures of stature who utilized their strengths and the supposed traditions of the time regarding leadership to gain and keep their power. One of these concepts expressed in the literary corpus, particularly pertaining to pre-Christian rulers, was the idea that these elite leaders were heavily involved in ritual practice of pre-Christian traditions within their communities. In earlier contemporary texts, amongst the works of Roman authors, like Tacitus and Strabo, depictions of ritual control and pre-Christian traditions are noted. These appear more prevalently and are most familiar in the medieval texts, recorded in medieval prose and skaldic poems. Snorri Sturluson regularly presents this motif of the ritual and supernaturally connected elite in and others, along with praises of earlier like Eyvindr skáldaspillir Finnsson in Háleygjatal. These textual depictions present a rich and romantic image of elite mastery of the cultic activity in their domains, but are often accussed of being biased by medieval Christian influence or even falsified altogether. Due to the largely orally based society in Scandinavia prior to the medieval period, the majority of the record descriptions of this time period are foreign (if contemporary) or significantly younger than the supposed events. Therefore, I will not be interpreting these works as historical. Instead, I have selected a number of these sources, both older contemporary foreign sources and more recent medieval works, and will be inspecting them as stories for sacral themes and tropes; identifying core concepts remained in cultural memory about this period and it´s leadership in regards to ritual and supernatural affiliation. The sources I have chosen to analyze are based on the presence of references to elite ritual involvement and divine ancestry. My contemporary foreign works are Germania by Tacitus, Geographica by Strabo, and the later Vita Anskarri by Rimbert. The medieval poetic sources I have selected included skaldic poems Háleygjatal and Hákonarmál, attributed to Eyvindr skáldaspillir Finnsson, and Ynglingatal, which was supposedly composed by Þjóðólfr of Hvinir. I will also be considering and Hákonar saga góða, by Snorri Sturluson within his medieval work, Heimskringla. 2

It is still necessary to find a body of evidence that it contemporary to this period which can be compared to these medieval or foreign sources. Therefore, I have selected a number of southern Scandinavian central sites to provide archaeological data as points of comparison to these textual themes. The sites I have picked to compare to the textual sources are centered in Scania, , Funen, and Zealand primarily and can be dated from the Roman Iron Age through the Viking Age, circa. 1–1050 A.D. with a primary focus on the time period between 200–950 A.D. Some might question my use of southern sources while Snorri‘s prose work does not entirely take place at these locations. The idea here is to compare the thematic elements of elite ritual in these and poems to that of Scadinavian archaeology. Taking these foreign sources and interpreting them as historically accurate in terms of events and locations would be too literal of a interpration.1 These themes, taken from source written much later, are not interpreted to reflect a singular location, but instead overall outsider and medieval ideas of elite influence over ritual practice in pre-Christian times. Additionally, the areas in which these sagas and poems have taken place have been significantly analyzed in the works of Olof Sundqvist, Stefan Brink, and others using similar approaches. Therefore, I intend to use areas less thoroughly discussed by scholars, regarding archaeological and literary comparison, to see if there is material remains present at the elite central places that I have selected that could reflect these themes. Should correlation be present, it would indicate that elite ritual actions took place here which may have utilized themes or actions similar to those seen in the literature, either contemporary or medieval.

1 Snorri was Icelandic after all, and yet wrote about the whole of Scandinavia. 3

Chapter 1: Theory and Kingship

Section I: Theoretical Frameworks When considering the interaction between the textual accounts of the role of ritual in the powerbase of the developing Scandinavian elite in Early to Mid-Iron Age Scandinavia, it is important that the theoretical models being utilized are consistent and thorough within both literary and archaeological contexts. From a textual perspective, most of the sources considered in this paper are hardly contemporary to the events which are being described within these sagas and poetic works. They have also been declared to have a significant Christian bias in the recording of these works by medieval authors, so one must tread carefully when making any kind of analysis of pre-Christian activity, particularly ritual activity, from these accounts. In regards to the archaeological approaches being applied within this comparative work, similar diligence must be maintained, albeit for slightly different reasons. It is important to consider the degree of interpretation that will go into any analysis of material culture. Although the function of the items being observed may appear to be relatively straightforward in their use, any attempt to denote the purpose or meaning behind their use becomes eminently more speculative and subject to observer bias. Additionally, given the broad timescale being considered, and the variety of sites and typological material that has been interpreted as related to elite ritual practice during the Scandinavian Iron Age, the theoretical analysis of this material must be able to operate under a large variety of variables.

Literary Analysis When considering the textual evidence of elite control of ritual as a function of their powerbase, a number of complications arise. The amount of Christian and outsider bias presented within these works has been highly debated by the academic community. This argument does not only extend from medieval texts, but also more contemporary accounts written by foreigners like Tacitus or Strabo.2 While certain scholars like Walter Baetke or Henrik Janson, are more critical

2 See Janson in Chapter 1.1 of The Pre-Christian Religions of the North Research and Reception, Volume i: from the to c. 1830, “Pictured by the Other: Classical and Early Medieval Perspectives on Religions in the North.”

4 of our ability to retrieve any solidly reliable information about the pre-Christian information presented in textual accounts (particularly those regarding the sacral role of leadership), too much skepticism can be detrimental for progress in the field.3 As Jens Peter Schjødt states, it is obvious that some assumptions are made whenever studying archaeological remains of ritual and cultural material. Therefore, it is important to remember that there is always a degree of inaccuracy in every interpretation of ancient materials, but that it would be rather unfortunate to determine the past 'unknowable.'4 Even though many Norse and Germanic sources may have Christian influence and are often not contemporary, Schjødt believes that it is likely that some pagan traditions and ideas would remain in these accounts, only a few hundred years after the rise of Christianity in the region.5 This approach needs to be treated with caution, and skepticism is necessary when dealing with several centuries of continental and Christian While this can be seen as a largely Structuralist position, others have similarly enforced some validity to continued elements of pre-Christian cosmological structures in texts, particularly poetry. Margaret Clunies Ross, in The Pre-Christian Religions of the North Research and Reception, Volume i: from the Middle ages to c. 1830, believes that elements of medieval textual works may hold some valid echoes of the pagan past. Clunies Ross notes that Snorri and other medieval writers did not appear to heavily modify these or titles, seeming to keep them relatively pure.6 Using the example of Skáldskaparmál to support her point, Clunies Ross believes that Snorri did not make any drastic changes to the earlier skaldic poetry being recorded, particularly kennings or titles, preserving elements of pre-Christian myth.7 In his work, Tracing Old : The World Tree, Middle Earth, and the Sun from Archaeological Perspectives, Anders Andrén discusses the benefits of branching out from a focus on skaldic or saga texts as well. While some scholars do not believe the medieval texts to be useful for

3 Jens Peter Schjødt, "Ideology of the Ruler in Pre-Christian Scandinavia: Mythical and Ritual Relations." Viking and Medieval Scandinavia 6 (2010): 164–66.

4 Schjødt, "Ideology,” 166.

5 Schjødt, "Ideology,” 166.

6 Margaret Clunies Ross, “The Reception in Skaldic Poetry and in Skáldskaparmál,” in The Pre-Christian Religions of the North Research and Reception, Volume i: from the Middle ages to c. 1830, ed. Margaret Clunies Ross (Brepols Publishers, 2018), 154.

7 Clunies Ross, “Reception,” 155.

5 understanding Pre-Christian Scandinavian traditions, others supplement these texts with other sources using comparative analysis to try and pick out the similarities. These scholars use sources like , foreign accounts of Germanic pagan practice from older time periods, comparisons with other non-Christian traditions in Europe, and linguistics to try and pull the potentially useful information from the later texts.8 While the debates for and against the validity of textual sources for information about pre- Christian cosmology and ritual practices have been seemingly endless, the limitations in only considering texts and not expanding to an interdisciplinary approach are obvious. To me, it seems fruitless to consistently argue about the minutest variations in textual accounts and their copies, because, for the time period, the limited amounts of written material will only illuminate a tiny portion of the potential evidence we have concerning these subjects. Additionally, the amount of material that has been lost to time or recopied by anonymous scribes in manners considered to be questionable, seems to justify consideration for ‘crossing the gap’ and seeing what kind of archaeological evidence can support what seems to be an echo chamber of literary studies at times. Therefore, I will be taking a note from several different established perspectives in regards to the literary sources about ritual and Scandinavian elite development. I have chosen to reinforce the literature with observations of the archaeological material that the academic community has generally agreed to be remnants of the developing warrior elite during this time period. Considering evidence from a number of typological categories of this material assemblage, I will compare it to the depictions of ritual practice and sacral authority in the disputed literature, to establish if some correlation can be found from what is described in medieval records and what has been found in the excavated remnants of elite ritual activity in this time period. While this idea is by no means a novel one, and is something that has been pursued by many academics, I have decided to approach the material primarily from a southern geographic area that I believe has had less of an academic focus than areas like Trøndelag or the Mälaren region.9 Perhaps here we can find a slightly more diversified range of evidence to support the conflicting accounts of sacral kingship and ritual control spoken of in foreign contemporary and medieval texts about the North.

8 Anders Andrén, Tracing Old Norse Cosmology: The World Tree, Middle Earth, and the Sun from Archaeological Perspectives (Lund: Nordic Academic Press, 2014), 17–18.

9 See Sundqvist, “'s Offspring : Rulers and Religion in Ancient Svea Society.” 6

Archaeological Analysis As the archaeological material that will be presented in this paper has been designated to serve as the grounding or supporting material for the textual examples of elite ritual interaction, it is important that these artifacts are analyzed using established and thorough theoretical frameworks. I use the word “frameworks” because it is clear that taking a single approach to this material, much like taking a single approach to the textual component, would limit our analysis. Therefore, I will be approaching the material assemblage with several different frameworks already present within this field of study. When considering the topic at hand, it is important to highlight the use of typology in this study. Typological separation of material is, in many ways, a necessary evil when studying this material or any kind of material academically. Marie Louise Stig Sørensen, in her article, “Paradigm Lost–on the State of Typology within Archaeological Theory,” discusses just how important it can be to challenge established typological categories and the connections between these objects. These entrenched categories have existed for extensive amounts of time and saturated modern discourse without retrospective criticism that challenges anything but minute details or variations in the schema. Oftentimes, these criticisms, as Sørensen so bluntly states, refrain from being little more than academic disputes between scholars and consider nothing of the shift of the use and creation of the artifacts being categorized and how these changes could alter these typological divisions. She calls this a ‘Montelian’ approach to the issue; something rooted in 20th century academia.10 Essentially, these categories operate within a vacuum, static or barely changing, with little consideration of the shift of social and cultural environment surrounding the artifacts themselves. Additionally, these categories are inherently biased by the individuals who have created them. Sorting the material into these categories relies on a degree of assumption or speculation that reflects both the person utilizing the typology, and others in the community who have used similar or identical divisions. Consequently, despite criticisms made by individuals like Sørensen, typology remains one of the primary methods of organizing material culture. This is what makes it the necessary, even if imperfect. It is simply one of the only efficient ways of taking a broad variety of artifacts from

10 Marie Louise Stig Sørensen, “Paradigm Lost–on the State of Typology within Archaeological Theory,” in Paradigm Found: Archaeological Theory – Present, Past and Future. Essays in Honour of Evžen Neustupný, ed. Jan Turek et al. (Oxford: Oxbow Books, 2015), 90–91. 7 various areas and times and arranging them into something that can be analyzed systematically. Within this paper, I will use the typological method to arrange the elite material assemblage that will provide a comparison to the textual sources. These categories of materials will primarily utilize those firmly established within the study of pre-Christian Iron Age Scandinavian elites, as much of the secondary source material has already organized the artifacts in this manner. However, I will try to keep in mind the assumptions that I and my academic sources make when using this method, in an attempt to avoid missing any potential correlations between texts and objects that static typology may overlook. While typological organization is necessary for this kind of comparative work, it is also important to consider the broader frameworks that will be used in congruence with typology. In laymen’s terms, once I have organized my material, I must decide how I am going to apply it. This is complex because I am crossing mediums of evidence between literature and material culture. Given the fact that this study is about ritual control by the Scandinavian elite during the Iron Age, it is therefore imperative to define ritual in an archaeological context. For this, I will be relying heavily on the works of Catherine Bell and Lars Fogelin, utilizing a mixture of structuralism and practice theory for my work. While some would argue that these two viewpoints are antithetical to eachother, they both have their use for the purpose of this study, and acts as foils to one another, which will hopefully provide useful insight into the role of ritual in elite power structures across Southern Scandinavia. To begin with the Structuralist element of ritual, one must consider the ideas of religion within the Structuralist narrative. Lar Fogelin, in his article, “The Archaeology of Religious Ritual,” quotes Clifford Geertz, who states, religion is a system of symbols which acts to establish powerful, pervasive, and long lasting moods and motivations in men by formulating conceptions of a general order of existence and clothing these conceptions with such an aura of factuality that moods and motivations seem uniquely realistic.11

Further expanding Geertz's explanation, Fogelin states that the Structuralist approach focuses on belief and symbolism- where rituals serve as vessels for the transmission and creation of symbolism to society. Structuralists see religion as a stable and persistent element of culture. Therefore, rituals, as a representation of religious ideals, must also be relatively consistent through

11 Lars Fogelin, “The Archaeology of Religious Ritual,” Annual Review of Anthropology 36, no. 1 (2007): 57. 8 time. Structuralists also believe that religion is a good source for observing cultural information, as they view it as a cultural format that preserves social beliefs and traditions for a long time. Therefore, historic accounts of religion, even non-contemporary sources with significant time separation, can be viewed as useful for uncovering religious traditions.12 Structuralism could, therefore, support the ability to view and sagas, as well as the older works of Tacitus and others, as viable for studying Iron Age Scandinavian beliefs and sacral kingship. In this way, the Structuralist perspective is reflected in the ideas of those academics who are willing to pursue knowledge of pre-Christian cultic activity or belief through medieval texts, and cast aside a portion of the skepticism surrounding these later works.13 Strucuturalism and the analysis of the symbolism attached to ritual remains, provides the framework that allows us to compare material culture to the textual accounts selected for this paper. Now that the role of structuralism has been discussed, it is important to consider what could traditionally be considered its foil: Practice Theory. I turn to Fogelin for a basic overview of this concept. He states that, scholars who focus on practice theory (a focus on the ritual element itself) believe that rituals are not vessels for religious beliefs, but instead are used to instigate, construct, and reinforce religion. Practice Theory focuses on ritual change, and the effect that ritual has on the society and actors involved in the ritual.14 In this way, ritual is not seen as static in practice theory, as compared to structuralist models. Fogelin states that practice theory is less about the symbols used in ritual itself, and more focused on how these symbols are used by ritual participants to achieve specific goals.15 While Fogelin discusses the basics of this concept, I believe that the use of practice theory in ritual archaeology cannot be fully expressed without considering the work of Catherine Bell on the subject. Her work regarding ritual power, ideology, and the interaction of politics and ritual practice as exhibited through archaeological finds, are necessary for my exploration of the interaction between the Scandinavian elite and ritual. In her work, Ritual Theory, Ritual Practice, Bell believes that, while rituals do not control society, they have strategic value for the exercise of power. They can symbolically display or

12 Fogelin, “Archaeology,” 57.

13 See Clunies Ross and Schjødt, as mentioned above.

14 Fogelin, “Archaeology,” 58.

15 Fogelin, “Archaeology,” 59.

9 represent power relations within a group or between groups or individuals.16 She breaks this down into a variety of elements attached to ritual, including ideology, legitimation, and ritualization. Bell believes that ideology (as described by the works of José Guilherme Merquior, Pierre Bourdieu, and others) is best seen as a strategy to engrain certain elements of the social structure or order, generating acceptance of them as natural instead of human constructs. This, Bell points out, inherently admits the existence of those who resist the concept, but also that there must be some benefit to those who accept the ideological narrative. Therefore, the ideology must be seen as more beneficial to its supporters than the exercise of societal control via force alone.17 When considering artifacts then, as well as textual accounts, it is important to consider the repeated prevalence of objects as a possible sign that the ‘ideological background’ of this kind of leadership reflects a larger overall Scandinavian social tradition. Bell also highlights the ideas brought forward by Geertz, David Cannadine, and Maurice Bloch about ritual and legitimation. One of Bell’s significant conclusions regarding this, is that ritual as a means of power must be created from generally accepted and pre-existing societal beliefs to be effective. It cannot come from thin air.18 Additionally, Bell notes that the legitimacy of ritual does not immediately generate a narrative that will be automatically accepted by individuals, but instead presents a series of arguments that promote an idea.19 One cannot force others to accept a worldview, they must convince them of it. Therefore, the remains of rituals should not be seen as a just a reinforcement of the power, but also as a means of generating that power using preexisting and accepted notions about the world. The example of political ritual, from Bell’s book, Ritual: Perspectives and Dimensions, can be used as an extension of this thought. Bell believes that political rituals are ritualized actions that are used to produce, display, and cement the power of political entities or specific groups.20 Bell states that political rituals create power in two ways. They generate a sense of consensus or community amongst members of society, determined by set

16 Catherine Bell, Ritual Theory, Ritual Practice, 1st ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2009), 170, Kindle.

17 Bell, Ritual Theory, 192.

18 Bell, Ritual Theory, 194.

19 Bell, Ritual Theory, 194.

20 Catherine Bell, Ritual: Perspectives and Dimensions, 1st ed. Revised Edition (New York: Oxford University Press, 2009), 128, Kindle.

10 ideals. They also attempt to portray these values as inevitable or natural in the world order. The display of opulence or of massive wealth is often used to reinforce the idea that current leadership or leaders are justified in their positions of power.21 The third element of ritual legitimacy Bell discusses as being brought up by Geertz, Cannadine, and Bloch, is that there is not separation between the concept of ritual and the exercise of power. Ritual is an expression or symbolization of power itself, therefore there is no difference between the act of ritual and the expression of power. Bell gives the example of a political ritual, which in essence, is a form of politics itself.22 Ritual is expressive, but it is also quintessentially the substance it represents. Therefore, ritual doesn’t just reinforce a narrative, it is inherent to the narrative because it is actively creating it. In this way, ritual remains are critical to our understanding of belief and the elite powerbase, because they are pieces of that elite power in physical form, remnants of the rituals that simultaneously generate and project elite leadership. Using the combination here of Structuralist ideas and Practice Theory allows me to focus on the elements of ritual as an enforcer and generator of power for the suspected elites in charge, while still identifying and connecting potential power structures or strategies that exist across southern Scandinavia in this time period. It is not uncommon to see similarities in ritual remains across an area, and Iron Age Scandinavia is no exception, as fame has shown with iconic hall and burial styles well known to those inside and out of the academic community. Therefore, the Structuralist idea that elements of religion (and therefore ritual) are preserved over long periods of time, can be compared to the focus on the ritual, its components, and its purpose for the actor performing it. It is a comparison of macrocosmic and microcosmic elements, that, when considered together, should yield a well-rounded analysis of this ritual material and text.

Section II: Sacral Kingship The discussion of theoretical frameworks for approaching this study is necessary to elucidate how the texts and artifacts will be approached, but it is also important to discuss the concept that is the foundation for this approach to the study of ritual control in text and archaeology– sacral kingship. As Bell had mentioned in her book, Ritual: Perspectives and

21 Bell, Perspectives, 129.

22 Bell, Ritual Theory, 194.

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Dimensions, political ritual can go beyond the mundane. Bell quotes Geertz, who states that traditional monarchs are often occupied with the task of presenting their rule as a "microcosm of the supernatural order...and the material embodiment of political order.”23 These traditional 'sacral' political systems are often comprised of actions or rituals designed to elevate the ruling body to a degree that give the appearance of these individuals as existing above societal norms of interaction. This ritualized "gating" behavior allows the rulership to appear as if they exist on a tier of existence above that of the common .24 As it is, one of the most common ways that political ritual is used to create and reinforce elite power is by promoting the idea of the elite as operating on a level above the rest of society, not only on a political and economic level, but a cosmological one as well. This reinforces the elites’ position at the top, legitimizing it as a natural and necessary role to the rest of society, legitimized by the cosmological worldview of the people they rule. Significant scholarship regards sacral kingship as a concept, and there is a fair bit of argument as to what this term can mean and how it can be applied to the leadership of Scandinavia during the Iron Age here. The arguments made around this term are primarily concerned with scale and the deified role of the elite in the process. This becomes particularly potent in regards to the time period before the Viking Age, but also faces scrutiny when talking about the Viking Age skaldic sources recorded by medieval scribes and authors. One of the biggest arguments about sacral kingship is the status of the ruler themselves, and whether these individuals could be seen as transcending standard human ability or be deified in any way, particularly due to divine heritage. In his paper, “Ideology of the Ruler in Pre-Christian Scandinavia: Mythic and Ritual Relations,” Schjødt discusses the works of Walter Baetke, who published his famous work, Yngi und die Ynglingar: Eine quellenkritische Unterschung über das nordische 'Sakralkönigtum. This work challenged the idea that Nordic kings were sacral. Baetke believed that these kings were not connected to a divine genealogy or contained any divine power, arguing particularly against this interpretation of the recorded poem Ynglingatal, and that these statements of divinity exist because of Christian influence over the work.25 This argument about

23 Bell, Perspectives, 129.

24 Bell, Perspectives, 129.

25 Schjødt, “Ideology,” 164.

12 the divine genealogy of the Scandinavian elite, and the important role that deific ancestry is often seen as playing in the elite’s control of ritual function within their powerbase, is important to consider. This discussion quickly transitions into the argument about , as will be further discussed in the textual analysis of this paper, but it is important to mention that the kind of power that a king held is key to this discussion, divine or otherwise. The major debates being held, center on whether these kings were worshiped or believed to hold the role of ritual leaders because of this divine connection, or whether their ritual control was more a function of their political title. Schjødt states that, Germanic societies viewed their political leaders as containing some kind of special abilities.26 Schjødt believes that sacral kingship can encompass a wide variety of definitions, from complete deification of the ruler themselves, to the elite simply having a higher connection or function to the divine. Therefore, with this spectrum, many societies fall within the realm of 'sacral kingship,' particularly societies that are more "archaic."27 This is similar to the extended definition that is posed by Rory McTurk in his work, “Scandinavian Sacral Kingship Revisited,” in which he takes a much broader approach to the concept of the elite/rulers role in regards to divinity or cosmological elevation. McTurk defines a sacral king as "… one who is marked off from his fellow men by an aura of specialness which has its origins in more or less direct association with the supernatural.”28 Schjødt believes that political elite may be associated with the first three elements of gift sacrifice. They may have the role of the giver to the divine, the receiver of the gods gifts, the role of the sacrifice itself (in some strange cases), and may even be seen as divine or otherwise elevated themselves. Schjødt notes that this last role is particularly true after their death. Therefore in these societies, it would be natural to associate the instigator of ritual and sacrifices as possessing numinous abilities above the common man.29 Schjødt presents the king as an orchestrator of sacrifice in Hákonar saga goða, Chapter 17. And although Schjødt does not necessarily believe that the actions described are entirely accurate, he does believe that the

26 Schjødt, “Ideology,” 166.

27 Schjødt, “Ideology,” 167.

28 Rory McTurk, “Scandinavian Sacral Kingship Revisited.” Saga-Book 24, no. 1 (1994): 31.

29Schjødt, “Ideology,” 172.

13 concept of the king as having an elevated role in the sacrificial ritual was likely.30 Schjødt also mentions a portion of Ynglinga saga, in which the king Dómaldi was sacrificed as a part of a fertility ritual. Schjødt states that this could be considered a demonstration of the king possessing some powers or abilities that would have made his sacrifice integral to the success of the ritual. Schjødt believes that objects designated for sacrifice must be sacral or made sacral in some way, so therefore the king serving as this object must have been imbued with some kind of perceived numinous traits. This contradicts Baetke´s ideas of the king´s removal serving as simply a political motive, but also directly contradicts his ideas about the use of medieval texts, an argument discussed in the previous literary analysis portion of this paper.31 In contrast with the divisions between Baetke and Schjødt or McTurk, adds her own nuance to the sacral kingship discussion, blending parts of both sides into a new perspective. She claims, in her book, Det Hellige Bryllup og Norrøn Kongeideologi, that Snorri describes Fjölnir to be the son of Fryer and Gerðr with the knowledge of pre-Christian concept of legendary kings as the children of a male god and a female giant. She uses the example of the jarls of Hlaðir as descendents of Óðinn and Skaði in the poem Háleygjatal from the 10th century as an example of this.32 Stanza 2 addresses this liminal heritage, reading, Þann skjaldblœtr skattfœri gat Ása niðr við járnviðju, þás þau mær í manheimum skatna vinr ok Skaði byggðu, sævar beins, ok sunu marga ǫndurdís við Óðni gat.33

30 Schjødt, “Ideology,” 173.

31 Schjødt, “Ideology,” 174.

32 McTurk, “Revisited,” 28.

33 Poole, Russell, ed. “Eyvindr skáldaspillir Finnsson, Háleygjatal 2” in Diana Whaley (ed.), Poetry from the Kings’ Sagas 1: From Mythical Times to c. 1035. Skaldic Poetry of the Scandinavian Middle Ages 1 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2012), 199.

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Shield-worshiped below the Æsir (Shield-worshiped kinsmen of the Æsir [Óðinn]) that tribute- bringer [ruler = Sæmingr] begat with the female from Járnviðr, when they the famous ones the friend of warriors [Óðinn] and Skaði lived, of the bones of the sea of maiden-lands [rock- giantess = giantess- lands = Jótunheimr] (in Jótunheimr) and many sons the snow-shoe goddess [Skaði] with Óðinn got.

Steinsland believes that the legendary kings’ maternal line back to giantesses is as significant to consider as the male divine progenitor.34 This would seem to be in congruence with many of the arguments presented by McTurk or Schjødt at first. However, despite Steinsland agreeing with the conception of pre-Christian Scandinavian kings having perceived divine heritage, she does not believe that they were inherently viewed as divine themselves, as their maternal line stemmed from giants, therefore putting them in a separate category that would not have made them a subject of worship or cult sacrifice.35 While the argument regarding the divine or mundane status of sacral kingship in Scandinavia has been debated, another part of the argument over this term is the scale of ritual control that these individuals presided over. While it has widely been accepted that they had some role in their constituents’ ritual practices, there is disagreement as to how far this spreads. Lasse C. A. Sonne challenges the idea of a public cult leader presented by Baetke, Olaf Olsen, and others- questioning the social stratum which these leaders actually serviced. Sonne defines the 'public cult' as "a set of religious rituals performed on behalf of all, or a majority, of the members in any society segment at an integration level higher than the single farmstead or urban household.”36 Sonne goes on to clarify that this definition means that as long as a group consisting of all strata of society is present, it is public.37 To me, this seems specific and not necessarily reflective of the society present in the Iron Age. It is not unusual for the elite in any stratified society to create barriers of access to their activities and events from the lower stratum of the populace. Not allowing thralls strong consideration in an elite ritual does not seem unlikely. Additionally, Sonne’s description of a private cult seems somewhat limiting, defining it as, "...a set of religious rituals performed for a

34 McTurk, “Revisited,” 29.

35 McTurk, “Revisited,” 29.

36 Lasse C. A. Sonne, "Kings, Chieftains and Public Cult in Pre-Christian Scandinavia." Early Medieval Europe 22, no. 1 (2014): 56.

37 Sonne, “Kings,” 56.

15 social segment at the integration level of the single farmstead or urban household or any lower level.”38 He then goes on to give examples in the contemporary and medieval literature that he believes support the idea of Scandinavian elite ritual manipulation as primarily a private affair. However, many of his examples are confined by his narrow definitions. His example utilizing Vellekla, a skaldic poem by Einarr skálaglamm, written between c. 975-985 as a tribute to Earl Hákon, is a perfect case of this. He discusses stanzas (30-32) that describe a divination ritual to determine whether a raid on Götaland would receive divine support. Sonne defines the raid made by Hákon to not have any clear political motive besides those of a standard raid for resources. He states that this kind of raid was not "public" because kingdom mustered forces by royal decree were not typical of this time period in Scandinavia and were not used for these kinds of ventures, though Sonne admits that the details of recruitment on these expeditions is unknown. Therefore, Sonne speculates that the majority of the forces were probably Hákons own retinue, which he uses to defend this as a "private" venture and therefore a "private" ritual- performed because of his position as a raiding leader, not as a noble.39 Defining between ones role as a noble and a raiding leader seems redundant, especially because the amount of money and manpower required to organize a raid like that was not something a non-elite could muster (not impossible, but highly unlikely). Additionally, the Earl was performing a ritual in benefit of his entire raiding party, which would have been a significant number of individuals, of admittedly unknown backgrounds. Given the issues that come from narrow definitions of sacral kingship, whether it is the argument of divinity or the scale of their practice, it is perhaps best to take a broader approach to the definition of sacral kingship, and recognizing the flaws in previous attempts to define this phenomenon. I believe that Olof Sundqvist excellently outlined a more rounded and modern approach to this concept in his work, “Religious Ruler Ideology’ in Pre-Christian Scandinavia: A Contextual Approach,” and, Freyr's Offspring: Rulers and Religion in Ancient Svea Society. In his work on religious ruler ideology, one of the largest problems that he identifies in early work on the 'sacral kingship' theory was its heavy use and borrowing from Mediterranean and Middle Eastern models and sources. This, Sundqvist believes, did not properly address unique local

38 Sonne, “Kings,” 56.

39 Sonne, “Kings,” 62. 16 contexts and resulted in the inclusion of cultural aspects that were not present in primary sources.40 He states, in his work on the Svear, that most models of sacral kingship (developed by the likes James George Frazer in The Golden Bough, or the later works of Geo Widengren in Religionsphänomenologie) are based on Near Eastern cultures.41 While some of the phenomenological traits identified by these earlier scholars, like the identification of sacral rulers as descendants of divinity and masters of ceremony or ritual, may be applied to the textual and archaeological evidence of Iron Age Scandinavia, much of their criteria is alien to these northern societies and landscapes. Therefore, these sacral kingship frameworks are not appropriate to apply to pre-Christian Scandinavia. The use of these older theories seem to have acted as a form of “cultural injection” in which outside models were incorrect projected on the local past. Early models of sacral kingship attempted to quickly make sense of the pattern, amalgamating data from different time periods and regions. These theories were based on the idea of a pan- Germanic and pan-Scandinavian identity, which is highly criticized today. Sundqvist believes that older scholarship on sacral kingship was created 'in a vacuum', where the social and political factors of each dynasty or leadership group studied was not adequately factored in. Sundqvist believes that it is important to consider these factors, and believes that they can account for some of the reasons that different styles of religious affiliation took place.42 In fact, Sundqvist notes, there wasn’t even a word in Scandinavian and of the time that was equivalent to ‘religion.’ He argues that many of the words associated with sacral kingship here, like ‘siðr’, are as much entwined with the ideas of tradition and law as they are with divine power.43 Ritual was all encompassing and blended into many aspects of society for the Scandinavian Iron Age. Sundqvist proposes a new model for sacral kingship, 'Religious ruler ideology', a more flexible term to replace 'sacral kingship.' This term can be used regardless of political unit type, gender, or number of individuals.44 Sundqvist names four basic religious stratagem categories that a religious

40Olof Sundqvist, “Freyr's Offspring : Rulers and Religion in Ancient Svea Society," Doctoral thesis, monograph, (Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis, 2000), 228.

41 Sundqvist, “Freyr’s,” 18–23.

42Olof Sundqvist, "Sagas, Religion, and Rulership: The Credibility of the Description of Rituals in Hákonar Saga Góða," Viking and Medieval Scandinavia 1 (2005): 229–30.

43 Sundqvist, “Freyr’s,” 13.

44 Sundqvist, “Sagas,” 233. 17 ruler might use to gain and maintain power under ‘religious ruler ideology.’ The first of these strategies is "…by means of specific relation to the mythic world,’ in which a ruler could be seen as descendants of a mythical being or having a special connection with them. The second strategy used in ‘religious ruler ideology’ is “…performing central roles in (religious) rituals,” which Sundqvist describes as also connected to the concept of political rituals, as the ruler uses their ritual involvement to construct and enforce the rulers power and the dominant order. This connect to the use of religious symbols by the elite, which he believes is the 3 potential method of securing a power base. He specifically describes the construction of cult buildings or graves or other monuments act as symbols to reinforce the political power of the ruler and establish themselves in the cosmological setting. The final strategy that can be utilized within Sundqvist´s model is elite control over a cultic group itself, serving as the leader of this assembly.45 This model seems to be the one that skirts between the vague, arguably non-committal definitions displayed by scholars like McTurk, and the frustratingly specific definitions used by academics like Sonne. For my textual and archaeological analysis, I will be referencing this balanced model of sacral kingship which Sundqvist has created, with one addendum to it. I would like to stress the idea of commitment and responsibility that was attached to this ritual control between the ruler and the people. While the leader was reinforcing their own position, they were also binding themselves to the cosmological setting in the eyes of the people. This could have positive consequences, but also possibly quite negative ones if they were not careful. Examples of this can be seen in the textual accounts of the slaying or overthrowing of kings who were believed to have failed their people, which is discussed in works like Vita Anskarii and Ynglingatal. It is important to note that this concept of elevation and obligation is also an idea present amongst popular medieval thought of political leadership. Royalty was seen, at least by the time of the 14th century, as mandated by Christian God, but their power was derived from the people and they had the responsibility determined by God to ensure the wellbeing of their subjects. This can be seen in a number of developments in canon law, including the declaration of Pope Honorius III in the decretal Intellecto of the early 13th century and further established in the 1231 Liber Augustalis of Emperor Frederick II of Sicily.46 Therefore, the question could be asked as to what

45 Sundqvist, “Sagas,” 234–36.

46 J. H. Burns, ed., The Cambridge History of Medieval Political Thought C.350–C.1450, The Cambridge History of Political Thought (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 438–42. 18 the origins of this concept of responsibility in the texts are Christian or pre-Christian? However, it is worthy to note that, regardless of the limitations of their power, the supernatural reinforcement of these rulers is present in all textual contexts.

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Chapter 2: Ritual Power in Literature

The academic discussion of sacral kingship as it’s connected to pre-Christian ritual control in Scandinavia, did not start with lengthy archaeological excavations and scholarly analysis of old manuscripts in the 19th century, nor did it start with the extensive literary endeavors of Árni Magnússon, to whom modern scholarship owes great appreciation. Contemporary records and observation of these customs and ideas amongst the Scandinavian and Germanic tribes was already present under the banners of Rome, with the early (and albeit controversial) works of Strabo and Tacitus, and would blossom into the later records of medieval scholars like the famous Snorri Sturluson, authors whose names are well known amongst academic and non-academic circles alike. However, as mentioned previously in Chapter 1, because of the nature of these records and the overwhelmingly oral nature of Scandinavian society during pre-Christian times, these works must be approached with some level of caution for outsider or Christian bias. Therefore it is important to discuss one of the largest concerns in textual analysis regarding pre-Christian traditions, as was briefly alluded to in Chapter 1, Section 1, euhemerism. Euhemerism was utilized in many of the greatest medieval works on , as medieval reactions to both pre-Christian skaldic and eddic poetry, and was utilized in the genealogies of great elites. Snorri Sturluson, and the works associated with his name, is one of the most famous contributors to this in Norse studies, with his works like Gylfaginning, Ynglinga saga, and the renowned . Annette Lassen discusses this general approach to euhemerism and how it was utilized by medieval authors of the like of Snorri, , Augustine of Hippo, and others.47 These Christian writers intended to preserve the believed history of the past, but did not want to promote the pagan elements of it, therefore presenting in manners that fit the contemporary Christian worldview of their own culture. By denoting the ancient heroes and gods of myth as human or monsters (primarily giants in this case), they dispelled the divinity of these pre-Christian . Some, like Saxo, would explain their ancestors’ beliefs as a matter of trickery by these mythic beings, who conned the populace into believing in their divinity. Others, like

47Annette Lassen, “The Reception in Medieval Historiography,” in Research and Reception, Volume I: From the Middle Ages to c. 1850. The Pre-Christian Religions of the North, edited by Margaret Clunies Ross, (Brepols Publishers, 2018) 161.See also, Lassen på kristent pergament: en teksthistorisk studie.

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Snorri, took a more sympathetic approach- seeing the false worship of heroic mortals as an honest mistake of simpler pagan minds, confused and lost.48 Regardless of how this is handled, I will proceed with my analysis with a critical view of medieval authors’ descriptions of mythical figures, emphasizing their divine aspects.

Section I: Divine Ancestry One of the largest repeating traits of the elite seen in contemporary and medieval records, is the concept of the elite being viewed as having some kind of ancestral connection to the divine or to the proverbial ‘Other.’ This can get muddied by the medieval concept of euhemerism, or the well-known ‘interpretatio romana,' but there is, regardless, a consistent trend in texts for elite leadership to be related back to figures of the past which feature in the Norse and that has been amalgamated by textual accounts and supported, at least archetypically, by archaeological finds. The important connection here, is in the use of names. Lineage is traced through names and titles historically, as these individuals did not have access to other means of tracking heritage. Therefore, many of the examples that can be found in contemporary and medieval records of divine heritage, are confirmed through naming conventions or titles. A common method of organization, particularly when one is trying to see changes in a subject over time, is to organize it chronologically. Therefore, I will begin with analysis of the contemporary textual sources regarding divine ancestry in connection to the Scandinavian elite. Tacitus completed his famous work, Germania, in 98 AD, describing the lives of the Germanic tribes on the northern edge of the empire. In this description he clarifies the divine progenitor of the tribes and the way in which their noble descendants viewed their connection back to this being, known as . It is said in Chapter 2 of the work,

Celebrant carminibus antiquis, quod unum apud illos memoriae et annalium genus est, Tuistonem deum terra editum. Ei filium Mannum, originem gentis conditoremque, Manno tris filios adsignant, e quorum nominibus proximi Oceano , medii Herminones, ceteri Istaevones vocentur.49

48 Lassen, “Reception,” 161–63.

49 Publius Cornelius Tacitus. Cornelii Taciti de vita iulii agricolae, de origine et moribus Germanorum: with Two Maps, edited by J. H. Sleeman (Cambridge: University Press, 1939), 32.

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In the ancient songs, which are their only form of record and are a kind of chronicle, they celebrate Tuisto, an earth-born god. To him they attribute a son, , the forefather and founder of their people, and to Mannus three sons, after whom were named the Ingvaeones, nearest to the Ocean, the Herminones in the interior, and the remainder Istvaeones.50

In this way, these people come from a divine birth to begin with, giving divine blood to their people as a whole. This does not openly declare the elite to be of a higher level of divinity that the common people, but it could set the precedent that these divine-mortal relationships exist within the mindset of the . However, this requires further analysis. There has been, of course, significant skepticism regarding the works of Tacitus concerning the Germanic tribes, and the reference to a divine origin has not escaped this. Baetke made a commentary about Germania, in his work, und die Ynglinger: eine quellenkritische Untersuchung über das nordische ‘Sakralkönigtum’ (1964). McTurk mentions how Baetke assumes the later name Yngvi is a reference to the Ingaevones, a Germanic tribal group, who are supposedly related to a song of the legendary Mannus, himself a son of the Germanic god Tuisto, as is mentioned in Tacitus' Germania, chapter II. Baetke assumes this son to be ‘Ing’ and therefore considers the name Yngvi to have decidedly human, not divine origins.51 Eve Picard’s, Germanisches Sakralkönigtum?, discusses how Tacitus, other than mentioning that the Germanic tribes come from Mannus, son of Tuisto, does not say anything about the relation of divinity to kingship amongst the Germanic peoples.52 In fact, Picard does not believe that this fact is even necessarily accurate, as she believes that the line of succession would not indicate divine association, even though Mannus is the son of a god.53 Similarly, Picard, according to McTurk, believes that Tacitus' organization of Germanic tribes, particularly the , is reflective of Roman ideas about the organization of pre-Republic Rome popular at the time of Tacitius' writings.54 This kind of widespread skepticism would seem to invalidate this description. It is still

50 Tacitus, Agricola and Germany, trans. Birley, Anthony R. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), 37, Kindle.

51 McTurk, “Revisited,” 22.

52McTurk, “Revisited,” 24.

53 Eve Picard, Germanisches Sakralkönigtum?: quellenkritische Studien zur Germania des Tacitus und zur altnordischen Überlieferung. Skandinavistische Arbeiten, Bd. 12. (Heidelberg: C. Winter, 1991), 119.

54 McTurk, “Revisited,” 23.

22 of importance, however, that this idea of a divine progenitor amongst the Germanic tribes was mentioned as far back as the first century AD. Additionally, I would argue that the difference between one generation (Mannus to his sons) does not seem to entirely invalidate the potential the view of divine heritage. And the skepticism will continue into the medieval era, to varying degrees, particularly concerning the euhemeristic depiction of the Æsir and of the Norse mythos in the prose sources. However, taking an approach that echoes that of Schjødt, I believe that skepticism should not completely negate our ability to gain insight into pre-Christian thought through these sources. I will focus the investigation of elite divine ancestry in the medieval sources considering poetry initially, which are viewed as more authentic, before examining the prose. Clunies Ross believes that Snorri and other medieval writers did not too heavily modify or touch the skaldic poetry, at least when it came to kennings or titles, and that this can be reasonably reliable as a source for knowledge of pre-Christian myth.55 Margaret Clunies Ross states that medieval writers like Snorri would have been aware that early skalds would have promoted their pre-Christian patrons, oftentimes connecting them with pagan elements. This, Clunies Ross states, is particularly apparent with the frequent choice of pagan skalds to connect or compare their patron rulers with the pre-Christian pantheon of Norse myth using kennings. Clunies Ross mentions that another point of praise that is commonly used by skalds is to boast of their patron’s protection of pre-Christian holy sites and also for their generosity in pagan sacrifices. Additionally, these kennings frequently make mention of other mythical beings like giants or spirits.56 One of the most famous works of Snorri, Ynglinga saga, contains the skaldic poem Ynglingatal, which has been argued to be much older than the prose encapsulating it. In his dissertation, To Rede and to Rown: Expressions of Early Scandinavian Kingship in Written Sources, Svante Norr discusses the origins of the poem and its composition. Ynglingatal features 27 generations of the Ynglingar, with 23 Svear kings and 6 Norwegian kings. With 2 co-regent

55 Clunies Ross, “Reception,” 155.

56 Clunies Ross, “Reception,” 154.

23 situations, Norr totals that to 29 kings mentioned.57 The dating of the poem has been widely debated. If the supposed author is Þjóðólfr of Hvinir, as Snorri states, then Norr concludes, given the mention of his connection to King Harald Finehair, Ynglingatal would have been written around the start of the 10th century AD.58 The poem is written in kviðuháttr metre, a rare metre in terms of vernacular work that has been preserved in Scandinavia. Ynglingatal had been preserved in three different manuscripts from the medieval period: Kringla, Jöfraskinna, and Codex Frisianus. Codex Frisianus has survived in its original form today, the other two were lost in the Copenhagen fire of 1728. Kringla was the oldest manuscript, written in Iceland around 1250-80, and is preserved in the manuscript K (AM. 35 fol.), which was created by Ásgeir Jónsson c.1700 and was edited by Árni Magnússon.59 One of the features of Ynglingatal, is its frequent references connecting the Svear kings to their mythical or divine ancestors. There are a variety of examples from the poem within the text that indicate a divine connection. Olof Sundqvist, in his dissertation, Freyr's Offspring: Rulers and Religion in Ancient Svea Society, mentions that in Stanza 10, which discussing the death of the noble brothers Alrek and Eirik via bridle bits, these brothers are referred to as the offspring of Freyr.60 It states, Fell Alrekr, þars Eireki bróður vôpn at bana urðu. Ok hnakkmars með hǫfuðfetlum Dags fríendr of drepask kvôðu. Fráat maðr áðr eykja greiði Freys afspring í folk hafa.61

57 Svante Norr, To Rede and to Rown: Expressions of Early Scandinavian Kingship in Written Sources, Occasional Papers in Archaeology 17 (: University of Uppsala -Department of Archaeology and , 2008), 55, Digital.

58 Norr, To Rede, 56.

59 Norr, To Rede, 56.

60 Sundqvist, “Freyr’s,” 157.

61 Edith Marold Ed., ‘Þjóðólfr ór Hvini, Ynglingatal 10,’ in Diana Whaley ed., Poetry from the Kings’ Sagas 1: From Mythical Times to c. 1035, Skaldic Poetry of the Scandinavian Middle Ages 1. (Turnhout: Brepols, 2012), 25.

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Fell Alrekr there where Eirik brothers weapons to death brought (Alrekr fell there where the weapons brought death to his brother Eirek). And the horse's saddle with head-fetters (With the bridle of the horse's saddle) Dags kinsmen were said to have killed. Never a man [has known] that horse-gear Freys offspring in battle has.

These brothers are directly linked back to their mythic forefather, Freyr, a sorcerer king in the eyes of euhemerists and a god in the eyes of modern mythological study. Similar references are made in Stanza 16, with the death of Aðils as he fell from his steed, Þat frák enn, at Aðils fjǫrvi vitta véttr of viða skyldi. Ok dáðgjarn af drasils bógum Freys ôttungr falla skyldi. Ok við aur ægir hjarna bragnings burs of blandinn varð. Ok dáðsæll deyja skyldi Ála dolgr at Uppsǫlum.62

That then I asked, that Aðils life a bewitching being destroy should (This then I asked, that a bewitching being should destroy Aðil's life). And eager for deeds off shoulders of the horse Frey's descendent fall should. (And eager for deeds, Frey's descendant should fall off (the) shoulders of (the) horse) And with mud the sea of the brains of the son of the ruler blended was. And wealthy of deeds die should Ali's enemy at Uppsala.

Freyr is the name most repeated in connection to the royal within the poem, and is the most directly referenced, therefore supporting the concept of divine ancestry linked directly back to the elite of Sweden, and then , at the time. Snorri, in the prose portion of Ynglinga saga, in which Ynglingatal is contained, discusses this connection quite clearly, as well as the assertion that Yngvi serves as another name for Freyr, hence their connection to Ynglingar. It is stated by Snorri in Chapter 10, “Freyr hét Yngvi ǫðru nafni. Yngva nafn var lengi síðan haft í hans ætt fyrir

62 Edith Marold Ed., ‘Þjóðólfr ór Hvini, Ynglingatal 16,’ in Diana Whaley ed., Poetry I, 36.

25 tígnarnafn, ok Ynglingar váru síðan kallaðir hans ættmenn.”63 Another allusion to a divine connection of heritage between the ruling elite in Ynglingatal and their pre-Christian deities can be found in Stanza 14 of Ynglingatal, Ok lofsæll ór landi fló Týs ôttungr Tunna ríki. En flæmingr farra trjónu jǫtuns eykr á Agli rauð, sás of austmǫrk áðan hafði brúna hǫrg of borinn lengi. En skíðlauss Skilfinga nið hœfis hjǫrr til hjarta stóð.64

And famous out of the land went Tyr's descendant for Tunni's rule. Then the fugitive [horn?] jotuns beast [bull] on reddened, he who of the eastern forest earlier had cairn of the brow [head] of long borne. Then sheath-less Skilfingr descendent sword of the beast (the sheath-less sword of the beast) [horn] to the heart stood.

Here the reference is not to Freyr, but to Tyr, another name associated with the pantheon of pre- Christian Scandinavia. Norr believes that these divine allusions in Ynglingatal extend beyond Freyr and Tyr. Norr mentions that there are several cases in which there are references to Óðinn, though only one directly connecting to divine heritage in the poem. The one that is most obviously discussed is in strophe 26 (of manuscript K, Cod. AM. 35 fol), which states that King Olaf was, "...niðkvísl í Nóregi þrottar Þrós...," which Wessén had translated as "lineage of the strong (Þrór - strong).65

63 Snorri Sturluson, ‘Ynglinga Saga’ in Heimskringla I, edited by Bjarni Aðalbjarnarson, Íslenzk fornrit, vo1. 26 (Reykjavik: Hið íslenzk fornrit, 2002), 23–25. My Translation: Freyrs other name was Yngvi. The name Yngvi was used long after in his bloodline as a high title, and the Ynglingar were then called his kinsmen.

64 Edith Marold Ed., ‘Þjóðólfr ór Hvini, Ynglingatal 14,’ in Diana Whaley ed., Poetry I, 31.

65 Through my own translation of this stanza, utlizing the same manuscript, I concurr with Wesséns and Norr´s interpretation, “And the lineage in Norway of the strong god became increased. Ruled Olaf strongly in former days 26

Although this is a , this interpretation could fit Óðinn, though Steinsland points out that Þróastr and Þrór are names that both were associated with Frey and Óðinn.66 Turning briefly to the connected prose, Norr also points out the similarities between the death of King Fjǫlni in Ynglinga saga via drowning in a vat of mead at the hall of a Danish king named Fróði, and the mythos of Óðinn. Norr mentions that Óðinn uses the name Fjǫlni in Grímnismál (47) and Reginsmál (18).67 It is true that in Ynglinga saga, Snorri Sturluson speaks of lost verses of Ynglingatal, which he claims that Óðinn, Njörðr, and then Yngvi-Freyr are the progenitors of the Ynglingar dynasty. However, as Anthony Faulkes points out in his work, “Descent from the Gods,” Snorri states that Fjǫlnir is Yngvi-Freyr's son, with no immediate connection to Óðinn.68 Ari Þorgilsson's Íslendingabók, that also utilized the Ynglingatal poem, starts the Norwegian king genealogy chronologically as Yngvi, Njörðr, Freyr, and Fjǫlnir- almost identical to Snorri's account (save Óðinn).69 These assumptions about Óðinn are more questionable, as they are primarily related to the later prose. Even Norr, in the end, states that the only direct references to divine ancestors in Ynglingatal are Freyr and Týr. Óðinns presence and connection to the lineage is not directly stated in the poem and therefore cannot be definitive.70 I am willing to support the potential for an Óðinn reference in Stanza 3 of Ynglingatal, but I am not convinced by Norr’s tentative connections between Fjǫlni and Óðinn. Though the name is shared in different texts, Norr’s attempts to justify the connection via analogy, particularly that which emerges from Snorri’s prose, makes it too uncertain for my support in the case of the Ynglingar. The continued references to Freyr (or Yngvi-Freyr) seem more palatable and concrete.71

on the wide lands of Vestmar, until foot pain near the brink of Fold person in mid-battle [warrior] should kill (until foot pain killed the warrior by the brink of Fold).”

66 Norr, To Rede, 86.

67 Norr, To Rede, 86-7.

68 Anthony Faulkes, “Descent from the gods”, Mediaeval Scandinavia 11 1978–9 (1982): 5.

69 Faulkes, “Descent,” 6.

70 Norr, To Rede, 89.

71 Yngvi-Freyr, which Snorri would have us understand as another name for Freyr, is repeated in both Ari’s Íslendingabók, Skjǫldunga saga, and elsewhere.

27

However, there is a contemporary skaldic work of similar design that has strong parallels to the divine heritage model utilized in Ynglingtal which features Óðinn as the undisputed progenitor of a noble family. Faulkes discusses Háleygjatal, which was written by Eyvindr skáldaspillir in the late 900s. It places Óðinn as the progenitor of the jarls of Hlaðir in Norway, along with a supposed son of his, Sæmingr.72 In the case of the jarls of Hlaðir, they are stated as being the descendants of Æsir via the god Óðinn and also the giants via the famous goddess. Skaði. Stanza 2 of the poem states, Þann skjaldblœtr skattfœri gat Ása niðr við járnviðju, þás þau mær í manheimum skatna vinr ok Skaði byggðu, sævar beins, ok sunu marga ǫndurdís við Óðni gat.73

Shield-worshiped below the Æsir Shield-worshiped kinsmen of the Æsir [Óðinn]) that tribute- bringer [ruler = Sæmingr] begat with the female from Járnviðr, when they the famous ones the friend of warriors [Óðinn] and Skaði lived, of the bones of the sea of maiden-lands [rock- giantess = giantess- lands = Jótunheimr] (in Jótunheimr) and many sons the snow-shoe goddess [Skaði] with Óðinn got.

Snorri echoes this story in the prose of Ynglinga saga, addressing this in Chapter 8 with Óðinn´s marriage to Skaði, Um alla Svíþjóð guldu menn Óðni skatt, penning fyrir nef hvert, en hann skyldi verja land þeira fyrir ófriði ok blóta þeim til árs. Njǫrðr fekk konu Þeirar, er Skaði hét. Hon vildi ekki við hann samfarar ok giptisk síðan Óðni. Áttu þau marga sonu. Einn Þeira hét Sæmingr.74

Around all Sweden people paid tributes to Óðinn, a penny per head, and he should defend their land against war and sacrifice for them for harvest. Njǫrðr got a woman from them, who was named Skaði. She did not want to be with him and afterwards she married Óðinn. They had many sons, One of them was called Sæmingr.

72 Faulkes, “Descent,” 7.

73 Russell Poole ed., ‘Eyvindr skáldaspillir Finnsson, Háleygjatal 2,’ in Diana Whaley (ed.), Poetry, 199.

74 Snorri Sturluson, ‘Ynglinga Saga’ in Heimskringla I, Íf, vo1. 26, 21.

28

It is clear that Sæmingr lineage is of mythic kings (divine or otherwise) and otherworldly beings. Additionally, Snorri´s statement that Fjölnir to be the son of Fryer and Gerðr matches a similar pattern. Gro Steinsland hypothesizes this as traces pre-Christian concept of legendary kings as the children of a male god and a female giant.75 Steinsland believes that the legendary kings’ maternal line back to giantesses is as significant to consider as the male divine progenitor.76 I would agree that this is an important detail that cannot be overlooked. If this is true, than we are dealing with the potential for an elite who trace their ancestry back to elevated beings beyond that of humanity. The claim to be the descendant of offspring produced by a union of supernatural beings and divine figures, would certainly enforce the idea of this elite having powers or abilities that could prove useful in pre-Christian concepts of ritual, something that could be reflected in the ‘ár sacrifices’ to be discussed in the next section. In the case of references to the divine or mythic past, their repeated use throughout the skaldic poem is blatant. It is clear in the case of Ynglingatal, that Þjóðólfr of Hvinir (should he be the original composer) does not want there to be any doubt in the mind of his audience that these kings come from mythic bloodlines. Eyvindr skáldaspillir seems to take a similar tact in his own contemporary description of Hlaðir, showing the unique ancestry of his patron. In Stanza 20, the elite are referred to as “goðkynning“ and I think this encapsulates the pre-Christian concept of these leaders.77 This makes good sense, and matches the stratagems of the ‘religious ruler ideology’ discussed by Sundqvist, as it definitively marks these elites as above the common man. However, the degree this connection between the elite and their gods extends has been debated. Sundqvist, interprets these titles and kennings of divine ancestry as things which purely symbolic, seeing the connection between the divine and the elite as a function of connecting the gods to the leadership so that they may be accepted as the intermediaries between these forces. The elite would not be seen as something other than human, simply humans with elevated ability.78 In contrast to this, Schjødt states that it is the case in modern academic discussion that most scholars have

75 McTurk, “Revisited,” 28.

76 McTurk, “Revisited,” 29.

77 Edith Marold Ed., ‘Þjóðólfr ór Hvini, Ynglingatal 20,’ in Diana Whaley ed., Poetry I, 44.

78 Sundqvist, “Freyr’s,” 169–70.

29 ignored the possibility that the god-human dichotomy may not apply well for pre-Christian Nordic belief. In fact, Schjødt argues, it is the lack of this distinction that often highlights the "pagan" element of these beliefs.79 The divine kings’ status implies a closer relationship with the gods or even being gods themselves, both in life and death. Schjødt points out that in some sources, like Ynglinga saga the deaths of gods like Freyr in Chapter 10, and that of the king, Froði, are treated quite similarly.80 Schjødt states that, for Germanic pagan societies, the separation between kings and gods was of far less concern than it would be to later societies.81 Steinsland´s comments about the unity of giants and gods in Háleygjatal and other works adds additional nuance to the question. Were these elites viewed as divine or supernatural in some way due to their heritage, elevated above man? This is not something that can be answered using archaeology, but it is important to consider when discussing the role of the elite during the pre-Christian period. Being the descendants of a gods or giants was a quick way to legitimize a leaders rule and this ‘elevated’ affiliation is something that the elite would not want their constituents to forget, and the literature certainly preserved this idea.

Section II: Ritual Control While analysis of skaldic poetry and the prose of the time can be useful in determining the projected status of these elites as divine descendants or simply powerful and noble leaders, they can also help to determine how these Scandinavian elites interacted with and conducted ritual activity in pre-Christian times. While there are a variety of elite ritual interactions in the various poems and sagas of the Old Norse corpus, as well as some sources, a number of common elements can be identified in the sources. I have divided these elements into the broad categories of Feasting & Drinking, Sacrifice, Protection of Temples, and Prophesizing. These are by no means exclusive, and other examples can be found of leaders performing ritual actions, but they are profoundly common and can be seen across a variety of works and textual mediums. It is important to consider these texts with a degree of wariness, as the medieval influence over many of these texts is significant. However, we face two factors that have caused me to use these textual sources. The first is that Snorri has written prolifically, and the significance of detail in the works

79 Schjødt, “Ideology,” 179.

80 Schjødt, “Ideology,” 179.

81 Schjødt, “Ideology,” 181. 30 attributed to him provide a large amount of the textual information we have about the Ynglingar and other elites and how they operated. Similarly, there is little contemporary textual account about the Roman Iron Age, so to glean any knowledge through this medium requires works like those by Tacitus or Strabo. The second, in the case of Snorri’s work, is that these themes can be seen within the skaldic poems enclosed within the prose as well. Poems which, according to scholars like Clunies-Ross, don’t appear to have been significantly altered, possibly due to complexity or other reasons. Still, this does not go without the need for skepticism and is the main reason that the themes I have selected will be tested against archaeological records. Ritual Feasting and Drinking: As was the case in Section I of this chapter, I will begin with the theme of Ceremonial Feasting & Drinking. Perhaps the most detailed ritual activity discussed in my sources, the ritual consumption of food and particularly beverages appears to have been a key role in which the elite were involved, and even required to participate. One of the most famous examples of this can be found in Snorri‘s Heimskringla ,within Hákonar saga góða. In the account, King Hákon is attending a ceremonial feast at Hlaðir and is asked to sit in the high seat and perform a drinking ceremony for the people, “Um haustit at vetri var blótveizla á Hlǫðum, ok sótti þar til konungr. Hann hafði jafnan fyrr verit vanr, ef hann var staddr þar, er blót ´váru, at matask í litlu húsi með fá menn. En bœndr tǫlðu at því, er hann sat eigi í hásæti sínu. En er it fyrsta full var skenkt, þá mælti Sigurðr jarl fyrir ok signaði Óðni oka drakk af horninu til konungs. Konungr tók við ok gerði krossmark yfir. Þá mælti Kárr af Grýtingi: „Hví ferr konungrinn nú svá? Vill hann enn eigi blóta?“ Sigurðr jarl svarar: „Konungr gerir svá sem þeir allir, er trúa á mátt sinn ok megin ok signa full sitt Þór. Hann gerði hamarsmark yfir, áðr han darkk.“ Var þá kyrrt um kveldit. Eptir um daginn, er menn gengu til borða, þá þustu bœndr at konungi, sǫgðu, at hann skyldi eta þá hrossaslátr.”82

In autumn around winter there was a sacrificial feast in Hlaðir, and the king visited it. Always before that he was used to, if he was there, where a sacrifice was, to eat in a little house with a few men. But the farmers commented about this, that he did not sit in his high seat, there where there was most people. The Jarl said that he should not do so. It was so, that the king sat in his high seat. And when the first drinking vessel was served, then Jarl Sigurðr spoke and dedicated to Óðinn and toasted the king with the horn. The king took [the horn] and made the sign of the cross over [it]. Then said Kárr from Grýtingr: "What is the king doing? Doesn't he want to sacrifice?" Jarl Sigurðr answers, "The king does as they all do, which is believe in his strength and power and sign his beaker to Þórr. He did the sign of the hammer over the glass before he drank." Then it was quiet during the evening.

82 Snorri Sturluson, ‘Hákonar saga góða‘ in Heimskringla I, edited by Bjarni Aðalbjarnarson, Íslenzk fornrit,, vo1. 26 (Reykjavik: Hið íslenzk fornrit, 2002), 171. 31

Later in the day, when men went to eat, then the farmers gathered around the king, and said that he should eat horse meat.

The king‘s role in the blessing and consumption of the first drinking vessel is made clear in this passage. More importantly, when he does not sit in his designated high seat or properly bless and consume the beaker of liquid, there is concern amongst his constituents. A strong sense of obligation is implied here, and throughout this section of the saga, it is emphasized that his Christian faith and ensuing break or reluctance to perform traditional roles is unacceptable to his people and is overridden. He is forced to perform the acts expected of him, and his failure to entirely comply requires Jarl Sigurðr to intervene and lie on his behalf in a way that would match the accepted worldview. A similar occurrence is recorded in the following chapter (17) where it is stated, Inn fyrsta dag at veizlunni veittu bœndr honum atgǫngu ok báðu hann blóta, en hétu honum afarkostum ella. Sigurðr jarl bar þá mál í millum þeira. Kømr þá svá, at Hákon konungr át nǫkkur bita af hrosslifr. Drakk han þá ǫll minni krossaluast, þau er bœndr skenktu honum.83

The first day at the banquet the farmers thronged in upon him and asked him to sacrifice, or else they would force him to. Then Earl Sigurth mediated between them, and in the end King Hákon ate a few bits of horse liver. Then he drank all the toasts the farmers poured for him without making the sign of the cross.

At this proceeding banquet, Hákon met similar demands, and caved to the farmers’ insistence on the maintenance of tradition, omitting any of the previous Christian elements that he had tried to incorporate. The farmers are not shy to call Hákon out, his role is a responsibility as much as it is a reinforcement of his power. Ritual feasting is also mentioned in another portion of the Heimskringla, Ynglinga saga. In Chapter 36, it states,

Þat va siðvenja í þann tíma, þar er erfi skyldi gera eptir konunga eða jarla, þá skyldi sá, er gerði ok til arfs skyldi leiða, sitja á skǫrinni fyrir hásætinu allt þar til, er inn væri borit full, þat er kallat var bragafull, skyldi sá þá standa upp í móti bragafulli ok strengja heit, drekka af fullit síðan, síðan skyldi hann leiða í hásæti, þat sem átti faðir hans. Var hann þá kominn til arfs alls eptir hann (Islenzk fornrit Heimskringla I, 66).84

83 Snorri Sturluson, ‘Hákonar saga góða‘ in Heimskringla I, Íf, vo1. 26, 172.

84 Snorri Sturluson, ‘Ynglinga saga’ in Heimskringla I, Íf, vo1. 26, 66.

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It was custom in that time, there when a funeral feast should be done for the kings or the jarls, then should he, who did [it] should also behold the inheritance, he should sit on the step before the high seat until, when the drinking vessel was brought inside, and this drinking vessel which was called BragaFull. This person should then stand up in front of the BragaFull and make a solemn vow, afterwards drink from the vessel, then should he conduct to the high seat, that which his father owned. Then he came into possession of all the inheritance. If Snorri is to be believed, ritual feasting served not only to reinforce the power of the current ruler in Scandinavia, but also that of their descendants, legitimizing a noble family‘s right to rule and a new leader‘s heritage. Something as important as the receival of inheritance was, according to Snorri, sealed with a special drink and a vow. While the majority of our detailed accounts about drinking rituals come from medieval sources, and therefore must be treated with caution, additional evidence would tend to support this element of elite ritual manipulation. This ritual feasting and drinking focus is reflected in the archaeological remains as well, something that will be reflected in Chapter 3.

Sacrifices: The control over and the enactment of sacrifice is also something frequently seen in the Old Norse corpus and its related Latin companions. In fact, observation of elite control over this kind of ritual is one of the most heavily used themes of elite ritual activity, both in the literary tales and archaeological data. The textual stories of elite sacrifices amongst the Germanic peoples span back to the time of Rome, while sacrifices of elite materials can be seen in material remains far further, as part of a continued ancient tradition. The purpose of these sacrifices seems to vary, but were nonetheless expected of the elite strata in Scandinavian prehistory. One of the earliest ritual sacrifices described in text comes from the infamous Tacitus, as he describes the actions of a certain priest class, who direct the rituals of the tribe of Germanic peoples. Some of these sacrificial actions include the slaughter of humans in sacred groves, as a means of confirming the common and sacred ancestry of related individuals. It is stated,

“Vetustissimos se nobilissimosque Sueborum Semnones memorant; fides antiquitatis religione firmatur. Stato tempore in silvam auguriis patrum et prisca formidine sacram 33

omnes eiusdem sanguinis populi legationibus coeunt caesoque publice homine celebrant barbari ritus horrenda primordia.”85 Their antiquity is confirmed by a religious rite. At a fixed time deputations from all the peoples who share the same origin meet in a wood sanctified by their forefathers’ auguries and by ancient dread. A human victim is slaughtered on behalf of all present to celebrate the gruesome opening of the barbarous ritual.86

This sacrificial ritual can be seen as a method of reinforcing the social ties and obligations between relatives and also as a method of confirming the divine aspect of this connection. If these tribes did truly imagine themselves to be the descendants of Mannus, then the ritual and cosmological elements of this kind of gathering would make sense. In this way, the sacrifice divinely reinforces the bonds of their mythic heritage. This can be compared to the drinking rituals regarding inheritance described in Hákonar saga góða, as a cosmological precedent reinforces the heritage of this stratum as something above that of the common man. The elite role in sacrifice is prevalent in the mythic history of the Ynglingar dynasty within Snorri Sturluson‘s Ynglinga saga. In this case, it is the euhemerized gods and their servants that are performing the sacrifices, declared to be great chieftains ‘drottnar’ or priests/gods ‘díar’ and directly connected to the central place of power of ‘Ásaheimr‘, which he claims is Ásgarð. Chapter 2 states, En í borginni var hǫfðingi sá, er Óðinn var kallaðr. Þar var blótstaðr mikill. Þart var þar siðr, at tólf hofgoðar váru œztir. Skyldu þeir ráða fyrir blótum ok dómum manna í milli. Þat eru díar kallaðir eða dróttnar (Islenzk fornrit Heimskringla I, 11).87

And in the city was that chief, who Óðinn was called. There was a great sacrifical place. There was the custom, that twelve chieftains were most powerful. They should rule over the sacrifices and the judgements among men. Those are called díar (priests/gods) or dróttnar (lords).

These individuals are described as the ones to have control over the sacrifices, a trait that repeats itself later in this supposed history, with the integration of Freyr and into the Æsir’s ranks

85 Cornelius Tacitus. Cornelii Taciti de vita iulii agricolae, de origine et moribus Germanorum: with Two Maps, edited by J. H. Sleeman (Cambridge: University Press, 1939), 51.

86 Tacitus, Agricola and Germany, trans. Birley, Anthony R. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), 57, Kindle.

87 Snorri Sturluson, ‘Ynglinga saga’ in Heimskringla I, Íf, vo1. 26, 11.

34 as ‘blótgoða’ and ‘díar’ in Chapter 4, and the use of sacrifice to finalize the establishment of a hall and new central place at Sigtúnir.88 The most popularly stated reason for elite sacrifices stated in the poems and stories used for this study, by far, was the prosperity of their people. This reasoning is repeatedly mentioned throughout the prose works of Snorri, but can also be seen in the poetry of Ynglingatal and the accounts of Tacitus as well. These rulers were expected to give sacrifice as a means of gaining good harvest and peace for their constituents and the lands around the central places that they controlled.

Tacitus also presents the oldest description of a sacrificial ritual for prosperity and peace from my study, in the famous description of the cult of in Chapter 40 of Tacitus’ Germania, “Est in insula Oceani castum nemus, dicatumque in eo vehiculum, veste contectum; attingere uni sacerdoti concessum. Is adesse penetrali deam intellegit vectamque bubus feminis multa cum veneratione prosequitur. Laeti tunc dies, festa loca, quaecumque adventu hospitioque dignatur. Non bella ineunt, non arma sumunt; clausum omne ferrum; pax et quies tunc tantum nota, tunc tantum amata, donec idem sacerdos satiatam conversatione mortalium deam templo reddat. Mox vehiculum et vestes et, si credere velis, numen ipsum secreto lacu abluitur. Servi ministrant, quos statim idem lacus haurit. Arcanus hinc terror sanctaque ignorantia, quid sit illud, quod tantum perituri vident.”89

There is a sacred grove on an island in the Ocean, in which there is a consecrated chariot, draped with a cloth, which the priest alone may touch. He perceives the presence of the goddess in the innermost shrine and with great reverence escorts her in her chariot, which is drawn by female cattle...No one goes to war, no one takes up arms, all objects of iron are locked away, then and only then do they experience peace and quiet, only then do they prize them, until the goddess has had her fill of human society and the priest brings her back to her temple. Afterwards the chariot, the cloth, and, if one may believe it, the herself are washed in a hidden lake. The slaves who perform this office are immediately afterwards swallowed up in the same lake.90

The description of enforced peace brought about by this ritual, paired with the sacrifices of slaves, seem to fit the pattern of sacrifices for peace and harvest displayed in later work. Picard, in her ever present criticism of Tacitus, is quick to mention that kings are not present in this passage of

88 Snorri Sturluson, ‘Ynglinga saga’ in Heimskringla I, Íf, vo1. 26, 13.

89 Tacitus, Cornelii Taciti, 51–52.

90 Tacitus, Agricola and Germany, 58, Kindle.

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Germania Chapter 40. Despite this, some academics have claimed that Nerthus is directly related to the god Njörðr, and therefore could be connected to Yngvi via Ari þorgilssons medieval genealogy. Picard denies those who claim that the Nerthus cult was actually part of the Ingaevones tribe, believing instead that Tacitus was inspired by the cult of Cybele in Roman culture for this account.91 The question is then brought forth again, as to whether Tacitus can be considered a trusted source. He is criticized repeatedly and scholars like Alfred Gudeman have presented significant evidence that all of his information was derived from second and third-hand sources.92 However, despite the literary criticism, it is important to note that some of his descriptions match certain themes seen in archaeological evidence. The description of the sacrifice of the slaves in the sacred lake, who have washed the goddess and her sacred wagon after the procession across the land to bring peace to the people, is one that has correlations to the remnants of wetland depositions throughout Scandinavia, like those at Alken Enge. Additionally, the descriptions of sacrificial bodies of water, like the well at Uppsala in the accounts of Adam of Bremen, may indicate some continuity here. In the later works of Snorri Sturluson, this type of fertility sacrifice can be seen in the case of Ynglinga saga, in Chapter 8, where it mentions that Óðinn, “... skyldi verja land þeira fyrir ófriði ok blóta þeim til árs.”93 This is also seen after the death of Freyr in Chapter 10, when offerings are given to Freyr as he lay within the mound for three years, “En skatt ǫllum helltu þeir í hauginn, í einn glugg gullinu, en í annan slifrinu, í inn þriðja eirpenningum. Þá helzk ár ok friðr.”94 These descriptions are also mentioned in Ynglingatal, which describes the slaying of a mythic king in an attempt to bring good harvests to them. In a gruesome depiction, it states in Stanza 5,

91 McTurk, “Revisited,” 25.

92 Alfred Gudeman, "The Sources of the Germania of Tacitus," in Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association 31 (1900): 110–111, doi:10.2307/282642.

93 Snorri Sturluson, ‘Ynglinga saga’ in Heimskringla I, Íf, vo1. 26, 21. My Translation: ... should defend their land against war and sacrifice for them for harvest.

94 Snorri Sturluson, ‘Ynglinga saga’ in Heimskringla I, Íf, vo1. 26, 24. My Translation: And all tributes they held in the mound, in one opening of gold, and in another of silver, and in the third, copper coins (They held all tributes in the mound, in one was put gold, in one silver, and in the third, copper coins). Then harvests and peace were held.

36

Hitt vas fyrr, at fold ruðu sverðberendr sínum dróttni. Ok landherr af lífsvǫnum dreyrug vôpn Dómalda bar, þás árgjǫrn Jóta dolgi Svía kind of sóa skyldi.”95

It was early that ground was made red (by) sword-bearers [with the blood] of their leader. And the land's army of life-lacking bloody weapons Dómaldi bore, (from life-lacking Dómaldi bore the bloody weapons) they eager for harvests the Jute's enemy the kin of the Svear should slay.

This death is confirmed in saga, in Chapter 15 and also is repeated late in the saga, in Chapter 43, as another king, Ólaf, is burned inside of his home after he is blamed for famine due to his stinginess about his sacrifices.96 These sacrifices for harvest and peace, according to these accounts at least, are clearly not things that are simply done for the benefit of elite control, they are seen as vital services to their constituents, and displays of violent retribution are depicted in these poems and sagas, if these rituals are not completed. The threats of the farmers in Hákonar saga goða when he is visiting feasts Trondheim, that they will make him perform the necessary rituals against his will if he does not comply with their wishes, enforces this idea. In these tales, the elite have become inseparably ingrained into the ritual landscape, their ritual role is required component for the health and longevity of their people.

Prophesy: Prophesy is another theme clearly stated in the depictions of elite in the textual sources, both medieval and contemporary. The earliest example of elite prophetic interaction amongst Germanic tribes in this paper comes from the Roman era, from the Hellenic writer Strabo, in Book 7, Chapter 2, Section 3 of his Geographica. This account describes a group of ‘s attached to the , who commit sacrificial rituals as a means of divining the outcomes of their peoples‘ wars. He states,

“ἔθος δέ τι τῶν Κίμβρων διηγοῦνται τοιοῦτον, ὅτι ταῖς γυναιξὶν αὐτῶν συστρατευούσαις παρηκολούθουνπρομάντεις ἱέρειαι πολιότριχες, λευχείμονες, καρπασίνας ἐφαπτίδας ἐπιπεπορπημέναι, ζῶσμα χαλκοῦνἔχουσαι, γυμνόποδες: τοῖς οὖν αἰχμαλώτοις διὰ τοῦ στρατοπέδου συνήντων ξιφήρεις, καταστέψασαι δ᾽ αὐτοὺςἦγον ἐπὶ κρατῆρα χαλκοῦν ὅσον ἀμφορέων εἴκοσιν: εἶχον δὲ ἀναβάθραν, ἣν ἀναβᾶσα ... ὑπερπετὴς τοῦ λέβητοςἐλαιμοτόμει ἕκαστον μετεωρισθέντα: ἐκ δὲ τοῦ προχεομένου αἵματος εἰς τὸν κρατῆρα μαντείαν τινὰ ἐποιοῦντο, ἄλλαι δὲ διασχίσασαι ἐσπλάγχνευον ἀναφθεγγόμεναι νίκην τοῖς οἰκείοις. ἐν δὲ

95 Edith Marold Ed., ‘Þjóðólfr ór Hvini, Ynglingatal 5,’ in Diana Whaley ed., Poetry I, 16.

96 Snorri Sturluson, ‘Ynglinga saga’ in Heimskringla I, Íf, vo1. 26 (Reykjavik: Hið íslenzk fornrit, 2002), 31–32; 74.

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τοῖς ἀγῶσιν ἔτυπτον τὰςβύρσας τὰς περιτεταμένας τοῖς γέρροις τῶν ἁρμαμαξῶν, ὥστ᾽ ἀποτελεῖσθαι ψόφον ἐξαίσιον.”97

They were accompanied in their expeditions by their wives; these were followed by hoary- headed priestesses, clad in white, with cloaks of carbasus fastened on with clasps, girt with brazen girdles, and bare-footed. These individuals, bearing drawn swords, went to meet the captives throughout the camp, and, having crowned them, led them to a brazen vessel containing about 20 amphoræ, and placed on a raised platform, which one of the priestesses having ascended, and holding the prisoner above the vessel, cut his throat; then, from the manner in which the blood flowed into the vessel, some drew certain divinations; while others, having opened the corpse, and inspected the entrails, prophesied victory to their army.98

The sacrifice of these prisoners of war and the ensuing prophesy was a very lavish affair, featuring the ritual crowning of captives, the slitting of throats using swords, and a priest class that was described wearing very specific (and seemingly expensive) clothing to mark them out. While prophesizing using the entrails and blood of their dead enemies is not something that is mentioned in great prevalence in the Viking Age contemporary sources and skaldic poetry, and also in Snorri‘s medieval work. Casting lots or the use of the ill-described ‘seiðr‘ magic is something that repeatedly appears, in many cases being enacted by chieftains and rulers, not only seeresses or specialized priests as was seen in earlier Roman observations. In fact, there is no clear distinction made between these roles in Ynglinga saga, as the euhemeristic gods are both ‘dróttnar’ and ‘díar,’ and all of the Æsir are described as being taught seiðr by Freyja in Chapter 4.99 Rimbert’s description of the casting of lots by King Olav in Chapter 27 of Vita Anskarii to find out the will of the gods regarding Ansgar’s request to resume his missionary work in Birka, is a good example of this.100 As stated in Chapter 26, Olav will not make a decision about Ansgar’s request without consultation of the gods, something for the sake of public assurance.101 In medieval texts, this is still present. In Snorri’s Heimskringla, in Chapter 38 of Ynglinga saga, it is possible

97 Strabo. ed. A. Meineke, Geographica (: Teubner. 1877), 403–404.

98 Strabo. The Geography of Strabo (Volume I, II & III of 3): Literally Translated, with Notes, trans. Hamilton, H.C. and W. Falconer. Transcript. Kindle Edition.

99 Snorri Sturluson, ‘Ynglinga saga’ in Heimskringla I, Íf, vo1. 26, 13.

100 Charles H. Robinson, Anskar - The Apostle of the North, 801-865 - Translated from the Vita Anskarii by Bishop Rimbert, His Fellow Missionary and Successor, Ch. 27 (Read Books Ltd) Kindle.

101 Robinson, Anskar - The Apostle, Ch. 26 (Read Books Ltd) Kindle.

38 to see these elite divination rituals performed for private reasons rather than that of the public. King Granmarr cast lots at Uppsala to see his own fate, and he learns of his approaching doom, something he takes quite seriously. Given his unpleasant death by burning in Chapter 39, it appears that these divination rituals were seen to have power, even when recorded through a medieval Christian lens.102

The Protection of Sanctuaries: The protection of sanctuaries is a type of praise used for elites repeatedly within my selected texts as well, both in skaldic poetry and in the prose. Clunies Ross, in her chapter, “The Reception in Skaldic Poetry and in Skáldskaparmál,” mentions that a point of praise that is commonly used by skalds is to boast of their patron’s protection of pre-Christian holy sites.103 In the skaldic poem, Hákonarmál, attributed to Eyvindr skáldaspillir Finnsson and written for the late King Hákon of Norway, whom Eyvindr praised as being cordial with the gods, despite his Christian faith (as odd as that was). Stanza 18 states, “Þá þat kynnðisk, hvé sá konungr hafði vel of þyrmt véum, es Hôkon bôðu heilan koma rôð ǫll ok .”104 The guiding and ruling powers here, being an allusion to the gods. This idea of the guardians of sanctuaries is also present in Ynglingatal. Norr notes that in strophe 11, the king is referred to as "the warden of the sanctuary" which he sees as a easily determinable statement of the king's involvement as an intermediary between the divine and society.105 The Stanza states, “Ok varð hinn, es Ôlfr of vá, vǫrðr vestals of veginn liggja, es dǫglingr dreyrgan mæki ǫfundgjarn á Yngva rauð.”106 This role as protector is worth noting, because it does not just function as a positive note worthy of praise, it also shows that these elites were maintaining these sites in a way that was noteworthy to the public. The

102 Snorri Sturluson, ‘Ynglinga saga’ in Heimskringla I, Íf, vo1. 26, 69–70.

103 Clunies Ross, “Reception,” 154.

104 R. D. Fulk ed., ‘Eyvindr skáldaspillir Finnsson, Hákonarmál 18’ in Diana Whaley (ed.), Poetry from the Kings’ Sagas 1: From Mythical Times to c. 1035. Skaldic Poetry of the Scandinavian Middle Ages 1. (Turnhout: Brepols, 2012), 191. My Translation: Then it is known, how that king had well shown respect to the temples, when they bade Hákon welcome guiding all and ruling powers (when all the guiding and ruling powers bade Hákon welcome).

105 Norr, To Rede, 93.

106 Edith Marold Ed., ‘Þjóðólfr ór Hvini, Ynglingatal 11,’ in Diana Whaley ed., Poetry I, 26. My Translation: And had he, whom Ôlfr killed, the guardian of the sanctuary lay, dead (defeated) which a descendant of Dag bloody sword envious of Yngvi reddened.

39 location of these sites, particularly ‘ár‘sites in the archaeological data is important to consider, as these are often located in central areas under elite control. Holding and maintaining these sites in the landscape would be important, particularly if the elite were expected to direct elements of ritual practice, sacrifice or otherwise. The importance of this possession appears to have extended beyond typical religious considerations, as is presented in Hákonarmál, where even a Christian king was remembered for his service to the traditional pagan ritual sites of his lands. These places were elite places, and were engrained into society as such. From the sources I have used, it is apparent that there are a number of ancestral claims and ritual activities associated with the Scandinavian elite within the poetic and prose texts, both contemporary and medieval, that have been engrained into the narrative of the pre-Christian past. There are many other examples that can be found and expounded on, but for the sake of brevity I chose to select a few that I felt were most related to elite power and influence over contemporary societies in the tales of Scandinavia at the time, and also those that might have greater visibility in the material remains from this era. The geographical and chronological spread of my sources showed some significant variation in the elites’ tropes and themes between early and later Iron Age, particularly in the transition between the stories of Roman scholars like Strabo and Tacitus, and those of medieval Scandinavians. Models of power in these tales transition from the seeresses and priests of the Cimbri and Ingaevones, to the chieftains and mythic kings of the later Iron Age. Even in the euhemeristic light of the medieval scribes, the ruling elite take on a supernatural or divine quality. These kings are the descendants of mythic heroes or otherworldly hybrids, reflected in the kennings of the poems dedicated to them, and the sometimes bewildering genealogies of medieval prose. Whether their origins are interpreted as divine or ecclesiastically censored with mortality and magic, they are engrained into the stories of pre-Christian ritual. These elites in literature are depicted as necessary elements of pagan practices, expected to bring prosperity and peace their peoples through their powers or face the consequences of their failures.

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Chapter 3: Ritual Power in the Material Remains

The early contemporary tales of the Germanic peoples to the North, spoke of their violent and elaborate rituals, described in a fanciful, but barbaric light by their Roman observers. The medieval textual accounts, both the skaldic poetry and the saga prose depicting the Iron Age Scandinavian elite, present a richer depiction of these rulers. Rulers empowered with the heroic or divine bloodlines that gave them great skill and power, no longer reliant on priests for their sacrifices and rituals. While the themes of sacral kingship and ritual mastery are numerous within the earlier skaldic poetry and later prose, they are not without criticism. These are simply themes that can be traced, as sagas are stories of the past, not historical accounts. These ideas had been popular within the minds of their contemporary authors, but in the case of the medieval prose texts, these were reflections on a history long gone, in a culture before the Christianization of the North. Olof Sundqvist has discussed this extensively in his work, masterfully utilizing the textual material and evidence to uncover evidence about these practices amongst the Svear in his work, “.Freyr's Offspring: Rulers and Religion in Ancient Svea Society.” I will continue to explore these themes albeit through a different lens. Recognizing the limitations of textual accounts, via euhemerism or creative medieval interpretation, I believe that another approach must be taken that can utilize more contemporary evidence. Therefore, to determine if these textual themes can hold merit or correlate to real elements of elite power in Scandinavia, we must compare them to something more substantial- the archaeological record. If objects can be found in the material assemblage of Southern Scandinavian sites that reflect the popular themes seen in my sources, there is a greater chance these themes were based on ritual strategies employed in pre-Christian times. While this is by no means definitive, as it is difficult to reconstruct what exactly occurred in an excavated ritual site, there are certain structures and objects that I will analyze from Iron Age sites in Scandinavia that have been associated with elite power by the academic community which I believe correlate to the previously discussed ritual themes in the texts.

Section I: Wetlands and Halls - Context When considering the themes of ritual power utilized by the pre-Christian Scandinavian elite in the Latin and vernacular texts, it is easy to miss one of the key contextual elements that is necessary to consider when discussing the archeological material- the setting. These rituals are taking place within specific settings, both constructed and natural, that allow me to narrow down 41 the area to search for correlating ritual remains. These settings can provide just as much information about the ritual and its function in Scandinavian elite society as the artifacts within it, and the transition of these locations is also important to consider. Within the contemporary Roman accounts of the activities of the Germanic peoples in regards to elite rituals, we will focus on sacrifices in groves and wetlands. Tacitus is the source that primarily mentions the use of groves and sacred lakes of the Ingvaeones. The transition from the grove and the wetlands to the central place and the elite’s hall can be seen in my textual sources as early as the works of Rimbert, with the rise of the temple to King Eric and the casting of lots by the king before the assembly.107 The skaldic poetry of the late Viking Age and the early medieval prose of Snorri also indicate the rise of this setting, with the strong presence of the hall in the prose of Ynglinga saga, with the establishment of Óðinn at old Sigtúnir, and the many halls of the Æsir across the north, as well as the hall gatherings in Hlaðir and Mærin.108 The archaeological evidence indicates that this theme changed in conjuncture with the material remains of elite ritual in the Scandinavian landscape. Charlotte Fabech discusses this shift in her article, “Centrality in Old Norse mental landscapes: A dialogue between arranged and natural places?” in which she believes that a shift from wetland and natural to hall cultic activity can be observed with the shift in the concentration of sacrificial remains.109 There is a definite rise in presence of central place remains at this time, with the early establishment of elite centers like Uppåkra and Järrestad in Scania, Gudme in Funen, or the later center of Tissø in Zealand. As the wetlands serve as a place to discuss the earlier accounts of the contemporary Latin sources, the hall serves as a point by which we can explore the various themes of the later textual sources, particularly the medieval prose. The choice of these central sites was to select a variety of locations in southern Scandinavia that covered a variety of time periods within the mid-late Scandinavian Iron Age. It may be noted that I have avoided using sites at Uppsala and Trondheim for my comparison with ritual textual themes. This was a deliberate choice, as scholars like

107 Robinson, Anskar - The Apostle, Ch. 26 (Read Books Ltd) Kindle.

108 Snorri Sturluson, ‘Ynglinga saga’ in Heimskringla I, Íf, vo1. 26, 69–70; Snorri Sturluson, ‘Hákonar saga góða‘ in Heimskringla I, Íf, vo1. 26, 110-111.

109 Charlotte Fabech, Fabech, “Centrality in Old Norse mental landscapes. A dialogue between arranged and natural places?” in in long-term perspectives. Origins, changes, and interactions. June 3-7, 2004. Edited by Anders Andrén, Kristina Jennbert, Catharina Raudvere (Lund: Nordic Academic Press, 2006), 16, Kindle.

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Sundqvist have touched on this subject considering the Uppsala and Uppland area, and my intention to concentrate on southern Scandinavia dissuaded me from pursuing the Trondheim area. I am aware that this puts geographical distance between some the works compared to the selected sites, particularly Hákonar saga góða and the Latin contemporary models, but as I have selected major ritual themes which were displayed across the entirety of my literary corpus, I believe that some similarities can be determined here. This is not to say that I shall not proceed with skepticism, as explained by Lars Fogelin, While Structuralism allows for the consideration of textual accounts of religious or ritual behaviors, it can smooth over the variations in the expression of religious or ritual concepts and remove the importance of the individual actors involved.110 However, if we ground these general themes with practice theory, utilizing Catherine Bell’s ritual criteria model, some important correlations can still be made.111

Section II: Ritual Evidence in Archeological Material With the proper frameworks in mind, it is possible to turn to the individual themes of elite ritual interaction seen in the previous chapter with great detail. These will be considered in the same order as discussed in Chapter 2, Section II: Ritual Control, for the sake of clarity.

Ritual Feasting and Drinking: The scene in Hákonar saga góða, in Chapter 17, where Hákon encounters stiff tradition and staunch resistance to his Christian reluctance at performing his elite duties, primarily a drinking ritual in a ceremonial feast that seems to be related to a fertility sacrifice. It is first stated that the king was supposed to eat in a smaller house apart from the main hall when attending a sacrifice. This is clearly stated as being something that is done in connection to the sacrifices, as most textual accounts show kings typically dining in the hall itself under most circumstances. There is evidence of smaller buildings attached or associated with main halls both at Järrestad in Scania and Tissø in Zealand, which have been interpreted as having ritual functions. Bengt Söderberg discusses the small ritual building at Järrestad in his article, “Integrating Power: Some Aspects of a Magnate’s Farm and Presumed Central Place in Järrestad, South-East Scania.” There was a large palisade attached to the hall made of earth and timbers that seems to have enclosed a large area, which seems to have been directly connected to the hall starting in the third phase of its

110 Fogelin, “Archaeology,” 60.

111 See Fogelin, 58. 43 construction. Inside this palisade area was a singular structure which has been identified due to the discovery of symmetrical postholes within the palisade space.112 The palisade containing the hov connected to the hall at Järrestad directly in line with were the high seat would have been situated, which Söderberg believes could indicate some symbolic power between the leader and the cultic space.113 A smith's hammer and socket axe were deposited in one of the post holes of the hov building at Järrestad, reflecting the common trait of smithing as connected to a ritual or religious connotation. Although there is evidence of smithing elsewhere in the settlement, the smithing that occurred in that closed building has been interpreted as something special or different from day- to-day metal working.114 These remains contain symbolic connotations as well as an air of formality, both of which would place them within the ritual criteria model. A marshy area near the small building has been found filled with piles of fire-cracked stones usually associated with cooking. Söderberg acknowledges at there is a hypothesis, presented by Stefan Brink, that these cracked stones could indicate "veizlu-halls" which were associated with ritual feasting.115 The small building at Tissø presents a quite similar layout and organization. Jørgensen, in his article, “Gudme and Tissø: Two magnates’ complexes in Denmark from the 3rd to the 11th century AD,” interprets the main hall there as a social gathering area, with feasting, calling it the "hov." And he believes that the small building is likely a "horgr" and notes the strong presence of jewelry with symbols that have been interpreted as referencing pre-Christian Scandinavian mythology.116 Therefore, Hákons presence in the small building adjacent to the hall during a sacrifice could match the remains of the layout found there.

112Bengt Söderberg, “Integrating Power: Some Aspects of a Magnate’s Farm and Presumed Central Place in Järrestad, South-East Scania.” in Centrality – Regionality: The Social Structure of Southern Sweden during the Iron Age. Acta Archaeologica Lundensia Series In 8° No. 40, edited by Lars Larsson and Birgitta Hårdh, (Lund: Wallin & Dalholm, 2003), 289-90.

113 Söderberg, “Integrating,” 297.

114 Söderberg, “Integrating,” 297.

115 Söderberg, “Integrating,” 299.

116 Lars Jørgensen, “Gudme and Tissø. Two magnates’ complexes in Denmark from the 3rd to the 11th century AD,” in Trade and communication networks of the first millennium AD in the northern part of Central Europe: central places, beach markets, landing places and trading centres. Neue Studien zur Sachsenforschung, 1, edited by Ludowici, Babette, Hauke Jöns, Sunhild Kleingärtner, Jonathan Scheschkewitz, and Matthias Hard (Hannover: Braunschweigisches Landesmuseum- Niedersächsisches Landesmuseum Hannover, 2010), 279.

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Turning to Hákons presence within the hall and his use of the high seat to orchestrate a drinking ritual (albeit grudgingly in his case), this scene presents quite similar to that in Chapter 36 of Ynglinga saga, with the passing of inheritance between elites using a ‘bragafull.’ Both of these descriptions explicitly feature a focus on the use of a high seat and a embibement with ornate drinking horns or vessels. The of the hall entrances in concurrence with the high seat at Järrestad indicates its placement, as discussed by Söderberg.117 While finding exact placement of a high seat is difficult to pinpoint, it was mostly likely towards the rear of the hall space. In contrast, locating ornate drinking vessels in hall spaces at my selected elite sites is easy and there are many examples of this. Uppåkra shows signs of this expensive and typically imported drinkware. Berta Stjernquist sees the ornate glass beaker found in hall layer no.14 at Uppåkra as a drinking vessel, dated to between 300 and 400 A.D. This kind of vessel, she explains in her article, “A Glass Beaker with Cut Decoration, Found at Uppåkra,” is associated with the Scandinavian elite of the time and ritual drinking, and the choice of this expensive imported glass was used to display power and influence.118 The situation is similar at Järrestad, with a piece of a lavish glass beaker found in the remains of the third phase main hall and is dated to the 600s AD.119 At the magnate estate at Tissø, the later hall building, dated from 700-900, contained a vast number of shards from glass drinkware, along with Frisian coinage and some animal bones, located at the eastern end of the hall, which Jørgensen believes would have been used for public ritual and gatherings.120 These kinds of cups are not limited to these sites, and are present across pre-Christian Scandinavian elite spaces, with similar examples from Eketorp and Forestad Mosse in Sweden, or Merløsegård, in Zealand.121 Using chemical analysis to determine their origins, most of them appear to have been imported from various parts of southern continental Europe and would have

117 Söderberg, “Integrating,” 297.

118Berta Stjernquist, “A Glass Beaker with Cut Decoration, Found at Uppåkra,” In Continuity for Centuries: A ceremonial building and its context at Uppåkra, southern Sweden. Acta Archaeologica Lundensia Series In 8° No. 48, edited by Lars Larsson (Lund: Grahns Tryckeri AB, 2004), 162.

119 Söderberg, “Integrating,” 292.

120 Lars Jørgensen, “Pre-Christian cult at aristocratic residences and settlement complexes in southern Scandinavia in the 3rd – 10th centuries AD,” in Glaube, Kult und Herrschaft: Phänomene des Religiösen im 1. Jahrtausend n. Chr. in Mittel- und Nordeuropa, edited by U. von Freeden, H. Friesinger & E. Wamers (Bonn: Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, 2009), 339.

121 Stjernquist, “Glass Beaker,” 159–60.

45 been considered luxury import goods, particularly in the Roman Iron Age and into the Viking Age.122 It is clear that drinking and feasting took place in these halls. This kind of feasting functioned within ritual and political spheres, and reinforced the hierarchies in both areas of society. Therefore, these objects may have functioned in either capacity, and this must be considered within the interpretation, but the presence can be indicative of ritual activity. That fine glassware like the beakers found in these places, might hold the prestige necessary to function as a ‘bragafull’ for the reigning elite. It should also be noted that a variety of guldgubbar (gold foils) have been found at hall sites like Uppåkra that frequently depict drinking figures with horns and cups. In her article, “The Gold-Figure Foils (“Guldgubbar”) from Uppåkra,” Margrethe Watt discussed the gold foils and their drinking images in detail. Uppåkra features the second largest collection of guldgubbar found in Scandinavia.123 The Uppåkra site foil dies feature male figures that have caftans with staffs and cups in their hands, similar to those that can be found at Sorte Muld on Bornholm.124 Additionally, the most intricate and sizeable of the single female guldgubbar at Uppåkra is depicted wearing a long, ornate dress and cloak, and holding a drinking horn.125 However, the men depicted drinking on the guldgubbar tend to have beakers full of liquid and not drinking horns. Watt believes this may be the indication of horns as a container to pour liquid into beakers.126 These kind of designs are not exclusive to Uppåkra either, and Watt mentions that there are about 40 stylistic typological groups of guldgubbar have been found in Scandinavia, some of which have been found in multiple areas, as several of those die styles in Scania and Bornholm can also be located in Zealand and Funen. These foils can be hard to date, but it is generally believed that they were created in the Merovingian through the early Viking Age.127 These cup drinking figures are well dressed in the

122 Stjernquist, “Glass Beaker,” 164.

123 Margrethe Watt, “The Gold-Figure Foils (“Guldgubbar”) from Uppåkra,” in Continuity for Centuries: A ceremonial building and its context at Uppåkra, southern Sweden. Acta Archaeologica Lundensia Series In 8° No. 48, edited by Lars Larsson (Lund: Grahns Tryckeri AB, 2004), 169.

124 Watt, “Gold-Figure,” 173.

125 Watt, “Gold-Figure,” 187.

126 Watt, “Gold-Figure,” 213–14.

127 Watt, “Gold-Figure,” 214–15. 46 fashion of the time, with ornate detail in their clothing, indicating a powerful role, one that could easily be associated with the Scandinavian elite of the mid-late Iron Age. The existence of comparable hall structures that could facilitate these kind of ritual and the presence of prestige goods at these elite centers that are conducive to drinking rituals, including certain types (like guldgubbar) which directly depict stylized images of elites in the process of consumption, would support that the textual theme of elite ritual drinking and feasting as legitimate. While it is impossible to attempt to find direct archaeological evidence to support the exact sequence of events that are described in Chapter 17 of Hákonar saga góða or Chapter 36 of Ynglinga saga, I believe that what can be seen from remains at halls from places like Järrestad, Tissø, or Uppåkra, clearly shows that some ideas about the activities of past elite carried on. The specific presence of opulent prestige drinkware and expensive goldwork, along with the significant bone remains show clear displays of wealth and power being leveraged here. This also fit Bell’s model, presenting formality and symbolism through their incorporation of formality and symbolic objects within a performative space that is replicated across the selected sites.

Sacrifice: The role of the elite in regards to sacrifice is slightly more difficult to assess in regards to archaeological remains for several reasons. First, identifying a deposition as sacrificial in nature requires a criteria for sacrifice and how it presents itself. Additionally, their association with elites needs to be determined. In regards to the first issue, I will utilize the ideas of Bell in my sacrificial model, primarily defined by two elements: the sanctification of an object and its destruction.128 Catherine Bell bases this model on the work of Edward Taylor’s ‘gift theory’ in her sacrificial criteria, in which sacrifice acts as a transfer between the earthly and the cosmological ‘Other.’129 In sacrifice, the object of interest is usually considered to gain value beyond its form, the sacrifice is ‘sacer facere’ – made sanctified. The second part of this criteria is the medium in which the sanctified object is exchanged with its intended recipient. This is most often accomplished by ritualized destruction of the sanctified object.130 This destruction may be the physical annihilation

128 Bell, Perspectives, 108–09.

129 Bell, Perspectives, 108–09.

130 Bell, Perspectives, 112.

47 of an object or it´s deposition in a manner by which it is not to be retrieved, no longer accessible by those who placed it, moving it through a liminal space. Elites in the literature, like King Hákon, are expected to sacrifice for their people and their own gain, they exchange tribute with their supernatural or divine patrons. While the exact details of these exchanges is not always explicit, the discussion of sacrifice can be seen in all sources I have selected, directly in connection with the elite, otherworldly power, and their places of ritual. In regards to the second issue, I will simply regard the kinds of goods being placed and their location. While it is not an approach without room for error, the presence of large quantities of prestige goods or warrior goods being deposited would indicate elite presence, particularly when these are found near halls or other signs of elite centers. In regards to wetland sacrifices in the my textual sources, Tacitus’ famous depiction of the washing of Nerthus and her chariot in a sacred lake, after it traveled the land to bring prosperity and peace, followed by the sacrifice of human slaves is the primary example. There have been many documented sites of earlier Roman Iron Age wetland depositions from across Scandinavia. In Jutland, there have been incredibly large wetland depositions of humans, animals, and warrior equipment. Sites like Alken Enge and the Illerup Ådal finds, have indicated signficant wetland deposition acitivity from the 1st century A.D. onward, though Bronze Age finds at these locations are also common place.131 Similarly early wetland depositions can be seen in Sweden at Käringsjön, Skedemosse, Hassle-Bösarp, amongst many.132 The most dramatic of these sacrificial deposits in Jutland was the mass depositions in the Illerup river valley. At Alken Enge, they have found at least 82 bodies, though the current estimate totals the deposition at about 380 males, with the majority placed here simultaneously at some date between 0-100 AD. Most of the bodies exhibit damage from edged weapons and warriors gear, which would indicate some kind of large- scale conflict.133 The artifacts found here besides human remains were destroyed weapons, which appear to have been deposited at the same time, along with pottery and animal bones from both the same layer as the weapons and human remains and higher layers,. Additionally, wagon pieces

131 Mads Kähler Holst, et al., "Direct Evidence of a Large Northern European Roman Period Martial Event and Postbattle Corpse Manipulation," Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 115, no. 23 (2018), 5921–922. DOI:10.1073/pnas.1721372115.

132 Anne Monikander,“Borderland-stalkers and Stalking Horses. Horse Sacrifice as Liminal Activity in the Early Iron Age.” Current Swedish Archaeology Vol.14 (Lund: Nordic Academic Press, 2006), 143.

133 Holst et al., “Direct Evidence,” 5920.

48 have been discovered from the layers above the human depositions.134 Perhaps these can be related to the wagon submersion in the sacred lake which Tacitus described? There is evidence at Alken Enge, of methodical and ritualized flensing of the corpses, the dismemberment of the remaining skeletons, and the destruction of the skulls.135 The corpses, both human and animal, along with the weapons here appear to have been purposefully processed in a manner that would have required significant coordination and organization. Additionally, the prevalence of weapons and war gear that appears to have been intentionally destroyed, adds to the likelihood of elite presence. When discussing the performance of sacrifices by elites at central places or halls, like that seen in Hákonar saga góða with the feasts at Hlaðir and Mærin, or the mentions in Ynglinga saga Chapter 2, with establishment of a great sacrificial area at Ásgarð, the evidence of dryland, central place sacrifices is much more comparable than that of wetland deposits ambiguity. There are significant deposits of prestige goods located in my Danish and Swedish sites which indicate sacrificial activity around central sites. The direct and exact nature of these rituals is impossible to be determined, the objects of sacrifice are not always made clear, but some connections can be established. One of these connections is the proximity of sacrifice to the great halls and their incorporation into these halls creation, like that of Óðinn’s sacrifice at the raising of the hall in old Sígtunir in Chapter 5 of Ynglinga saga. At several halls we see the deposition of objects within the construction of the hall itself or quite close which bare the signs of potential sacrificial deposition rituals. In the case of the hall structures at Uppåkra, gold-foil figures that were found deep in several of the postholes to the or early Viking Age structure there, which indicates that they were placed there intentionally in some ritualistic manner or had been deposited there when the structure had been rebuilt.136 A gold figure has also been found deposited in a posthole at Toftegård on Zealand as well.137 Similar posthole depositions can be seen at the small attached building at Järrestad, with a head of a hammer and an axe head being located that date to the

134 Holst et al., “Direct Evidence,” 5921.

135 Holst et al., “Direct Evidence,” 5920.

136 Lars Larsson and Karl-Magnus Lenntorp, “The Enigmatic House,” in Continuity for Centuries: A ceremonial building and its context at Uppåkra, southern Sweden. Acta Archaeologica Lundensia Series In 8° No. 48, edited by Lars Larsson (Lund: Grahns Tryckeri AB, 2004), 12–13.

137 Lars Larsson, "The Iron Age Ritual Building at Uppåkra, Southern Sweden," Antiquity 81, no. 311 (2007): 238.

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700s.138 Helgesson discusses the presence of a large number of spearheads and lanceheads directly around the remains of the hall structure at Uppåkra, around 25, which seem to have been buried in pairs or small groups, 5 of which were dated to the Late Germanic Iron Age, with another twenty from the Late Roman Iron Age and Early Germanic Iron Age.139 These depositions would have likely occurred during the creation of these buildings, embedding a sacrificial ritual element into the hall’s creation itself, as these objects were placed into the ground to be covered or crushed by the supporting posts- sealing them away from access, while simultaneously keeping them integrated in the hall space. In this way, the hall becomes infused with the ritual, granting the elite a space which has been infused with the liminal interaction of gods and men. Sundqvist believes that the purpose of consecration of a cultic site is to create a division between such a site and the surrounding area. This creates a dichotomy between sacred and profane.140 Particularly if these rituals were primarily performed by the elite, like Ynglinga saga would seem to claim, this could significantly increase the perceived influence of that location and its residents in the eyes of their constituents. These hall sacrifices were not exclusive to the hall structure itself, and sacrificial depositions near these structures are also common. At Uppåkra, a large deposition of warrior's equipment was found a short distance north of the hall, roughly 25 meters away, and totaling 300 pieces.141 The majority of the finds were lanceheads and spearheads from the Late Roman Iron Age and Early Germanic Iron Age, along with some Late Roman Iron Age shield bosses. The majority of the objects in this deposition were mutilated or partially destroyed before there deposition which could indicate some sacrificial context to the deposition of the material.142

138 Lars Larsson, “Ritual building and ritual space: Aspects of investigations at the Iron Age central site Uppåkra,” in Old Norse Religion in long-term perspectives. Origins, changes, and interactions. June 3-7, 2004. Edited by Anders Andrén, Kristina Jennbert, Catharina Raudvere (Lund: Nordic Academic Press, 2006), 238, Kindle.

139Bertil Helgesson, “Tributes to be Spoken of Sacrifice and Warriors at Uppåkra,” in Continuity for Centuries: A ceremonial building and its context at Uppåkra, southern Sweden. Acta Archaeologica Lundensia Series In 8° No. 48, edited by Lars Larsson, (Lund: Grahns Tryckeri AB, 2004), 226.

140 Olof Sundqvist, "Custodian of the Sanctuary: Protecting Sacred Space as a Ritual Strategy for Gaining Legitimacy and Power in Pre-Christian Scandinavia," in Rituals, Performatives, and Political Order in , C. 650–1350. Ritus Es Artes, Vol. 7, edited by Wojtek Jezierski et al. (Turnhout: Brepols Publishers, 2015), 118.

141 Helgesson, “Tributes,” 224.

142 Helgesson, “Tributes,” 226.

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At the central site of Gudme, on Funen, similar peripheral deposits can be seen. A variety of pits and artefact layers have been discovered to the east and south-east of the two main buildings which contain valuable and unusual depositions for the time period (c. 200-500). The gold and silver jewelry, Roman coins, and other precious metal objects seem to have been intentionally placed in the location that they were found.143 This reminds me of the depositions made to a dying Freyr in Chapter 10 of Ynglinga saga, with the wealth being poured into the holes in his mound to maintain peace and prosperity.144 Many of these objects were damaged or destroyed. Jørgensen discussion the controversy of the objects origins. It is unclear if they were deposited as the primary focus of a ritual or whether they were a secondary feature of another ritual, being deposited in the aftermath of something that occurred in the halls. Either way, Jørgensen believes, due to comparisons with several other sites in Scandinavia, that these represent some kind of sacrificial deposition.145 A similar deposition can be found near the house that may shed some light on the ‘ár’ sacrifices for prosperity made by kings like Hákon at Hlaðir. Rows of shallow pits containing quern stones are present, both cracked and intact. The large amount of these stones, as well as the way they are vertically aligned indicate to Larsson and Lenntorp that they have some symbolic purpose. They suggest this could be related to prosperity or wealth of some way, mentioning the story of Grotti.146 Given the use of quern stones in the processing of grain and also in metal working, these could represent a display of sacrificial symbolism congruent with the needs or wishes of the elite´s constituents. One element of sacrifice that is difficult to assess and is not provably visible in the archaeological records from my primary sites, is the sacrifice of the elite themselves. Vast deposits of wealth and objects of power are being ritually placed around these central areas, something that reflects the stately manor of these centers. Many of these objects are damaged, but appear to have been carefully placed in their locations, and there is strong indications that these objects were intentionally destroyed. Therefore, these sacrificial deposits can be seen as serving to reinforce the

143 Jørgensen, “Pre-Christian,” 333.

144 Snorri Sturluson, ‘Ynglinga saga’ in Heimskringla I, Íf, vo1. 26 (Reykjavik: Hið íslenzk fornrit, 2002), 24–25.

145 Jørgensen, “Pre-Christian,” 334.

146 Larsson and Lenntorp, “Enigmatic,” 41.

51 importance of elite’s residences, while also supporting the idea of the crucial role that these elites play in sacrifice and the exchange between the gods and man, cementing their powerbase.

Prophesy: One of the disadvantages of archaeology is that, while Structuralism can use symbols to attempt to determine the narratives or meaning being presented in archaeological material interpreted as ritually associated, it can be vague or run the risk of being quite speculative.147 Practice theory can help to curb this broad speculation, determine the effect that ritual has on the society and actors involved in the ritual itself. By directly analyzing the ritual remains being investigated at a particular site, Practice theory looks to reconstruct the actions performed instead of the overall narrative being presented.148 Determining prophesy in the archeological record is quite difficult, because the remains of these rituals are difficult to interpret. When analyzing a site for evidence of a sacrifice or drinking ritual, objects like drinkware or purposefully destroyed weapons can be correlated with these textual themes with less issue. Ynglinga saga describes the use of special drinkware in their rituals, so ornate prestige beakers inside a hall can be reasonably correlated to these accounts. Similarly, the remnants of sacrifice, using Bell’s model, are relatively easy to locate. In the case of prophecy, much more symbolic interpretation is necessary, which runs the risk of greater speculation. The most promising evidence that I have from my selected sites of focus is the presence of guldgubbar at Uppåkra which contain here two dies of figures that are in the position referred to by Watt as "The seer's thumb." One of these dies is exactly identical to a die from Sorte Muld (die 281) and one is only found at Uppåkra. This position, a hand in the face with thumb in mouth, has been seen in other Germanic and Celtic symbolism from around 300 AD onward through the Medieval Period.149 According to Hilda Ellis Davidson, this symbol has been associated with prophesy, due to its association with Fafnirsbani in a contemporary carving from Södermanland and also some 13th century church portals from Norway. "The Seer's thumb"

147 Fogelin, “Archaeology,” 65.

148 Fogelin, “Archaeology,” 58.

149 Watt, “Gold-Figure,” 203.

52 symbolism was also used in Christianity in Europe during the Iron Age, with an example from Burgundy found on a belt buckle from the 500s.150 I still find this interpretation of symbolism to be somewhat questionable, and I will continue to see the theme of prophesy and divination among the elites, as difficult to identify in the material assemblage from my selected sites in southern Scandinavia. Therefore, I choose to see my methodological approach to this material to be inconclusive. More data would be necessary for me to properly correlate archaeological remains with the textual accounts of this theme.

The Protection of Sanctuaries: The protection of sanctuaries is something alluded to repeatedly within my literary corpus in Hákonarmál and Ynglingatal, as mentioned in Chapter 2, with titles like, “…vǫrðr vestals of veginn liggja.”151 The context of these titles is difficult to discern, but it is clear that the control over these sites and maintenance of them was considered to be an admirable trait in the eyes of the skalds who composed these works, as can be seen with the praise of King Hákon in Stanza 18.152 Sundqvist has extensively investigated the textual evidence for this theme, discussing the Sigurðardrápa poem, which was written around 960 AD, which mentions a certain Earl Sigurðr of Lade who was called the 'vés valdr,' which he translates as ´ruler of the sanctuary.’153 He also mentions other examples located in the around Scandinavia in reference to elites as the protectors of sanctuaries, including an inscription from Östergötland where an elite named Sibbi is referred to as 'vīaværi', which Sundqvist again translates as "custodian of sanctuaries," particularly in regards to 'vi' cultic sites.154 Runic inscriptions can be slightly more reliable than most textual sources, for their more contemporary nature and location, therefore operating as a strange liminal category between textual and archaeological material. However, although they tend to be more contemporary does not mean that they should be considered without the scrutiny

150 Watt, “Gold-Figure,” 207–08.

151 Edith Marold Ed., ‘Þjóðólfr ór Hvini, Ynglingatal 11,’ in Diana Whaley ed., Poetry I, 26.

152 R. D. Fulk ed., ‘Eyvindr skáldaspillir Finnsson, Hákonarmál 18’ in Diana Whaley (ed.), Poetry from the Kings’ Sagas 1: From Mythical Times to c. 1035. Skaldic Poetry of the Scandinavian Middle Ages 1. (Turnhout: Brepols, 2012), 191.

153 Sundqvist, "Custodian,” 116.

154 Sundqvist, "Custodian,” 116.

53 applied to other textual sources, as their dating can vary dramatically. Stefan Brink also discusses this from a different angle, considering the prevalence of sacred sites names in proximity to settlements and wetlands as well, in his discussion of Swedish sacral sites. In Uppland, within Valand, there is also a concentration of place-names close together next to Vallentunasjön. This concentration is the site of Torslund, Gudby, and Vallensjö. Gudby, Brink interprets as the "farm of the guþe', also known as, the farm of the priest.155 In regards to the protection of sanctuaries from a more literal approach, something I would usually discourage but believe to be useful here, it is worth mentioning the small ritual buildings connected to several of my main selected sites, as discussed in the section Ritual Feasting and Drinking earlier in this chapter. The small houses located at Järrestad and Tissø, as mentioned, were located in conjunction with the main halls themselves, both of which have been interpreted as pagan cult buildings of some kind by Söderberg and Jørgensen, due to the material objects located within them.156 In the case of Järrestad, the small building was contained within a palisade for part of its existence and could only be entered via the hall, adding a degree of separation between it and the rest of the settlement.157 Jørgensen believes that the single building near the main hall at Tissø, from the 900s-1000s, must have had a particular use for cultic activity. The elite residence area is full of ornamentation which expresses mythological symbols including Þórr's hammers, , and Óðinn depictions, which reinforces this assertion.158 Additionally, in the case of Tissø, Jørgensen discusses a series of pits located at the highest area of the settlement, which were filled with bones and fire tainted stone, as well as an amount of silver, coins, and decorative metalwork. Jørgensen believes that these were a sign of sacrificial activity and ceremonial banquets. A few post-holes have also been found at this point, which Jørgensen interprets as a hörgr.159 This is well within the manor complex area.

155 Stefan Brink, “Political and Social Structures in Early Scandinavia: A Settlement-historical Pre-study of the Central Place,” TOR 28 (1996): 424.

156 Söderberg, “Integrating,” 293; Jørgensen, “Gudme,” 279.

157 Söderberg, “Integrating,” 289–90.

158 Jørgensen, “Pre-Christian,” 343.

159 Jørgensen, “Pre-Christian,” 343–44.

54

Given the proximity of these specialist structures to the main halls, and their separation from the rest of the settlement in the case of Järrestad, it is clear that these structures were within the sphere of control exercised by the central place. It seems natural that this would offer a level of oversight or protection by the elite managing the rest of the property. Sundqvist discusses the use of sacred spaces by elites as areas where they could experience security and maximal authority, reinforced by traditions and cosmologically enforced customs. These places were a ceremonial stage for their owners and a seat of power.160 Given the wealth of prestige objects located in halls and these specialist structures, this is reflected in the material assemblage. Given these buildings importance to the elites’ powerbase, it is a reasonable stratagem to place these structures near the center of their sphere of control, as a method of efficiently monitoring and maintaining them. Therefore, it is inferred that these elites would serve to manage and protect these areas. The archaeological material has shown that the themes of elite ritual control presented in the textual material can be reasonably correlated with the material assemblage that is present at my selected sites in southern Scandinavia. The theme that was the easiest to address was the evidence of ritual drinking and feasting at these Iron Age elite sites, with relatively straightforward material objects, like ornate glassware, that could be connected with the kind of elite ritual activity. Looking into remains of elite sacrifices was complicated. There are plenty of remains that have been interpreted as sacrificial in the immediate vicinity of my selected elite sites, including those incorporated into the structures themselves. However, interpreting the ideas behind these ritualized deposits required a more Structuralist interpretation of the material, which is inherently more speculative. A similar issue arrived when interpreting the elite’s divination ritual themes in the material assemblage. I am not entirely satisfied with just the symbolic potential of a number of guldgubbar and would want additional material evidence before I fully supported this. However, as I mentioned in the section regarding prophecy, the ability to do this using material evidence is somewhat limited. Finally, exploring the concept of the ‘guardians of sanctuaries’ was taken in a relatively straightforward approach, looking at the proximity of the specialist buildings to halls within my selected sites. This approach does not consider the potential for the role of elites in sanctuaries outside of adjacency to central places in the southern Scandinavian region, but this is, in part, out of the necessity to maintain scale in this study. Regardless, the adjacency of these ritual

160 Sundqvist, "Custodian,” 127.

55 buildings to the halls themselves, can support the protection of this ritual element of the elites’ powerbase through proximity to the elite and their supporters, and increase the ritual element of the elite residences considered. The overall comparison between material and textual sources produces satisfactory results, albeit somewhat predictable. The strongest correlations could be found in the more physically tangible elements of ritual manipulation by the elite at these central place sites, indicating that these described traditions were likely present and improved the ritual power of the southern Scandinavian elite, while the weakest were based in ritual themes which required much greater interpretation of symbolism or numinous concepts like divination.

56

Conclusive Remarks

The themes and tropes of a ritually associated and divinely connected Scandinavian elite during the pre-Christian Iron Age were strongly reflected in both contemporary and medieval accounts, with a greater concentration of available textual sources after the 10th century. This is in preserved contemporary skaldic poems, like Ynglingatal and Háleygjatal, alleged foreign observations, like that of Tacitus or Strabo, along with later medieval prose like Snorri Sturluson‘s Hákonar saga góða. The idea of these elite as elevated figures within the pre-Christian traditions of Scandinavia as ritual leaders with often mythic or divine ancestry and a variety of ritual duties is strong and somewhat consistent within the sources I considered for this study. This consistency must be tempered with caution of the foreign and medieval influence that may be present in these texts. However, the consistency becomes somewhat diluted when correlated to archaeological material. Evidence of ritual activity which could be correlated with the themes I had selected for comparison existed with varying prevelance in the southern areas of Scandinavia, and fits the general patterns seen across Scandinavia as a whole, confirming relevance to the region. However, the issue inevitably comes down to the conflict of how much structuralist interpretation one is comfortable with when considering the material. I will say that the leap between the presence of ritual actions or tools and the themes described in the textual material is a difficult one to navigate due to one concept- the meaning of the ritual. For example, while it was possible to confer the presence of sacrificed material around elite halls, to attribute these to fertility sacrifices required interpretation of the symbolism of the deposited objects. Therefore, while I feel that most of the thematic element can be correlated to archaeological material, these correlations are less definitive that I had originally anticipated, within the degree of speculation that I am comfortable utilizing. Further exploration of the connections between the archaeological materials and the textual sources, would be fruitful. Due to the limited scope of this study, greater sampling could decrease ambiguities about the thematic-material correlations. Expanding the number of archaeological sites considered and contemporary textual sources analyzed could produce more detailed analysis, particularly textual sources which detail events closer to this sample area. This could also be compared to other areas across Scandanavia, but this would be a much larger endeavor. Further work may still encounter the confines of speculation in interpretation of archaeological materials. 57

However, the similarity of archaeological materials across Scandinavia from this period, makes results in the study area somewhat consistent, which bodes well for future analysis.

58

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