APPENDIX F Cultural Resources Support Information

GEMINI SOLAR PROJECT FINAL RMPA/EIS Cultural Resources Support Information

Cultural Resources Support Information

Prehistory

Overview Researchers have created cultural sequences over the years with many being developed as units of time based upon assumptions about cultural development and lifeways. The useful construction of temporal units does not necessarily correspond to the actual cultural developments, and furthermore, should not be considered an expression of cultural homogeneity in any region. Warren and Crabtree express that these time periods do not denote a cultural uniformity in time or space but are noteworthy in their temporal and spatial distinctions, even when these distinctions cannot be described (Warren and Crabtree 1986). Cultural overviews restate and synthesize these chronologies, and these overviews sometimes contribute to confusion by adding terminology to already existing sequences (Warren and Crabtree 1986)

Reassessments have been made recently of New World prehistory, including the Great Basin. One of the most noteworthy is the general acceptance of pre-Clovis humans in the New World. Some of the general temporal periods used by archaeologists have been adjusted based upon some of the new lines of evidence. There is an on-going discussion about the length and name of some of these previously defined archaeological periods.

The timeline presented in Table 1 is constructed upon more standardized time periods for southern Nevada as outlined in A Prehistoric Context for Southern Nevada (HRA, Inc., Conservation Archaeology, and Gnomon, Inc. 2012). Additional information has been added to summarize some of the diagnostic artifacts for the time periods along with the broad periods of time.

Paleo-Archaic (ca. 15,000 – 7,000 Before Present) For several decades, the established viewpoint in New World archaeology was that the first inhabitants of the Americas were the Clovis people. Clovis people were big-game hunters, who used distinctive fluted points called the Clovis point. Over the last several decades, however, numerous studies are providing evidence of a pre-Clovis population (Dillehay 1997, Gilbert, et al. 2008, Wagner and McAvoy 2004, Waters and Stafford, Jr. 2007). These pre-Clovis finds have been scattered, with limited distribution, making it difficult to provide a detailed discussion of the temporal or spatial distribution of the pre-Clovis populations or to discuss their potential lifeways. In the Great Basin, this is true with Paisley Cave. The Site has possibly produced evidence for pre-Clovis populations (Gilbert, et al. 2008), however, more recent studies from the site indicates that this may be a more contemporaneous population with Clovis that used Western Stemmed Projectile points instead of Clovis points. This could indicate a separate population migration along with evidence for a different technology between western and eastern population migrations during early prehistoric times (Jenkins 2012, Dennis, et al. 2012, University of Oregon 2012, Dziebel 2012).

Clovis points, in the Southwest and Plains, are clearly associated with the hunting of extinct megafauna, such as mammoths (Cordell 1997). Most Clovis sites are not, however, associated with the remains of the extinct megafauna (Elston and Zeanah 2002, Hill 2007). Haynes (2008) provides a fairly tight range for the dates of Clovis points in the Plains and Southwest (11,500 – 10,900 Before Present [BP]). Waters and Stafford (2007) argue that Clovis are restricted to an even narrower 200-year period (11,050 – 10,800),

i GEMINI SOLAR PROJECT FINAL RMPA/EIS Cultural Resources Support Information with the occupation dates of Clovis and non-Clovis sites (including sites with non-fluted points) overlapping. Because of the narrow range of dates, and the overlap between Clovis and non-Clovis sites, Water and Stafford argue that people were present in the New World prior to the appearance of Clovis technology (Beck and Jones 1997).

Table 1 Generalized Cultural Chronology for Southern Nevada

Date Select Diagnostic Major Period Sub-Period Date Range Range Artifacts Historic – Numic and 174 BP – Glass, Metal N/A Euro-American, etc. Present

Post-Puebloan (Late Desert Side-Notched Prehistoric/Protohistoric Point, Cottonwood 650 BP – N/A Triangular Point, 174 BP Brownware Ceramics, Basketry

Puebloan (Formative) 750 BP – Rose Spring Point, Pueblo III 650 BP Eastgate Point (Rosegate), Grayware Ceramics, Black/Gray 800 BP – Late Ceramics, Black/White 750 BP Ceramics, Corrugated 900 BP – Grayware, Black-on- Pueblo II Middle 800 BP Red Ceramics 1750 BP – 950 BP – 650 BP Early 900 BP

1150 BP – Pueblo I 950 BP

1450 BP – Basketmaker III 1150 BP

1750 BP – Late Basketmaker II 1450 BP Archaic (Middle and Late) 2150 Elko Series Point, Terminal 4000 Late BP – Gypsum Point, Late BP – Archaic 1750 (Gatecliff Series) Archaic 1750 (Gypsum) BP Humboldt Point, Slab 7500 BP – BP Metate 1750 BP

Pinto Point, Leaf- Middle Archaic 7500 BP – Shaped Knives, Flat (Pinto) 4000 BP Milling Stones

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Date Select Diagnostic Major Period Sub-Period Date Range Range Artifacts

Paleo-Archaic (Clovis) STEMMED POINTS 13100 BP 11000? BP Silver Lake Point, Early Archaic – 7500 BP – 7500 BP Lake Mojave Point, Crescents, Large Flake Tools

FLUTED POINTS 13100 BP – Paleo-Indian 12800 BP Clovis Point, Folsom Point

Most researchers in the Great Basin divide Paleo-archaic into two phases based upon the dominant point style: fluted and stemmed (Roberts and Ahlstrom 2007). The fluted points found in the Great Basin and Mojave Desert are not necessarily Clovis points, nor is it known if they are restricted to the same temporal range as Clovis points (Beck and Jones 1997). In addition, there are a few sites from this period in the Great Basin and Mojave Desert that are clearly associated with the extinct megafauna. The above discussion about stemmed points at Paisley Cave adds to this dialogue about the Great Basin region.

Beck and Jones (2010) argue that artifacts associated with the Clovis culture are only found in the eastern portion of the Great Basin, and that stemmed points in the Intermountain West are as early as Clovis points are in the Great Plains. If this portrayal is accurate, then the division of the Paleo-archaic period into two phases based solely on projectile point type (fluted vs. stemmed) is inaccurate. Beck and Jones believe that the Clovis and stemmed points represent separate populations that spread through migration, coming into contact with one another in the eastern Great Basin. In their model, the current project area could contain sites associated with both Clovis and Stemmed point populations. As noted above, they also argue that most, but not all, of fluted points found in the Great Basin are not true Clovis points.

The Paleo-archaic period is often characterized as the big game hunting period of North American prehistoric (Cordell 1997). More recent research has shown highly variable strategies used by the earliest known inhabitants of the interior of the New World, with regional variability in the subsistence patterns (Hill 2007). Because Paleo-archaic sites are often found on Pleistocene lake terraces, Kelly (1997) argues that wetland resources were important in their diet. The terraces also would have been attractive to early humans because of the close proximity to water sources which would attract a variety of land animals.

A major logistical strategy that these populations most likely followed was group mobility. This was due to climate fluctuations and drops in local supplies of resources. Such fluctuations would have required populations to change location when resources became scarce.

Unlike other areas the Great Basin and Southwest, there is minimal evidence for early occupation in the project vicinity in particular, and in the southeastern Great Basin in general. While fluted points have been found throughout the eastern Mojave Desert region, they tend to be isolated specimens rather than part of a specific tool assemblage. Typically, they are found on the surface along the margins or terraces of now dry lakes. In addition, isolated fluted points have been recovered from the Las Vegas Valley, in the Clark County Wetlands Park (Roberts and Ahlstrom 2000), and several collectors/looters also claim to have recovered fluted points from southern Nevada (Dixon 1987, Perkins 1967, Ezzo 1995). Fluted points

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have been collected from several locations within Coyote Springs Valley, located west of proposed project area (Blair 1992, Leavitt 2005).

The period after 10,000 BP was a time of increasing fluctuations in climate, although the long-term trend was towards increasing aridity/decreasing rainfall. The pluvial terraces on the Pleistocene lakes continued to be occupied in this period, but there is an increase in the number of sites in higher elevation zones (Rafferty and Blair 1988). Architectural remains generally include cleared areas on desert pavement surfaces called ‘sleeping circles’ on rock rings that are accompanied by crude basalt tools. These are usually scrapers, large knives, retouched flakes, crescents, drills, and stemmed points that have been called, Silver Lake and Lake Mojave (Campbell, et al. 1937), San Dieguito (Rogers 1929). Western Pluvial Lakes Tradition (Hester 1973, Bedwell 1973), and more recently grouped together as Western Stemmed varieties (Willig and Aikens 1988).

A stemmed point has been collected from the vicinity on Jean Lake in southern Nevada (Roberts and Ahlstrom 2007). Also, several stemmed points have been collected from Coyote Springs Valley (Leavitt 2007, Rucso and Kuffner 1981a). Stemmed points have also been identified on a terrace of Ivanpah Playa (Bernor 1980) and several stemmed points have been recovered in the Las Vegas Valley from the surface of the Eglington Escarpment (Roberts and Ahlstrom 2007). Amick (1966) reports that at least 86 stemmed points have been identified at the Nevada Test Site.

Middle and Late Archaic (7,500 – 1,750 BP) Three subdivisions of this Period are defined: The Pinto, the Gypsum, and Terminal Archaic Period (Warren and Crabtree 1986, Ezzo 1996). The Pinto Period is typified by an artifact assemblage routinely referred to as the Pinto Complex. This consists of Pinto points and their variants, leaf-shaped knives, domed and elongated scrapers, flake scrapers, drilling/engraving tools, and flat milling stones. These sites tend to be small and limited to surface manifestations. The few middens present tend to be poorly developed. Pinto Phase sites are usually located near pluvial lake shores and valley floors (Warren and Crabtree 1986, Thomas 1981). Sites of this age are located in numerous areas of southern Nevada: the Las Vegas Valley, the Nevada Test Site/Nellis Air Force Range and the Moapa and Virgin River areas. The most significant Pinto age sites in the region are the surface components of the Tule Springs area (Susia 1964), the Corn Creek Dunes Site (Williams and Orlins 1963) north of Tule Springs, and a series of Pinto/Gypsum age sites in the northern Las Vegas Valley (Apple 1989).

The Gypsum Period is the temporal successor to the Pinto Period and is typified by the following assemblage of artifacts: Gypsum Cave, Humboldt Concave Base, and Elko projectile points; leaf-shaped points; choppers; hammerstones; flake scrapers; rectangular-based knives; and more numerous milling stones than the Pinto Period (including slab manos and metates and mortars and pestles). In addition, evident enigmatic activity occurs in the form of petroglyphs and split-twig figurines found in sites dating to the Gypsum period (Warren and Crabtree 1986). Sites of this age tend to be larger than those of the Pinto Period and occur in a wider number of environmental zones. There are numerous sites that date to this period in southern Nevada: Gypsum Cave (Gilreath 2009, Harrington 1933). Corn Creek Dunes (Williams and Orlins 1963) (Roberts and Ahlstrom 2007), and a number of sites in the Las Vegas Wash/Duck Creek area of the Las Vegas Valley (Ferraro and Ellis 1982, Rafferty 1984).

There have been sites recorded near the project area that may be attributed to these two sub-periods. A Humboldt point was found in the Coyote Springs Valley by Leavitt (Leavitt 2001). Ezzo (1996) notes that three sites in the Moapa Valley area were distinctly Pinto in age, although no sites in the Moapa Valley

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area have been distinctly recorded as containing Gypsum Period assemblages (Ezzo 1996). One of the closest sites to the project area of specifically Gypsum age appears to be Stuart Rockshelter, in Meadow Valley Wash north of Moapa. Two hearths with radiocarbon dates attributed to this period were accompanied by three Humboldt points, basin metates, and a generalized artifact assemblage that can be associated with Gypsum Period sites (Shutler, Shutler and Griffith 1960). In Coyote Spring Valley, northwest of the current project area, Rusco and Kuffner (1981a, 1981b) recorded five sites dating to the Archaic based on projectile point types.

The Gypsum period, corresponding to the Late Archaic period, was characterized by a change in climate in the region, including an increase in precipitation which allowed for greater diversity of floral resources available for human exploitation (Warren, Knack and Warren 1980). Cultural characteristics of this time period involved an increased use of milling implements (Warren and Crabtree 1986), greater socioeconomic ties with other cultures throughout the region (Kelly, et al. 1990), more elaborate enigmatic artifacts, zoomorphic petroglyphs, split-twig figurines, and shell artifacts (Ezzo 1996).

The lithics from the Gypsum period are characterized by large-stemmed, notched projectile points from a variety of styles. The most common styles are the Gypsum Cave, Elko Corner-notched, Elko Eared, and Humboldt Concave base. Flake stone tools include leaf-shaped points, choppers, hammerstones, flake scrapers, and rectangular-based knives. Milling implements include manos, mortars and pestles (Warren and Crabtree 1986).

The Terminal Archaic (2,500 BP-1,500 BP) is defined by the appearance of maize in the area. Although no evidence for maize has been found in the project vicinity, recent work in the Las Vegas Valley at the Larder Site recovered both maize pollen and maize kernels from storage pits dated between 2,350 and 2,050 BP (Ahlstrom 2008). The use of maize may be associated with major changes in the subsistence practices. No distinctive temporal markers (ceramics or projectile points) are currently known to identify this phase.

Puebloan (Formative) The Basketmaker Periods correspond to the arrival of Puebloan populations into the Virgin and Muddy River Drainages in southern Nevada, southwestern Utah and northwestern Arizona. Characteristic cultural elements of the Puebloan peoples involved the construction and occupation of semi-subterranean pit structures and above ground masonry pueblos. The Puebloan culture has been more extensively documented than any other cultural group in North America in terms of geography, architectural styles, and variations in ceramics (Plog 1979). The westernmost expansion of this cultural tradition, termed the Virgin Puebloan, occupied areas in what is now southern Nevada, northern Arizona, and southwestern Utah (Lyneis 1992a). The Virgin Puebloan culture is characterized by a horticultural subsistence base, permanent architectural features, ceramic production, and tools such as hoes, digging sticks, and grinding implements suitable for processing large quantities of grain (Altschul and Fairley 1989).

Common projectile point types during this time period included a continuation of some of the points from the late Archaic, and the Rose Spring and Eastgate projectile points (Thomas 1981). Other tools included flake scrapers, rectangular knives, choppers, hammerstones, slab milling stones, and hand grinding stones. Archaeologists also believe that the bow and arrow and mortar and pestle first appeared during this time period (Warren and Crabtree 1986). These phases will be discussed in more localized time frames associated with the vicinity of the project area.

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Black Dog Mesa is located in Moapa Valley alongside the Muddy River. Research at this archaeological complex has been completed by several researchers. Recently mitigation efforts were accomplished by Diane Winslow and the team at the Harry Reid Center for Environmental Studies (Winslow and Blair 2003a, Winslow and Blair 2003b, Winslow 2009). This archaeological complex is strongly identified with the Basketmaker Periods with radiocarbon dates as early as A.D. 90. Winslow (2009) stressed that the Black Dog Mesa Archaeological Complex is one of the most significant Ancestral Puebloan (specifically Basketmaker) sites in southern Nevada and needs much more research (Winslow 2009).

Moapa Phase (1,650 – 1,450 BP) The Moapa Phase corresponds closest to the Basketmaker II period of the Virgin Puebloan (Shutler 1961). During this time period the Virgin Puebloans were considerably more mobile; many of the sites during this time were occupied on a seasonal or temporary basis by small groups. Agricultural practices did not play as important a role as they did in later times, which is indicated by settlements not far from valley floors (Myhrer 1986). A greater emphasis was placed on horticultural subsistence compared to the past, and maize was an important crop during this time period (Lyneis 1995). Other important crops during the Moapa Phase included cucurbits (e.g. squash, pumpkin, and melons), pinenuts, agave, mesquite, amaranth, juniper berries and yucca (Lyneis 1995). Hunted game most likely included jackrabbits, cottontails, mule deer, bighorn sheep, pronghorn, reptiles, and the desert tortoise. It is possible that agricultural activities consisted of planting a crop in the spring, and then leaving the fields mind itself while the populace headed out to gather various wild crops, returning in the fall to harvest the crops that survived.

Some of the sites dating to the Moapa Phase in the project vicinity are largely confined to the lower Moapa Valley. Shutler (1961) recorded five pit houses on the high bluffs overlooking the confluence of the Muddy and Virgin Rivers. These structures are round in shape and range in size from 3.5 to 7 m with depths ranging from 0.5 to 1.7 m. Two of the pit houses contained interior hearths. No ceramics were found at these sites and the projectile points collected indicated the continued use of spears and atlatls rather than bows and arrows (Ezzo 1996). Rose Spring and Eastgate (Rosegate) projectile points began to appear in lithic assemblages around AD 450 (Lyneis 1982, Thomas 1981, Winslow 2004, Winslow and Wedding 2006).

Muddy River Phase (1,450 – 1,250 BP) The Muddy River Phase is significant in the chronology of the Virgin Puebloan in that it is linked to the introduction of ceramics and the bow and arrow into the project area. These inventions were associated with a decline in the use of cists and caves to store plant products such as seeds and in the use of basketry for additional storage and water transport. Additionally, the development of the bow and arrow resulted in a reduction in the size of projectile points. Ceramics from this time period were typically undecorated, with some occasional black paint from carbon-derived pigments (Altschul and Fairley 1989). Regardless of these new inventions, the life of the Virgin Puebloan did not substantially change from the Moapa Phase.

Clark (1984) identified and studied 17 sites from this period. Clark concluded through research on settlement patterns, water resources, landforms and the availability of agricultural land, that the sites dating to this time period were found evenly distributed across the Moapa Valley. She also concluded that foraging and the exploitation of the environment played an important role during the Muddy River phase.

Excavation of the Steve Perkins site, located in the lower Moapa Valley and west of the Muddy River, was carried out by the University of Nevada Las Vegas in the early 1970s (Myhrer 1989). Five pit houses

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were excavated that appear to date to the Muddy River phase. These structures are generally circular in shape and range in size from 1 m to 7 m. Three of the pit structures are believed to have been used for storage, while the remaining two are believed to have been habitation sites. A single radiocarbon date of 1295 + 65 B.P. has been obtained from this site. A variety of ceramic types were also found, including Boulder Gray, Boulder Black-on-gray, Logandale Gray, North Creek Gray, North Creek Black-on-gray, Hurricane Black-on-gray, and Shivwits Brown (Ezzo 1996).

Lost City Phase (1,250 – 850 BP) The Lost City phase has been associated with the greatest intensity of Virgin Puebloan activity in southern Nevada. Puebloan occupation increased in the Arizona Strip, Shivwits Plateau, St. George Basin, Moapa-Virgin Valleys, and the Las Vegas Valley. Relationships between the Virgin Puebloan, other Puebloan groups, and Great Basin groups such as the Fremont, also reached their peak during this time period. The Lost City phase is characterized by population growth, increased interregional exchange networks, and notable advances in agriculture and food production coupled by a favorable environment (Ezzo 1996).

According to Shutler (1961), most of the sites recorded by Harrington in the 1920s and 1930s are associated with the Lost City phase. Pit structures, while remaining circular in shape, increased in size with an average diameter of 7 m and a depth as great as 1 m. Circular hearths have been found in almost one-quarter of the pit structures dating to this time period; these hearths were plastered with adobe and lined with slabs of sandstone. Formal entryways are often absent from the pit structures, suggesting that entry to these structures may have been through the roof. Pit structures were often built in clusters, with miniature pit houses used as storage bins found in association with many of them.

Ceramic designs varied greatly during the Lost City Phase. Types of ceramic design styles from this time period included Washington Black-on-gray, Washington Corrugated, North Creek Black-on-gray, St. George Black-on-gray, Moapa Black-on-gray, Mount Trumbull Black-on-gray, Hurricane Black-on-gray, Deadman’s Gray, and Tusayan Black –on-red. Corrugated ceramics, and a series of black-on-red ceramics known as the Little Colorado Series of San Juan Red, first appeared towards the latter half of this phase (Altschul and Fairley 1989, Dalley and McFadden 1985, Lyneis 1992a, Lyneis 1992b, Shutler 1961).

Mesa House Phase (850 – 800 BP) The most discernible difference between the Mesa House period and the Lost City phase is the presence of new types of decorated ceramics. Such types include Virgin Black-on-white and Citadel polychrome. It is believed that Virgin Black-on-white originated in the upper Virgin River drainage and that Citadel polychrome was derived from the Kayenta. Additionally, Pyramid Gray, a Patayan ceramic type, has been found in assemblages dating to the Mesa House phase, and an increased use of corrugated ware is also indicative of this time period (Ezzo 1996, Shutler 1961).

One of the more notable sites from the Mesa House Phase is the Adam 2 site (26CK2059) in the Moapa Valley. This single-component site is located on the eastern edge of Moapa Valley, approximately 12 meters above the floodplain. According to Lyneis et al. (1989:9) the site consists of “an arc of storerooms terminating in one end in a large living room, a group of rectilinear rooms of unknown extent, and perhaps a plastered floor sheltered by the arc of storerooms.”

Ezzo (1996) states that the population of the southern Nevada region began to decline during this time period. This may possibly be attributed to the migration of the Paiute into the region, which resulted in greater competition for resources and ultimately greater intergroup conflict. Interestingly, an increase in

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the production of projectile points is also associated with the Mesa House phase, which Hayden (1930) interpreted as representative of an increase in warfare.

Virgin Puebloan Decline A number of different theories exist in regards to the disappearance of the southern Nevada region by the Virgin Puebloans approximately 800 years ago. As stated earlier, Hayden (1930) and Shutler (1961) believed that increased warfare led to the abandonment of the region (Hayden 1930, Shutler 1961). In contrast, Larson and Michaelson (1990) argue that a severe drought occurred in the region between A.D. 1120 and 1150, leading to climatic deterioration.

Rafferty (1990) has linked the abandonment by the Virgin Puebloan with the general collapse of a number of societies that existed between the Colorado Plateau and central Mexico during this time period, beginning with the fall of the Toltec capitol of Tula. Lyneis (1990, 1995) has argued that a variety of different issues came into play which led to the demise, including climatic and environmental change, demography, changes in trade networks, and competition with the Southern Paiute.

Post – Puebloan (Protohistoric Period) The end of the southern Nevada regional use by the Virgin Puebloan and the transition to the Late Pre- Historic Period is characterized by Paiute Brownware, Desert side-notched projectile points, Cottonwood triangular projectile points, large triangular knives, incised stones, steatite beads, slate pendants, shell beads, unshaped manos and metates, and mortars and pestles (Kelly, et al. 1990). This cultural assemblage is indicative of a return to a foraging lifestyle in conjunction with small-scale agriculture. The dominant culture during this time period was the Numic-speaking peoples, particularly the Southern Paiute in the southern Nevada region.

The approximate date of entry of the Southern Paiute people into the southern Nevada region has been debated by scholars (Ezzo 1996). Aikens and Witherspoon (1986) and Goss (1977) believe this entry occurred sometime during the early or middle Archaic period (at least 7,000 B.P.), based on similarities between Paiute and Archaic settlement patterns and the continued use of Elko projectile points throughout these time periods (Aikens and Witherspoon 1986, Goss 1977). Warren and Crabtree (1986) and Lyneis (1982) believe this entry occurred much later in the cultural chronology of southern Nevada and no earlier than A.D. 1000, while Shutler (1961) and Harrington (1933) argue that the Paiute culture co-existed with the Virgin Puebloan at least during the Lost City phase.

A lower Colorado group, the Patayan people began their occupation of southern Nevada near the end of the Basketmaker time frame (circa 1000 BP), moving in from outlying areas of the Mojave Desert (Altschul and Fairley 1989). Like the Paiute, the Patayan people were foragers who engaged in small- scale agriculture. Distinguishing characteristics of the Patayan people included features such as cleared circles, rock rings, petroglyphs, and intaglios.

An analysis of radiocarbon samples and ceramics from the Berger Site in the southern Las Vegas Valley (26CK1528) confirms that the Patayan began producing a new type of ceramic, Las Vegas Buff, in southern Nevada around 900 BP (Seymour 1997). The presence of Las Vegas Buff located in at least 19 sites in the southern Nevada region indicates a long-term presence by Patayan people. In addition to Las Vegas Buff, Topoc Buff, and Pyramid Gray are also types of ceramics unique to the Patayan. Seymour also argues that the Patayan culture was less sedentary and relied less on extensive agriculture than the Virgin Puebloan.

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Lower Colorado Cultural Groups Along the lower Colorado River and on the other side of the Colorado River, south of the proposed project area are the descendants of an Upland Yuman-speaking group, the Walapai (McGuire 1983), and a River Yuman-speaking group called the Mohave (Stewart 1983). Known as Patayan or Yuman in various literature; settlement patterns, buffware ceramics, and trade wares are what defines the temporal phases for this culture (Colton 1945, Rogers 1945, M. Waters 1982). Ceramic types generally correspond parallel with the drying and filling of prehistoric Lake Cahuilla in extreme southern California. Patayan I Phase (A.D. 500-1000) is best characterized by hunter and gatherers living primarily along the Colorado River in Nevada, California, and western Arizona. Patayan II Phase (A.D. 1050-1500) shows much more variation in the ceramic types present. These Patayan assemblages begin to spread away from the Colorado River basin into the deserts of California and into upland areas of western Arizona. Patayan III (A.D. 1500 and younger) is the last/final phase and is marked by ceramic continuity, population growth, and shifting settlement patters. When Lake Cahuilla eventually became dry, it may have caused the Patayan/Yuman-speaking people to move south to the Colorado River delta and west to the California coastal mountains.

Historically, the Mohave practiced flood plain horticulture along the Colorado River and they also traveled large distances practicing trade and social contact with different cultural groups as they travelled (Kroeber 1925). Even though southern Nevada is often thought of as being occupying solely by the Southern Paiute during the time, there is increasing evidence that these Yuman-speaking groups used the area regularly, likely for economic exchange and resource exploitation (Lyneis 1982, Hatzenbuehler 1992, Seymour 1997).

Ethnohistory

Southern Paiute The Nuwuvi people are generally known today as the Southern Paiutes. They are culturally related to the Shoshone, the Utes, and the Northern Paiutes; but spoke a different dialect of the Shoshonean language than these groups and have their own very separate cultural identity. The Southern Paiute are peaceful and as a general rule lived in peace with the surrounding tribes while following their traditional ancient lifeway. The Nuwuvi were closely tied to their land and the cycles of nature and were completely reliant on both. The earth, or tu-weap as the Nuwuvi called her, provided everything as long as they knew how to retrieve the provision. All the Southern Paiute thought of themselves as one people or as the term Nuwuvi means, “The Indians”. The land provided the Nuwuvi everything they needed, and they knew how to find the sources for foods, water, tool-making, clothing, and shelter. Before Euro-Americans came into the Nuwuvi territory and interfered and destroyed many of these resources, they were well-adapted and thriving. The Southern Paiute not only used hunting and gathering, but also farmed the land to contribute to their available resources (Inter-Tribal Council of Nevada 1976).

The Southern Paiute occupied a broad strip of territory extending across southern Nevada, southern Utah, and portions of southeastern California and northern Arizona. Of the 16 sub-groups identified by Kelly (1934), the Las Vegas sub-group inhabited a relatively large area extending into the Mojave Desert, including the Spring Mountain Range and roughly bounded on the west by Ash Meadows.

Probably because of their loose political organization and mobility, information concerning pre-contact Native Americans utilizing the area is confusing and generally ill-defined. This led early ethnographers to

ix GEMINI SOLAR PROJECT FINAL RMPA/EIS Cultural Resources Support Information devise conflicting divisions of the Southern Paiute groups. Isabel Kelly’s (1934) 16 Southern Paiute sub- groups, bands, or tribes that she identified were described as “dialectic units with political concomitants” (I. Kelly 1934, 550). Kelly called the westernmost Great Basin group the Las Vegas Band. Their territory includes the Kingston Range and the California Valley. Powell and Ingalls (1873), on the other hand, identified 31 separate bands or tribes of Southern Paiutes, and eight of these “tribes” occupy the same geographic location identified by Kelly as the Las Vegas Band. Kelly (1934) contended the Powell’s tribal names can be identified as names of geographic locations and can be viewed not as tribal designators, but as locations (Table 2). The boundaries of the territory of the Las Vegas Band were determined based on testimony of her informants.

Table 2 Southern Paiute “Tribes” Enumerated by Powell in Southwestern Nevada, Southeastern California Children Tribe Locality Men Women TOTAL under 10 Mo-quats Kingston Mtns. (Horse Thief Sp.)

Ho-kwaits Invanspaw 34 34 17 85

Tim-pa-shau-wa- Providence Mtns. go-tsits

Kau-yai-chits Ash Meadows 10 12 9 31

Ya-gats Armagoza (Tecopa) 31 23 14 68

Nu-a-gun-tits Las Vegas 69 49 43 161

Pa-ga-its Colville 12 15 7 34

Kwi-en-go-mats Indian Springs 7 6 5 18

Mo-vwi-ats Cottonwood Island 24 19 14 57

No-gwats Potosi

Pa-room-pats Pa-room 22 24 10 56 Spring/Pahrump

TOTAL 209 182 119 510

Source: (Fowler and Fowler 1971)

Southern Paiute organization consisted of small economically self-sufficient groups that shared a relatively uniform culture (Euler 1966, 2, Kelly and Fowler 1986, 368). Political organization between and within groups was informal. Clusters of families formed loosely knit bands, usually with a headman who took on advisory responsibilities. Geographic boundaries between groups were fluid and allowed for the utilization of resources “belonging” to neighboring groups. Marriage and trade took place between Southern Paiute groups, and conflicts were rare (Kelly and Fowler 1986).

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The Southern Paiute did not exhibit any overall political organization between groups, nor was there any central control within the groups themselves. Each group contained a number of economic units, comprised of cluster of families, much like bands in other tribal organizations. These bands usually had a headman who took on advisory responsibilities. The headman of a band was typically a brother, grandson, or uncle of the previous headman, but was rarely, if ever, the headman’s son. Boundaries between groups were not precise and allowed for the utilization of resources typically allotted to neighboring groups. Springs, however, were private property and were inherited (Kelly and Fowler 1986, 380).

In general, relationships between Southern Paiute ethnographic groups were peaceable. Relationships with non-Southern Paiute groups, however, were more varied. A congenial relationship existed between the Southern Paiute and several neighboring groups. The Southern Paiute, for example, were friendly with the Western Shoshone to the northwest, with some Las Vegas peoples even speaking the Western Shoshone language. Other neighboring groups, however, would occasionally steal horses, children, and women, invoking fear among the Paiutes (Kelly and Fowler 1986, 369). Kroeber (1953) notes the Southern Paiute sometimes met with hostility from lower Colorado River groups (i.e. the Mohave).

Southern Paiute captives were often sold as slaves in Santa Fe or were carried off to southern California, transported by Ute captors or sold to traffickers along the Old Spanish Trail. Euler (1966, 46-48) cites historic documentation noting the absence of Southern Paiute from ecologically favorable but heavily traveled areas within their territory in the 1830s and 1840s, suggesting that they may reflect a fear of slavers. He also notes reports of open aggression and hostility among some Paiutes in the 1840s, perhaps demonstrating retaliation against slave traffickers. This is in marked contrast to the non-warlike temperament reported for the Southern Paiute in the pre-contact period (Kelly and Fowler 1986, 386). The Inter-Tribal Council of Nevada (1976, 36-51) speaks of the Old Spanish Trail and its connection to the slave trade as well.

The expansion of the Mormons into Southern Paiute territory also proved to have detrimental effects. In an effort to try to save the Southern Paiutes, church leaders advised their members to buy the “Lamanite” (Native American) children so they could be educated and taught the “gospel” so they would not be lost. Unfortunately, even though the Mormons believed their intentions good, their actions proved to be a large part of the problem. Their “purchasing” of people to save them from poverty that was to a large extent created by the expansion of the settlers into the Southern Paiute territory and taking away their most resourceful lands. These actions caused the impoverishment of the Southern Paiute, even though they believed they were saving them by purchasing them (Inter-Tribal Council of Nevada 1976, 56-68).

As noted above, Southern Paiute political organization was so informal that Steward declined to consider them to be true bands. He asserted that the Paiutes of Pahrump and Las Vegas regions were never unified in a single band and had no political leaders. One man, however, has often been referred to as “chief” in the historic era. Tecopa (also spelled Takopa) was probably born in Las Vegas and died in Pahrump probably sometime prior to 1905, when it was reported, “At Pahrump lies good Chief Tecopa who about a year ago died of old age” (Las Vegas Age 9/30/1905:1). Steward’s informants advised that his only functions revolved around dances or transactions with white men. According to Steward, Tecopa’s main function was to direct the autumn festival (Steward 1938).

Moapa Band of Paiutes The Moapa Band of Paiutes historic lands include the flood plains of the Muddy River that flow southeasterly through the Moapa Valley into Lake Mead along with much of the surrounding land. Many of the unique geographic features in the area, including Valley of Fire, are sacred to the Moapa people.

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The Muddy River is fed by warm springs in the western and northern part of the Moapa Valley. The coming of the Euro-American settlers was detrimental to the Moapa people because these settlers took over the land, especially land that was used for crops along with land with reliable sources of water. This included the land the Moapa used for hundreds of years. In the 1870s, approximately 2 million acres of land was set aside for the Moapa people, but this was swindled away to about 1,000 acres by 1875 by administrators who appeared to only have the interest of Euro-American settlers in their actions (Inter- Tribal Council of Nevada 1976). Consequently, the Moapa people lost most of this land (Moapa Band of Paiutes n.d.).

Prior to the onslaught of Euro-Americans into the Moapa region, the Moapa people were well-adapted to their land utilizing natural resources by hunting and gathering in conjunction with farming. Their relationship with their land was guided by resourcefulness and knowledge. Material culture of the Moapa people included intricately designed basketry that includes water-proof jars, cradle boards, cooking baskets, seed beaters, and winnowing and parching trays. The Moapa’s skills included the use of animal skins and plants, including nutritional and medicinal uses. Once Euro-Americans began intruding onto Moapa land, diseases such as tuberculosis and measles rapidly spread and killed many of the Moapa who had no immunity to these European diseases. Any insurrection or rebellion by the Moapa, once these Euro-Americans were present, was met by brutal force by both the federal troops and the Euro-American settlers (Moapa Band of Paiutes 2014).

Today the Moapa, after approximately two centuries of disruption from Euro-Americans, have seen their traditional way of life basically demolished. The Moapa saw their land and water taken from them, their homes raided by others and their people taken as slaves, conflicts with Mormons settlers, New Mexicans, and others. The Old Spanish Trail was one of the main culprits of these dreadful acts against the Moapa people because it opened their land to explorers, traders, settlers, and anyone else using the route that became widely used in the 1830s. This caused the Moapa people to flee their land disrupting their farming, losing their homes, their independence, and their traditional lifeways (Moapa Band of Paiutes 2014).

The almost complete lack of any government oversight caused the reservation to basically become abandoned by the Moapa by the turn of the 20th century. The federal government even considered abandoning the reservation completely and moving any people to the reservation in northern Nevada with the Northern Paiute because very few Native Americans were present. This, however, did not occur. A land conflict in 1900 resulted in new government interest in the Moapa Reservation, and they decided to take charge again at Moapa. During the time of little government oversight, some Euro-Americans had taken advantage of the situation and moved into areas of the reservation that they then refused to leave after the government became involved again. These land conflicts caused the government to add land to the reservation to make up for this loss of land. This additional 103.28 acres was added by Executive Order from Theodore Roosevelt in 1903. By 1904 a new schoolhouse was built and some farming success was accomplished. Farming was not embraced by the Moapa people because they could make more money working for ranchers and farmers. Disease was a problem, and the numbers of the Moapa people continued to shrink. In 1904 there were 141, and in 1906 it was 129. The Moapa people became resigned to their plight and had little left to defend. The spread of disease, the loss of their land, and their traditional way of life devastated the Moapa had little to preserve (Inter-Tribal Council of Nevada 1976).

Starting in 1914, land was allotted to the Moapa. This land was to provide each family approximately 12 to 25 acres of what was termed as good land. In 1918 a new school was built, and the Bureau of Indian Affairs agency headquarters returned to the reservation. The agency was led by L.B. Sandall who was a

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Physician and the School Superintendent. He reported that sanitary conditions were very poor and the water supply was from the irrigation ditches. Many children were sent to Ft. Mojave boarding school the next year assisting with existing food shortages and other issues. In 1925 the Moapa Day School was closed due to an epidemic of whooping cough and students were again sent away to Ft. Mojave and Sherman Institute boarding schools. During the 1920s the federal agency attempted to stop the Moapa people from practicing any traditional ceremonies or religious practices. This caused a conflict between the Moapa and the government. Threats were issued stating that anyone caught practicing traditional ceremonies or religious practices would be taken away from their people completely. Also, during the 1920s, the addition of grazing land became important to the Moapa people, and it was recommended that an additional 200 acres be added so that they could avoid losing the irrigation ditch and fence line to Euro-American ranchers (Inter-Tribal Council of Nevada 1976).

Conditions improved in the next decades and a gradual improvement was witnessed in the 1930s with health and population stabilization. In 1941, all land allotments expired that were issued and all reservation land was restored to tribal ownership. In 1942 the Moapa people authored and approved a constitution and bylaws; and the governing body was the Moapa Business Council. In the mid-1960s the Indian Claims Commission granted $7,253,165.19 to the Southern Paiute people including the Moapa people. The Moapa used their portion of this judgment for a period of significant development (Inter- Tribal Council of Nevada 1976).

In 1979, the Moapa Band of Paiutes petitioned Congress for 70,000 acres of land (approximately four percent of the original promise of two million) to strengthen the economy of the Moapa people. Ultimately this land provided more arable land, access to tourists visiting the Valley of Fire, grazing land, along with other opportunities for the people to be self-reliant and not as reliant on government assistance while preserving their traditional life (Moapa Band of Paiutes n.d.).

Muddy Mountains and Their Significance to the Moapa Band of Paiutes The Muddy Mountains are part of the traditional land of the Moapa. The Moapa people have been settled in the vicinity of the Muddy Valley and Lower Virgin Valley and the surrounding areas, including the Muddy Mountains, for all time. Their Traditional Land loosely covers all of Clark County, the southern portion of Lincoln County to the Utah and Arizona border. It also included parts of the Grand Canyon and Cottonwood Island. This land includes the Muddy Mountains and the North Muddy Mountains which surrounds the Valley of Fire to the north, west, and south with the Colorado River immediately east. The Muddy Mountains and Colorado River completely surround the Valley of Fire. The Muddy Mountains have traditionally been used extensively for the procurement of resources, including pigments for paint used by the Moapa along with plants and animals for subsistence and healing purposes.

Salt Songs are a lasting, sacred, and continuing tradition of the Moapa. These Songs are immensely important and continue a long tradition of ancestors and spirits showing the Moapa landscapes and places across the region. These ancestors/spirits travel across the landscape, along routes/trails, and point out specific and distinctive features that mark water and other important resources along these routes. These ancestors/spirits convey, through these Songs, what a person will see as they travel across the landscape, even if they have never been there before. The Salt Songs provide an oral map of the territory.

Many of the Salt Songs distinguish many landmarks, including the Muddy Mountains. Also, these Songs speak of the Valley of Fire which is part of the eastern portion of the Muddy Mountains. The Muddy Mountains are an entryway into these areas sung about in these Salt Songs, making the area immensely

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important to the Moapa. Gypsum Cave is another important traditional property located immediately south of the Muddy Mountains. This cave is one of many caves that is considered important.

Traditional Landscapes, as a whole, are incredibly important to the Moapa. These landscapes gave them everything they needed for life; including shelter, food, water, medicine, sacred places, and resources for crafting pottery, baskets, clothing, etc. The Muddy Mountains are part of the very important Moapa Traditional Landscape (Anderson 2018).

Historic Period

Exploration Although the Spanish left minimal impact on the historical presence of the southern Nevada region, several early Spanish explorers ventured through the region between the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries. The first non-Native Americans to venture into the region were members of Francisco de Coronado’s expedition in the 1540s (Kleinsorge 1941). The side trips from Coronado’s main expedition do not appear to have crossed to the west bank of the Colorado River, and probably never entered the area that is Nevada. After this early expedition, the region remained virtually unexplored by other non-Native Americans for over 200 years. In 1776, Father Francisco Garcés explored the Mojave Desert region moving east from California (Paher 1971). Around the same time, Fathers Silvestre Velez de Escalante and Francisco Dominguez and their party of 10 men traveled between New Mexico and California in search of a route to Monterrey. After traveling through southwestern Colorado and north-central Utah, the expedition traveled through present-day southern Nevada and encountered numerous Native American groups, including bands of Southern Paiute (Warner 1976, E. v. Warren 1974).

The era known as the Mexican period of exploration (1822-1846), is defined as the years when the Mexican government controlled much of the land in the western United States (Ezzo 1996). Although the region was controlled by Mexico during this time period, a Euro-American explorer and fur trader, Jedediah Strong Smith, was one of the most notable explorers of this region. Smith, who was part owner of the Rocky Mountain Fur Company, began his explorations of southern Utah and Nevada in August of 1826 (Ezzo 1996).

In 1829, Antonio Armijo was selected by the governor of New Mexico to lead a 60-man expedition from Santa Fe to California. This expedition followed Escalante’s route through northern Arizona, crossing the Colorado River in Utah. After reaching the Virgin River, Armijo followed Jedediah Smith’s route back across the Colorado River into Arizona, where he sent out scouts from his party to find watering holes. Following this, an alternative route was discovered through the Las Vegas Valley, passing along the Virgin and Colorado Rivers to the Las Vegas Wash, bypassing Las Vegas Springs and Cottonwood Springs (Paher 1971, E. v. Warren 1974).

The first travelers over what is now known as the Old Spanish Trail were probably fur trappers William Wolfskill and George C. Yount in 1830-1831 (Wright 1981, Ezzo 1996). However, the Wolfskill-Yount party did not travel the route to Las Vegas, instead moving along the Virgin and Colorado Rivers as Jedediah Smith had done. The historical record does not conclusively indicate who first shortened the final route, which traveled through the Las Vegas Valley to the Las Vegas Springs (Paher 1971, Ezzo 1996).

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Following the Mexican-American War, the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo ceded all of Mexico’s territory north of the Gila River to the US, including the land that comprises modern day Nevada. From 1848 to 1863, southern Nevada formed part of the New Mexico Territory, along with what is now Arizona and New Mexico and parts of southern Colorado (Walker and Bufkin 1979). In 1849, all of present-day Utah and Nevada, and portions of Arizona, New Mexico, Colorado, Wyoming, Oregon and California, were included in a proposal to Congress for the establishment of a Mormon state of Deseret, a proposal which was denied (Walker and Bufkin 1979, Ezzo 1996). The proposal came out of Mormon expansion into the region, led by Brigham Young’s plan to missionize the region and convert its inhabitants to Mormonism. This plan extended well into present day Arizona and as far west as San Bernardino, California.

Settlement The Mormon Wagon Road, originating in Salt Lake City and traversing southern Nevada along the Muddy and Virgin Rivers, using portions of the previously established Old Spanish Trail helped to establish the region as a Mormon stronghold (Swanson 1995, Ezzo 1996). In 1855, to facilitate the use of the trail, Mormons established a settlement in the Las Vegas Valley, now known as the Old Las Vegas Mormon Fort (Hohmann 1996). The Fort was established to provide travelers along the Old Spanish Trail with food and supplies, with the Mormons cultivating crops along the Las Vegas Wash.

The Mormons who had settled in the Las Vegas Valley identified lead ore on Mt. Potosi. Subsequent to the discovery, attempts were made by the Mormons to develop a mine in the area. This was the first mining activity in the area that later became known as the Goodsprings (Potosi) Mining District. The appointment of Nathaniel Jones to supervise the extraction and smelting of the lead ore ultimately lead to conflict among the Mormons who were initially established to farm the valley and provide supplies to travelers along the Old Spanish Trail/Mormon Wagon Road. Jones and his miners had difficulty in smelting the ore and Jones eventually abandoned the project. The fort itself was abandoned by 1858 (Hohmann 1996).

Permanent settlement of the project area vicinity by Mormons did not begin until the 1860s, with settlements established at St. Thomas, St. Joseph, Mill Point, Sandy Town, Overton, Junction City, West Point and Callville (Ezzo 1996, McClintock 1985). Callville was one of several port towns established along the Colorado River from the Gulf of California to the junction of the Muddy and Virgin Rivers between 1852 and 1909 (Walker and Bufkin 1979). The northernmost settlement, Callville, was located approximately 20 miles south of the current project area (Fleming 1967). This Mormon settlement was only active from 1864-1869, with abandonment linked to the escape of three horse thieves from St. George who had wrenched four large doors from the front of the abandoned warehouse building for the construction of a raft on which to make their getaway from the local authorities (Ezzo 1996, McClintock 1985).

The Cotton Mission, Including the Muddy Section (Mission) Euro-American settlement in Southern Nevada began with the establishment of the Meadows Mission (in present day Las Vegas) in 1854 by the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints (LDS). Thirty young men arrived in 1855 and were charged with building a fort, protecting immigrants and mail from the Native Americans, and teaching the Native Americans how to grow crops. The project vicinity is located northeast of downtown Las Vegas approximately 25-30 miles. The first LDS person sent to the Muddy Valley by the LDS leader, Brigham Young, was Ira Hatch who arrived alone in 1858. In two weeks, a companion arrived (Thales Haskell) to scout the area for settlement. They both returned to Utah the same year. In 1864 settlement began in the Muddy Valley (McClintock 1921). Most members of the LDS

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church felt that, when they were called on a mission (or any other church calling), the calling was divine. Because of this belief, their faith required them to serve the mission as directed by the church leaders, even if they did not want to go. They were able to turn down the calling if they were so inclined, however most persevered (Ellsworth 1995).

Before the Muddy Valley was settled in the mid-1860s, the Cotton Mission was established, which included the Virgin River basins located to the northeast of the Muddy Valley into present day Southwest Utah. The LDS leaders felt a great need for independence from the outside world and this was one of the primary motivations for developing the area approximately 300 miles south of Salt Lake City. The area was warmer and at a lower elevation making it an area that semitropical crops like cotton, grapes, figs, flax, hemp, rice, sugar cane, tobacco, etc. could be grown. LDS families were called to the Cotton Mission with the express directive to “grow cotton” which is just as important as preaching the gospel. The settlements in the Cotton Mission by the end of the 1850s included, Washington, St. George, Heberville (Tonaquint), Parowan, Grafton, Hurricane, Santa Clara, Harrisburg, Duncan’s Retreat, West Point, Rockville, Millersburg, Shunesburg, Northrop, Springdale, Gunlock, Harmony, Kanarra, Hebron, Middleton, Pine Valley, Pinto, Leeds, Bellevue (Pintura), Panada, Eagleville, Cedar City, and Toquerville (Evans n.d., McClintock 1921).

In the mid-1860s, the Muddy Section or Muddy Mission was added to the Cotton Mission. In 1864 several families were called to the Muddy Section to settle. Seven settlements were established including Beaver Dam, St. Thomas, Overton, St. Joseph, West Point, Mill Point, and Simonsville (McClintock 1921). Besides the need for self-support by the LDS people, there was the idea of trade on the Colorado River because of the Civil War, making the area even more desirable (Church News 1991, Holland 2011).

Arriving in the Muddy Section (Mission) in January of 1865, St. Thomas was the first settlement with St. Joseph following approximately six months later when a second group of families arrived. St. Thomas was described as very nice town with Cottonwood trees outlining the streets. The lots included as part of St. Thomas 85 city one acre lots, about the same number of vineyard lots that were 2.5 acres, and 5-acre farm lots. St. Joseph was a fort on a bluff with the town being on a level area northwest of the fort. The town had a flour mill and cotton gin, but much of it was destroyed in a fire in 1868 (Cosgrove 2011, McClintock 1921).

Fairly early into the Cotton Mission and Muddy Mission it was apparent to the LDS church that these areas would need to be subsidized to a certain extent. Conditions were harsh and the people were poor. The people had almost no money and many scarcely had clothes. Bartering was the main form of purchasing items. These communities were run under the United Order where everyone shared depending on need; however, when the community as a whole did not have enough, then everyone suffered. Brigham Young dismantled a Cotton Mill in Salt Lake City in 1866 and brought it down to Washington to help the area. It was rebuilt and running by 1869 to assist with the cotton production in the Cotton Mission (Evans n.d., McClintock 1921).

Problems were present at the Muddy Mission almost from the beginning. Problems with the Paiute likely began because the first LDS settlers on the banks of the Muddy River saw evidence of the Paiutes farming. These settlers saw nothing wrong with taking these Paiute farmlands and using these lands as their own. The Paiute, in turn, stole cattle and horses and were punished resulting in violence. Mosquitos caused malaria in the area, snakes and scorpions were abundant, flooding destroyed canals and irrigation ditches and heat was incredibly unbearable. The water from the Muddy River was also not good for large scale farming due to its salty nature (Cosgrove 2011, Lyman-Whitney 1992).

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In 1870 when it was apparent that all was not well at the Muddy Mission, Brigham Young came to visit and saw the horrible conditions and the problems with getting the agriculture to be successful. It was during this period of time that the Nevada, Arizona, Utah borders were being shifted around and ultimately it was determined that the Muddy Mission was located in Nevada. Nevada attempted to collect back taxes from the settlers who had for years paid taxes to Utah. A letter was sent to the Muddy Mission communities from the LDS Church leaders giving the settlers permission to leave due to the horrible and harsh conditions in the area. A vote to abandon the settlements occurred in December 1870 and the mass exodus began in February 1871. These people returned to Utah and founded new towns like Glendale, Orderville, and Mount Carmel (Lyman-Whitney 1992, McClintock 1921, Wikipedia 2011).

In 1877, settlers returned to the Virgin River in the Muddy Mission area. Santa Clara had given up the United Order and consequently, Edward Bunker founded Bunkerville with LDS people who chose to continue the United Order. The United Order in Bunkerville included land owned by all members of the community, a community kitchen and dining hall, and all of the community shared in all responsibilities as a whole. However, the United Order did not last long in Bunkerville due to some people taking advantage of the system and it was dissolved in 1879. Eventually Dudley Leavitt and his family moved from Bunkerville to be one of the founding families of Mesquite in 1887. His 5 wives and 52 children struggled for about four years before abandoning this endeavor. Mesquite was resettled in 1895 successfully. In 1881 the LDS settlers returned to the Muddy as well. Nevada was much more welcoming with these subsequent settlements and the people actually received more benefits from their taxes than they paid (Lyman-Whitney 1992, McClintock 1921).

The Town of Mesquite was formally established in 1880 when a company of ten families from St. George, Utah, settled on the north side of the Virgin River, near Bunkerville. The post office name, first spelled Mesquit (July 19, 1880 - August 5, 1887) was changed to Mesquite on July 27, 1897, the date of resumption of service (Carlson 1974).

Relocation of Native Americans/Southern Paiutes to Reservations A major factor in any settlement of the region was the existence of the previous occupants, the Southern Paiute. Upon recommendation by Special Agent G.W. Ingalls of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, the Moapa Reservation for the Southern Paiute was established in 1873. However, settlers, miners and the Bureau of Indian Affairs wanted to relocate the Southern Paiute to an area of convenience to non-Indians (Knack 2001). Finally, the land that was decided upon was located on the Upper Muddy River in Nevada, about 25 or 35 miles above St. Thomas, containing from 700-1,000 acres of fine farming land, and good range for stock (Fenton 1869, 646).

The reservation was initially established as a farming reservation with acreage of 3,900. However, no infrastructural provisions were created to support this new reservation adequately (Clemmer and Stewart 1986). Encroaching settlement led to a reduction in area to 1,000 acres in 1875 (Royce 1899). While the population of the reservation at that time is undocumented, it is estimated that 500-600 Southern Paiutes continued to live near mining towns and in rural areas, moving in and out of the Moapa Reservation (Clemmer and Stewart 1986).

Paiutes on the Moapa Reservation were angered by this new settlement that encroached on their land and fighting ensued. The end of the confrontation was probably because the new missionary settlers were well-armed (White 1990). News of the confrontation reached Brigham Young, who in February of 1868, issued a decree ordering the abandonment of the settlement of West Point, adjacent to the reservation, by the Mormon settlers. Many families residing at West Point defied this decree and remained at the

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settlement (Olsen 1986, White 1990). The settlement was abandoned after severe flooding in August and September 1870 left it uninhabitable (Olsen 1986).

Growth and Transportation During the 19th century the project area vicinity was crossed by a network of roads that connected key points in the desert west. They included routes that joined future cities and now forgotten boom towns alike. The key factor to make a route feasible was the availability of water and feed for animals and man alike. The Mormon Wagon Road/Old Spanish Trail is located in the vicinity of the proposed project area. Also, other roads have been noted in the area by researching historic maps of the vicinity.

The communities along the Virgin and Muddy Rivers have families with ties going north into the Meadow Valley Wash towards Elgin. This is evident with the stagecoach routes that ran from the Meadow Valley to the Lower Muddy River area (Due 1999). As the communities grew in the region, families moved to surrounding communities and still had their ties to their family remaining behind. An example of this would be the Huntsman family living in the Kane Springs area, who clearly had family ties in St. Thomas, Overton, and Bunkerville (Southwest Back Country 2009). Local roads like the present-day Carp Elgin Road are extremely important to the families and friends traveling to visit one another in these surrounding communities.

The first motor road of any importance in the project area was the unimproved Arrowhead Trail, a route promoted by the Automobile Club of Southern California in 1916. This was partially replaced by the Arrowhead Highway, a paved highway across southern Nevada. Rather than pass over the route through the Valley of Fire and Overton, this route ran to the north of the Muddy Mountains and crossed the Muddy River at what is now known as Glendale. One of the service stations at that location was known as Arrowhead Service. In 1955 it was replaced by a new alignment of US-91. Approximately ten to twelve years later, US-91 became the northbound lane of Interstate-15 (I-15) (Lyman 1991, Lyman 1999, Lyman 2004).

When the construction of the San Pedro, Los Angeles, and Salt Lake Railroad (SP, LA & SL RR) was finished in 1905, the Moapa Valley was integrated into the national system of mass and bulk transportation. Passengers and freight from the rest of the world could be loaded at the pier at San Pedro and carried on the main line to Salt Lake and points east by a single carrier (Signor 1988). Locally, the accessibility to mining properties in the region was increased (Lyman 1991, Myrick 1992, 663). The socio-economic position of Moapa Valley was drastically changed by this rapid integration into a modern transportation system. The inland west between the river and the ocean was open to extractive industrial activities. Its most important resources were sources of materials for construction and fabrication. However, until efficient and cheap methods of transportation existed, even large and pure quantities of important industrial materials could not be economically recovered.

The SP, LA & SL rail system was developed by Senator William Clark, the copper mining magnate, who had previously profited greatly by substituting railroad line for wagon roads at his Arizona operations (Peterson 1971, 124). Some products, such as borax, mined in the Muddy Mountains were worth hauling by freight wagon, but, in general, only the existence of the all-important rail line offered access to markets for extracted raw materials such as clay, gypsum, and silica. The availability of efficient and relatively inexpensive bulk transportation made the exploitation of these resources profitable. These common materials, found in fairly pure form in this portion of Nevada, have been a consistent and lucrative focus of mining activity since the rail links were formed. The Overton Branch line (completed in 1912) from

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Moapa in the project area still serves as the principal means of transportation for silica to industrial customers in the western United States (Winslow and Wedding 2006).

Mining did not begin in earnest around the project area until after 1900. The completion of the SP, LA & SL RR provided a needed impetus to mining activity in the project area. The first mine in the area, the Key West Mine, located in the Bunkerville Mining District, is located 15 miles south of Bunkerville in the foothills of the Virgin Range in northeastern Clark County (Lincoln 1923). Copper ore was discovered on the property in the late 1890s, although production did not begin in the mining town until 1903. Other mining districts in the area are the Gold Butte Mining District and the Copper King District. (Carlson 1974, Longwell, et al. 1965, Winslow and Wedding 2006).

Growth in the area required flood control measures for the local residents, ranchers, and farmers. During the 1930s several projects were underway supervised by the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC), Soil Conservation Service (SCS), and the Forest Service. One of these privately funded projects was supervised by the Forest Service. The Bowman Reservoir (Wells Siding-Bowman Reservoir Project) was financed by the Muddy Valley Irrigation Company and Moapa Soil Conservation District. This project was originally designed to protect the lower Moapa Valley from flood damage. There were several integrated parts to the project that included the Bowman Reservoir. The Bowman Reservoir was originally completed by 1939 with a 1000 acre-feet capacity which was increased to 4000 acre-feet in 1968. This project was strategic to preventing the farm fields in the area from flooding, a continuing problem with both the Muddy and Virgin Rivers (Kolvet and Ford 2006).

Telephone service in the area also expanded during the 20th century growth. Based on a 1938 GLO plat image, a telephone line labelled, ‘Transcontinental Telephone’ crosses the proposed project area. The Transcontinental Telephone line was developed and constructed by the American Telephone and Telegraph Company (AT&T) Bell Systems in 1914. Construction of this original line was completed from New York to California in 1915 (AT&T Corporation n.d.). In Nevada, previously held operations by the Pacific Telephone and Telegraph Company were transferred to Bell Telephone of Nevada, which was incorporated to hold telephone rights in Nevada while the transcontinental line was being constructed. The portion of the telephone line that passed through Nevada was completed on June 17, 1914. However, it was not until 1919 that Nevada Bell started construction on the state-wide telephone lines (Grant 1996, Funding Universe n.d.). The transcontinental telephone line crossed into Nevada from Wendover, Utah and continuing across northern Nevada towards San Francisco (Madrigal 2011, Grant 1996, AT&T Corporation n.d.). This route left southern Nevada without access to long-distance service until 1929 when Nevada Bell constructed a long-distance telephone line from Los Angeles to Salt Lake City. This gave southern Nevada, including Las Vegas, access to long-distance service (Grant 1996, Funding Universe n.d.). There is a good probability that the telephone line mapped on the 1938 GLO plat map is the Los Angeles to Salt Lake City telephone line which was the only long-distance telephone line present in southern Nevada during the time the GLO survey was completed.

Old Spanish Trail Road/Mormon Wagon Road The Mormon Wagon Road/Old Spanish Trail corridor (both recorded segments and the Congressionally Designated Trail) is located within the vicinity of the proposed project. This transportation corridor was mostly used during the 19th century during the exploration and early settlement of southern Nevada. The corridor’s history has been documented through several researchers in the past (Lyman 2004, Lyman and Reese 2001, McBride and Rolf 2001, Myhrer, White and Rolf 1990, Hafen and Hafen 1954, E. v. Warren 1974).

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The Old Spanish Trail was a consequence of Native American trails, but it is unlikely that no single Native American Trail followed the entire route of the Old Spanish Trail or the Mormon Wagon Road. Portions of this route became known as the Old Spanish Trail because of the Spanish missionaries explored this route in 1776. A substantial amount of the route through southern Utah was explored by the Escalante-Dominguez expedition, and other parts of the route through the Mojave Desert in California were explored by Francisco Garces (Myhrer, White and Rolf 1990). Fifty years later, Euro-Americans began to further explore the route. Jedediah Smith and other fur trappers made use of portions of the Old Spanish Trail between 1826 and 1831. The trappers were guided and shown numerous trails by Native American guides. The first person to travel the entire Old Spanish Trail route was Antonio Armijo, who traveled from Abiquiu, New Mexico to San Gabriel, California between November 1829 and February 1830. Armijo proved that you could travel from the Santa Fe area of New Mexico to southern California all the way trading blankets and other goods for mules and horses, which ultimately proved profitable. The route was used for horse and mule traders until 1848 (Lyman 2004).

John C. Fremont directed an expedition that explored the Rocky Mountains and other areas of the western United States between 1842 and 1844. Fremont started in southern California and continued through Nevada on the Old Spanish Trail. The name ‘The Old Spanish Trail’ is attributed to Fremont, before his historic trip the route was called ‘El Camino de California’ or ‘El Camino de Nuevo Mexico’. Fremont’s information and his informants clearly indicate that there is not a single ‘Old Spanish Trail’, but a collection of varying routes used between California and New Mexico (E. v. Warren 1974). Once Fremont returned to Washington, D.C., a report was prepared for Congress that was completed in 1845. Twenty-thousand copies of this report were printed under congressional order and the report became widely available to the public. Fremont’s work was also published in other books such as Joseph Ware’s Emigrant’s Guide to California.

The Treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo, which ended the Mexican – American War, was signed in 1848, and turned over California, Nevada, New Mexico, and most of Arizona over to the United States. The Mormon Battalion traveled through Nevada via the Old Spanish Trail into southern Utah and to Salt Lake City after the treaty was signed. The route between southern California and Salt Lake City became known as the Mormon Road or the ‘Southern Route’ after this trek.

Discovery of gold in California in 1848 caused a widespread migration across the western United States as people headed to make their fortune. The availability of Fremont’s report and the consequences of the Donner Party in 1846/1847 caused many of these travelers to choose the Southern Route as they headed to California.

The last mule train and the first wagon traveled over the route from southern California to Utah in 1848 (Lyman 2004). With this mode of transportation change came the name change to the Mormon Wagon Road from The Old Spanish Trail.

The establishment of the Mormon Fort at Las Vegas occurred due to the use of the Mormon Wagon Road. The fort did not last long and later the Muddy Mission, an offshoot of the Cotton Mission, was established and a number of settlements, including St. Thomas, Overton, and Logandale, along the Muddy and Virgin Rivers in Nevada were associated with the Mormon expansion (McClintock 1921). These settlements provided cotton and other warm weather crops to Salt Lake City as well as provided supplies to travelers along the Mormon Wagon Road.

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North of the proposed project area, near Moapa, there was water for the travelers at the springs in the area. From there to Las Vegas the route was called jornada del muerte (days’ journey of death) because of the lack of water through this area. Generally speaking the distance between water along the route was under 30 miles, however this stretch was 57 miles according to Fremont’s account (McBride and Rolf 2001). The proposed project area is located along this stretch of the route.

The construction of the railroad (Atlantic & Pacific, later Santa Fe) through Barstow and Victorville, California stalled heavy use of the Mormon Wagon Road in southern California, however the route continued to be widely used through Nevada. The construction of the San Pedro, Los Angeles, and Salt Lake Railroad through Las Vegas was the end of the Mormon Wagon Road as a major route from Salt Lake City to Las Vegas. Parts of the Mormon Wagon Road continued to be used for local traffic. Since the railroad did not service the Lower Muddy and Virgin River settlements, wagon travel was used between St. George, Utah and the places not provided service by the railroad.

One of earlier academic studies of the Old Spanish Trail was undertaken by Hill in 1930 (Myhrer, White and Rolf 1990). In the 1950s, Hafen and Hafen completed a study of the Old Spanish Trail (Hafen and Hafen 1954), followed by Elizabeth Warren (1974) where she makes an argument that the Fremont route traveled was different than previous routes to 1844. She continues by stating that the entire length of Fremont’s route was not traveled until after publication of his report in 1845. Part of Nevada’s centennial, in 1964, was the Boy Scouts placing markers along a route that was thought to be Fremont’s route of the Old Spanish Trail. These previous studies and the Boy Scout markers have been a driving factor in archaeological research of the Old Spanish Trail/Mormon Wagon Road.

Continued archaeological research of the Mormon Wagon Road has shown many routes heading in the same general direction within the route vicinity. Routes could have differed based upon weather conditions, the type of load being carried, terrain, what map or directions you have and which landmarks to use, and who they may have known that directed them to go up the hill here, instead of there.

Arrowhead Trail/Highway/US91 and the Beginning of Motorized Vehicle Travel in Southern Nevada This route, over the course of history, has been called the Arrowhead Trail, Arrowhead Highway, and US Route 91. Several historians have studied the road through time (Jones and Cahlan 1975, Lyman 1999) along with several archaeologists having recorded segments of the road (see Site Sheets for 26CK4958, 26CK4959, 26CK4369, and 26CK8613).

The route is very similar to the Mormon Wagon Road and it was the automobile replacement for the route from Los Angeles, California to Salt Lake City, Utah. The exact date of this ‘transition’ is not expressed by most authors, it is recognized that the Mormon Wagon Road was used by wagons and the Arrowhead Trail/Highway was used by motor vehicles. This general acceptance, however, oversimplifies this transition. Transitioning from wagons/animal driven vehicles to motor vehicles was a neither a rapid transition nor a simple one. Horse drawn vehicles were utilized into the 1930s.

Wagon roads that became included in the Arrowhead Trail were in use before 1905 and were a loose collection of local roads more than a unified highway. The Arrowhead Trail traveled through the Valley of Fire, located east of the proposed project area. Automobiles in the area were still a novelty in 1910 and the term Arrowhead Trail arose in 1916 with the creation of the Arrowhead Trails Association. Since there was not a pressing need for automobiles yet, there was still the push to get an automobile road in southern Nevada because of the prediction of an increased demand for these motorized vehicles. This is

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when local, regional, and national organizations began to plan, push, lobby, and develop highways (Lyman 1999, Thurston 1994).

The Arrowhead Highway started out as an informal road, an outgrowth from the Mormon Wagon Road between Salt Lake City and Los Angeles. The Arrowhead Trail used existing local roads if possible, but from the Valley of Fire to Apex, there are no roads on any map we were able to examine from the 19th century that had a road through Valley of Fire. Kevin Rafferty has identified graffiti in the Valley of Fire dating to the 1800s suggesting that an early wagon road may have been present in the Valley of Fire during the 19th century (Rafferty, Personal Communication 2011).

It was not until 1910 that an automobile was seen in the Mesquite area and it caused quite the commotion among the locals. Motor vehicles, however, were still not very helpful in the area because most roads were still wagon roads and the motorized carriages had to be assisted across every obstacle in the wagon road. The Las Vegas Chamber of Commerce placed an ad in Sunset Magazine to lure travelers to Las Vegas to increase tourism so improving the roads became a priority so that they could accommodate the automobiles (Jones and Cahlan 1975, Thurston 1994).

By 1914, local roads began to come together into a unified highway that were basically maintained by people from each community keeping the road clear from community to community. These roads became part of the All the Year Route (Road) from Los Angeles to Salt Lake City. The Automobile Club of Southern California investigated this route with a road locator whose main job was to identify new routes, make maps, and provide signs for travelers. At the same time, Clark County also sent their own road locator and the consensus was that the best route would be through Goodsprings to Silver Lake and then to Barstow. During this time, most traffic went through Searchlight and the Searchlight route continued to be used despite it being a longer route. This inability to change the route was mostly because the people who owned the businesses and mines in the area had money and power (Jones and Cahlan 1975, Lyman 1999, Thurston 1994).

The federal government also was interested in this route, inquiring about the local roads since they believed that the route might shorten drives from Denver by several hundred miles (this belief was significantly overestimated). The letter from the federal government inquiring about the route encouraged people to continue to promote this route. Planning ahead, it was anticipated that a route needed to be available to motor vehicles from booming southern California that allowed access to the Midwest and east in general (Lyman 1999).

While routes were being determined, there was a fair amount of competition/debating about the best routes north out of Las Vegas and south from Las Vegas to California. In 1915, Clark County built a bridge across the Virgin River at St. Thomas making this route clearly the one of choice for the route north from Las Vegas at that time (Lyman 1999, Thurston 1994). Charles E. Bigelow, a famous race car driver along with a self-proclaimed automobile enthusiast, took an interest in the route from Los Angeles to Salt Lake City. He began to publicize his drives on the route to promote the use of the road, often bringing press people along for the ride. There was a race that included the military to prove that the route was a good road. Going from Los Angeles to Salt Lake City, the race revealed that the road definitely better than many (especially from the north) tried to claim. The race was a success and a new time record was set, even with a fair amount of bad weather along the way (Jones and Cahlan 1975, Lyman 1999, Motor West 1917a).

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By 1916, Bigelow and Mont. B. Chubb, of the Automobile Club of Southern California, organized the Arrowhead Trails Association and solicited committees along the route to help promote it as the highway of choice. The association’s name appears to be the introduction of the Arrowhead Trail name for this route. Before this name the route was called either the Old Mormon Trail or the All the Year Route when it was mentioned (Jones and Cahlan 1975, Lyman 1999). In May 1917, an announcement was made regarding the Los Angeles Arrowhead Trails Office opening in Motor West (1917b) magazine. Articles began appearing about the Arrowhead Trail throughout automobile and travel magazines by 1917, and the Arrowhead Trail was their focus. One was entitled, “A Visit to Little Zion Canyon, Utah’s Scenic Wonder” in American Motorist (Waddell 1916), another was, “Easy Grades on Arrowhead Trail, Connects Lincoln and National Old Trails Routes” in Motor Age (Waddell 1917). Two more articles were in Motor West magazine; one about Arrowhead Trail being Utah’s great beautiful route (1917a), and the other about the great condition of the Arrowhead Trail which allowed people to travel from Los Angeles to Salt Lake City in three days (1917b).

The Federal Aid Road Act was passed in 1916 that required the federal government to put funds aside for long-term road building each year. Some of the stipulations for the funds were that they cannot be used in urban areas with a population over 5,000 and the roads cannot have any toll (Keane and Bruder 2003). Motor Age (1917a) reported that the federal road committee reported on roads to be considered for federal money through Utah, Nevada, and California and they inspected the Overland Trail, Midland Trail, and the Arrowhead Trail.

State Senator E. W. Griffith succeeded in passing two highway bills by the Nevada Legislature in 1919 that includes a road going from Mesquite to Jean (Arrowhead Trail). That same year that State Highway Map depicts the Arrowhead Trail, with the road passing through St. Thomas on its way to Bunkerville (Thurston 1994). Debates continued about the location of the Arrowhead Trail and whether this route should continue or if it should cross Mormon Mesa and follow the general corridor of the Mormon Wagon Road. Mainly the planning of the Boulder/Hoover Dam, the route preferred was the one through Glendale and over Mormon Mesa. The State Highway Maps from 1922 depict the new route across Mormon Mesa (Las Vegas Age 1921, Las Vegas Age 1922, Lyman 1999, NDOT 2011).

A second federal highway bill was passed in 1921 that required highway construction to follow a procedure to insure there was some kind of planning in the construction that ultimately facilitated travelers being able to travel from state to state. No more than seven percent of rural road could be part of this system that allotted funds. Each state selected roads for the funding, not the federal government (Keane and Bruder 2003).

In 1922, the contract for parts of the Arrowhead Trail through Apex towards the Virgin and Moapa Valleys was awarded to Wasatch Grading Co. of Provo, Utah. Construction began within weeks and the new route over Mormon Mesa was chosen. People living in area that the new road would not now go through were unhappy, but the residents were assured that county money would be made available to construct roads to their towns from the Arrowhead Highway (Las Vegas Age 1922).

By the end of 1924 an improved road was completed from just north of Las Vegas to the western edge of Mormon Mesa. The contract was awarded to Dodge Brothers & Dudley of Fallon, Nevada to complete the grading and culverts from the east side of Mormon Mesa to the Arizona State Line and Nevada Construction Company was to construct the road over Mormon Mesa. Work commenced on November 25, 1924 (Las Vegas Age 1922, Lyman 1999). Also, in 1924, the road began to be graveled and oiled, marking the beginning of the transition from the Arrowhead Trail to the Arrowhead Highway. By the

xxiii GEMINI SOLAR PROJECT FINAL RMPA/EIS Cultural Resources Support Information middle of 1925 the stretch across Mormon Mesa was completed making the road completed from Las Vegas to the Arizona State line (Lyman 1999). In 1927 the Arrowhead Highway was improved and widened with complete gravel and oil (Jones and Cahlan 1975). A major realignment of the Arrowhead Highway occurred in 1932, mainly straightening out the road on some severe curves, flattening the road through ridges, and installing culverts in areas where the road originally went through larger drainages (Lyman 1999).

In 1927 the government began to organize the road system so that signage was consistent and understandable from state to state. Federal highways were assigned numbers and standardized signage was put into place. As soon as the road began to be numbered under the new federal system, the Arrowhead Highway was designated US91 (Keane and Bruder 2003, NDOT 2011). A new alignment began in the mid-1950s that bypassed many of the towns and streamlined the highway. This new alignment marks the end of what we have called the Arrowhead Highway and US91 becomes the prominent name for the road. In the 1960s, the construction of Interstate 15 incorporated US91, which is now the northbound lane in many places in the proposed project area location.

Old State Route 40 (Valley of Fire Road) Nevada State Route 40 appears on road maps as early as 1933 (NDOT 1933). It was used as an alternative route to Overton and provided access to Valley of Fire State Park, which was formally designated as a Nevada state park in 1934 (Nevada State Parks n.d.). The road was designated as a state route in 1935, coming from the old town site of Crystal and heading east to connect with State Route 12 to Overton (NDOT 1935). The portion of the road that passes through Valley of Fire was originally a part of the Arrowhead Trail which came into use in 1912 (Nevada State Parks n.d.). In the project area there is evidence of the original alignment of the state route which was changed to follow the northwestern alignment of the American Borax Road towards Crystal in 1940 (State Farm Insurance Companies Travel Bureau and Rand McNally & Company 1940, NDOT 1941).

American Borax Road After the discovery of borates in the Muddy Mountains in 1920, the American Borax Company needed a way to transport their product from the mines to the San Pedro, Los Angeles & Salt Lake Railroad station in Crystal, NV (Roske 1982). The American Borax Company constructed the road that ran southeast from Crystal towards the mine and calcining plant in White Basin (Roske 1982, Longwell, et al. 1965). The road appears on maps beginning in 1939 although the borate mines in the Muddy Mountains had been active from 1922 to 1924 (Rand McNally & Company and State Farm Insurance Companies Travel Bureau 1939, Bohannon, et al. 1982). The northern portion of the road’s alignment that connects with Interstate 15 became a part of State Route 40 (Valley of Fire Road) in 1940 (State Farm Insurance Companies Travel Bureau and Rand McNally & Company 1940).

Old Spanish Trail Road This road is not the Old Spanish Trail, but a road simply with the name of this historic route. This road follows a northeast to southwest alignment following the 1938 GLO plat image of the Transcontinental Telephone line. The road does not appear on the researched maps until 1968. A Nevada Department of Transportation (1968) map illustrated the road alignment as an unimproved road that continues southwest until it merges with one of the alignments of the Arrowhead Trail. This road was likely present for maintenance of the telephone line.

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Valley of Fire State Park Tucked behind the North Muddy Mountains is a valley comprised of red Aztec sandstone nestled in gray and tan limestone, a geologic feature of the Jurassic period (Nevada State Parks n.d.). These striking vistas make up the geologic backdrop of Valley of Fire State Park. The valley has a long history dating back to southern Nevada’s earliest residents and has maintained an allure that continues to attract people to the park today. Some of the early roads mentioned above went through the Valley of Fire because people wanted to see this beautiful scenery.

Prehistoric Research History While the geologic formations unique to the valley are one aspect of Valley of Fire’s identity, it is also home to some of southern Nevada’s most diverse rock art and archaeology. The earliest references to the valley’s archaeological resources are discussions on the petroglyph panels at Atlatl Rock (26CK207) (Rafferty 2006). Both the American anthropologist Julian Steward (1929, 72) and Ruth Henley (1929, 26) included discussions about the site or sketches of the motifs in their publications on the region.

Mark Harrington, an archaeologist in Nevada during the 1930s, also conducted research in Valley of Fire. Harrington (n.d.) wrote a three-page report about Valley of Fire focusing specifically on Atlatl Rock and the cultural resources in the general area. He had constructed a basic culture history for the area which would later be improved, expanded, and eventually superseded (Rafferty 2006).

Majority of the research conducted in Valley of Fire prior to the 1960s focused predominantly on the valley’s diverse examples of rock art. The first detailed recordings of archaeological sites within the valley were conducted in 1961 by Richard and Mary Shutler (Rafferty 2008). The Shutlers recorded a total of 32 sites as part of the park’s development, however, they placed most of their attention on sites that were easily accessed and already known to locals (Shutler and Shutler 1962, Rafferty 2008). Based on their research, they believed the valley was mainly occupied by the Virgin Anasazi (Puebloan period), however, future archaeologists would extend the occupation of Valley of Fire as far back as the Archaic period (Shutler and Shutler 1962).

In 1978, local archaeologist Claude Warren and his team excavated three rock shelters in the park, including Atlatl Rock Shelter. Warren’s research in the valley has helped establish older dates of occupation and is rich in data providing examples of how the valley’s early residents utilized the region. Through the excavation of Atlatl Rock Shelter, Turtle Bone Shelter, and South Shelter, Warren and his team were able to provide a more precise date range as early as the Pinto-Gypsum period (ca. 7500 - 1750 B.P.) to the Puebloan period (ca. 1750 - 650 B.P.) (Warren, et al. 1978, Rafferty 2006). Based on his findings and further research, Warren expanded his interpretations of the excavations to suggest a five- period chronology specific to Valley of Fire (C. N. Warren 1980, 63-74).

Research has continued to be conducted in the Valley of Fire with a large percentage of work being completed by Kevin Rafferty (Professor Emeritus of the College of Southern Nevada) and field school students from the College of Southern Nevada. Since 2003, Rafferty and students have surveyed over 4.25 square miles and recorded 54 prehistoric and historic sites (Pacl 2012, Rafferty 2010).

Historic and Modern History Valley of Fire received its name in the 1920s when an official from AAA traveled along the Arrowhead Trail through the area, noting that the red Aztec sandstone made the valley look like it was on fire (Nevada State Parks n.d.). The current access road, Valley of Fire Highway, was built by the Civilian

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Conservation Corps (CCC) in 1933-1934. The CCC also constructed The Cabins which served as a rest stop for travelers along the Arrowhead Trail (Rafferty 2008).

In 1934 the park was formally opened, one year prior to it becoming an official state park. The Nevada State Legislature officially designated Valley of Fire as a state park in 1935 (Nevada State Parks n.d.). However, in the 1940s the Baker Act eliminated the valley from the parks system due to it being “inaccessible” (Nevada Division of State Parks 1969). By 1955 the act was repealed and Valley of Fire regained its state park status (Rafferty 2006).

The valley has also become the backdrop of many Hollywood productions spanning from 1923 to the present (Rafferty 2006). Most notable films include The Professionals (1966), The Hitcher (1986), Star Trek: Generations (1994), and Domino (2004).

Valley of Fire has maintained its role as an integral resource in Nevada and will likely continue to attract people to its fiery geological formations for years to come.

Field Methods Knight & Leavitt Associated (K&LA) archaeologists conducted an intensive Class III pedestrian survey, as defined by the BLM, of the proposed project area. A Class III survey is defined in the United States Department of the Interior, Bureau of Land Management’s Nevada State Office Guidelines and Standards for Archaeological Inventory (2012). The Class III survey was conducted by a crew of up six with at least two to three being BLM permitted archaeologists walking transects no further than 30-meters apart following the specified guidelines. The Moapa Band of Paiutes provided monitors to assist in the survey and recording of sites. These monitors were present with at least one, typically two, professional BLM permitted archaeologist. This additional examination gave specific cultural information from the Moapa views which provided insights and memories when appropriate.

Mapping software (ArcMap) identified the project boundary and transects were downloaded into handheld GPS units (Garmin Rino 655t and two Garmin Rino 650 models) to assist in navigating to ensure all proposed project area land was inventoried/surveyed. These handheld GPS units were used in conjunction with the Dry Lake, Nevada and Piute Point, Nevada 7.5-minute USGS topographic maps.

Isolated occurrences were mapped with the handheld GPS units using real-time correction application, ensuring accuracy within three to five meters. Archaeological site boundaries, features, and plotted artifacts within sites were mapped with a Trimble GeoXH, with post-processed differential correction. All maps and data are projected with NAD83 (Zone 11) datum, per the BLM guidelines and standards ( (United States Department of the Interior, Bureau of Land Management 2012).

Identified cultural resources were photo-documented in digital color images using digital cameras with at least 12-megapixel quality. The primary digital camera utilized were 14-megapixel Fujifilm Finepix XP100 cameras. Temporary field numbers are given to cultural resource sites and documented with mapping, artifact inventory, and digital photography. A description of the observed features and artifacts are field documented. Field data is used to prepare the suitable Nevada Intermountain Archaeological Computer System (IMACS) site form for all identified cultural resources. Completed forms are located in the Appendix C. If suitable and appropriate, aerial maps are also used to aid in the interpretation of cultural resource sites (i.e. roads, etc.). Any aerial assistance is identified on all maps if it is applicable.

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Terminology Often there is a need to define commonly used archaeological terms based upon a specific project and to bring uniformity to the terminology.

Lithic materials are an item that archaeologist use many differing terms to describe. Specifically, there are various cryptocrystalline siliceous rocks: e.g. chert, chalcedony, jasper, flint, etc. The definitions used by archaeologists often do not match the definition used by geologists and mineralogists and different archaeologists often assign slightly differing characteristics to these materials (Baker, Thompson and Ellis 2012, Baker 2008, Luedtke 1992). For this reason, we have used the acronym CCS (cryptocrystalline siliceous) for this lithic material.

When referring to different kinds/types of flakes, primary flakes are defined as flakes with cortex covering 100% of the dorsal survey, secondary flakes have some cortex on the dorsal survey, and tertiary flakes have no cortex present.

Tested or assayed cobbles are often referred to as cobble cores with one or two flake removals or have been broken open to ascertain what material is inside the cobble. It should be noted that these terms sometimes imply that these materials were not used. The authors of this report do not make that assumption and it is possible that the material was utilized at some level. Through this survey, and other is the general area, the authors have experienced many tested cobbles that have been broken open, presumably to determine if the lithic material can be used. It is likely a chunk of the material, if usable, would have been procured for future use. This type of activity has been associated with opportunistic lithic procurement. The people could work the lithic material where it was procured or taken a piece with them to work when they returned to their camp, home, or any other location.

Base marks on historic glass were generally researched using David Whitten’s (2015) webpage, with Toulouse (1971) providing additional data. Basic information about glass artifacts are based upon Bill Lindsey’s (2015) webpage. Any text that is embossed or painted on bottles or cans will be in quotes and a single “/” will separate lines (including cadastral markers). Logos, emblems, trademarks, etc. will be shown in parenthesis along with any comments about the text. Evaporated milk cans used Reno (2010) as an update to the standard Simonis’ (1997) chronology.

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