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“We Are Human Beings Too,” Migrant Domestic Workers' Rights in Singapore

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“We Are Human Beings Too,” Migrant Domestic Workers' Rights in Singapore 1 “We are human beings too,” Migrant Domestic Workers’ Rights in Singapore. Candidate number: 177656 MA Gender and Development: 921M9 Academic Year 2017/2018 Word Length: 10,380 2 Abstract This paper examines how social movements operate to negotiate rights for foreign domestic workers in Singapore. The leading advocacy non-governmental organisations, Transient Workers Count Too (TWC2) and Humanitarian Organisation for Migration Economics (HOME) establish a case study for this analysis. By using discourse analysis, this research argues that the two studied organisations draw from three dominant discourses on victimhood, civic society and rights. Further, by circulating these diversified framings, the two studied organisations build contrasting images of the foreign domestic workers in their advocacy in order to appeal to different target groups. Key words: social movements; foreign domestic workers; feminization of migration; rights; discourse; gender. 3 Contents Abstract ............................................................................................................................... 2 List of abbreviations ........................................................................................................... 4 List of figures ...................................................................................................................... 4 Preface ................................................................................................................................ 5 Introduction ......................................................................................................................... 6 Background ....................................................................................................................... 6 Research Question............................................................................................................ 7 Methodology ....................................................................................................................... 8 Data Collection and Evidence ............................................................................................ 8 Data Analysis .................................................................................................................... 9 Conceptual Framework ..................................................................................................... 10 Social movements .......................................................................................................... 10 Social movements for migrant workers’ rights ................................................................. 11 Social movements for migrant domestic workers’ rights .................................................. 12 Foreign Domestic Workers in Singapore: policy environment around hiring FDWs and NGO organising ...................................................................................................... 12 Organisations advocating on behalf of migrant domestic workers..................................... 14 Humanitarian Organisation for Migration (HOME) ................................................... 14 Transient Workers Count Too (TWC2) .................................................................... 15 Social movements’ discursive analysis ........................................................................... 16 Victimhood Discourse ..................................................................................................... 17 Civic Society Discourse .................................................................................................. 20 Rights-based Discourse ................................................................................................. 23 Conclusions ...................................................................................................................... 25 References ........................................................................................................................ 27 4 List of abbreviations CEDAW - United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women FDW – Foreign Domestic Worker HOME – Humanitarian Organisation for Migration Economics ILO – International Labour Organisation MOM – Ministry of Manpower MDW – Migrant Domestic Worker NGO – Non-governmental Organisation PAP – People’s Action Party TWC2 – Transient Workers Count Too List of figures Figure 1: Key features of the advocacy discourses used by the TWC2 and HOME Figure 2: "I need rest days" image on HOME's website Figure 3: "She's not just your maid. Her name is Lita." Poster prepared for the Day Off campaign in cooperation between TWC2, HOME and UNIFEM NC Singapore Figure 4: "Domestic Workers need their days off too". Image circulated with TWC2’s press release 5 Preface This paper examines how social movements operate to negotiate rights for foreign domestic workers in Singapore. The leading advocacy non-governmental organisations, Transient Workers Count Too (TWC2) and Humanitarian Organisation for Migration Economics (HOME) establish a case study for this analysis. By using discourse analysis, this research argues that the two studied organisations draw from three dominant discourses on victimhood, civic society and rights. Further, by circulating these diversified framings, the two studied organisations build contrasting images of the foreign domestic workers in their advocacy in order to appeal to different target groups. To establish a background for the analysis, I conduct a secondary literature review outlining social movement theories. Within this framework, I situate social movements working for migrant workers’ and migrant domestic workers’ rights. Moreover, I illustrate policy environment around foreign domestic workers’ rights and avenues for mobilizing for the rights. The concepts and theories that I explore within this paper are grounded in the work of scholars such as: Diani, Della Porta, Snow, Soule, Kriesi, Fairclough, Yeoh, Piper and Lyons and more. A significant part of the analysis comes from my own examination of discursive practices within materials produced by the two studied organisations. I would like to thank my supervisor Sarah Scuzzarello for her guidance, support and incredible insight into migration issues. It was inspiring to work with you. I would also like to thank the wonderful colleagues and friends from the MA Gender and Development course for being an inspiration, motivation and an unconditional support. This dissertation would not have been possible without your encouragement. Lastly, I would like to thank my mother for allowing me to chase my dreams and for enabling me to pursue a Master’s degree at IDS. I love you. 6 Chapter 1. Introduction Background According to the World Migration Report (IOM, 2017), in 2015, there was an estimate of 244 million international migrants worldwide with over 40% from the Asia Pacific region. Following the shifts in migration trends from South-North to South-South, more than half of the estimated 59 million migrants from the Asia Pacific migrated to the countries located within the region. Although the percentage of international migrants globally equates to only 3.3 % of the population, the numbers are constantly increasing. Growing migration has social, political and economic impacts on both sending and receiving states. For example, migration can enable the economic development of states (UN ESCAP, 2016). Receiving states include newly industrialized countries within Asia Pacific such as Singapore, China, or Malaysia, which are interested in cheap foreign industrial and domestic labour. On the other hand, persons from sending countries migrate for employment and a chance of improving and securing livelihoods for themselves and their families. These dynamics between sending and receiving states have an impact on the international gendered division of labour. With so many opportunities for employment in domestic work in receiving states, there has been a global feminization of migration. This is a particularly gendered phenomenon because it is the changing socioeconomic role of women that leads to a need for help to manage the domestic work. The commodification and commercialization of domestic work makes it possible to hire low paid migrant workers (Gündüz, 2013, p.33). Migrant domestic workers (MDWs) equal 7.7 percent of all migrant workers worldwide, and as many as 8.45 million domestic workers are female (Galotti, 2015). In Asia Pacific, nearly 40 percent of female migrant domestic workers migrate to Southeast Asia, with Singapore and Malaysia the top two destinations (Galotti 2015, p. 29). More particularly, Singapore presents an interesting case as the country has an increasing demand for domestic help (Yeoh, Huang and III, 1999) due to an aging population. This increases the high rate of labour participation of women in the country. Also, as of December 2017 Singapore hosted 246,800 foreign domestic workers (FDWs) on work permits from the Philippines, Indonesia, Sri Lanka, and also Bangladesh, India and Myanmar (MOM, 2018). Within Singapore, FDWs make up almost 17 percent of the total foreign workforce and more than 4 percent of the total population. According to Saskia Sassen (1984, in Parreñas, 2001), the feminization of migration is structurally linked to the capitalist system, and the need for female wage labourers from the developing world is part of the globalization process. Singapore ranks 5th on the United Nations Human Development
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