WRITING from the INSIDE: Domesticity and Transcendence in the Works of Bahiija Baļ (C. 1628-1700) Preeti Ashok Parasharami Facu

WRITING FROM THE INSIDE: Domesticity and Transcendence in the Works of BahiIJa Baï (c. 1628-1700)

Preeti Ashok Parasharami Faculty of Religious Studies McGill University, Montreal t February 8 \ 2006

A thesis submitted to McGill University in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Master's of Arts in Religious Studies.

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By Preeti Ashok Parasharami

Table of Contents

Acknowledgements iii

Abstract il'

Résumé v

Note on Transliteration 1'1

Introduction

Chapter 1: Situating Bahil,lu BUI in the Vurkarl Tradition 14

Chapter 2: The Home as the Locus of Female Spirituality in the Works of Bahil,lu BUI 50

Chapter 3: In Pursuit of God: Bahil,lu BaTs Reflections on Philosophy and the Nature of Bhakti 81

Conclusion 100

Works Cited 104

ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Over the course of the two years of writing this thesis and the many years that 1 have been endeavoring to better understand the Hindu tradition, 1 have been inspired and encouraged by a number of people, who have been instrumental in the development, writing, and completion of this project. Primarily, 1 must acknowledge members of the McGill University Faculty of Religious Studies. 1 especially appreciate the efforts of my academic adviser, Professor Davesh Soneji, whose knowledge of Hinduism is nearly as vast as the tradition itself. 1 thank him for his invaluable advice, dedication to this project and for trusting me with a number of key resources from his collection of esoteric works. 1 also thank Professor Katherine Young and Sanjay Kumar, who encouraged me to continue with the study of Sanskrit, a task that was often difficult but weIl worth the many hours of work. Prior to beginning my academic adventure at McGill, 1 had the pleasure of working with Professors John Ross Carter and Wanda Warren Berry at CoIgate University, who inspired me in J 996 to enter into this academic field. 1 thank them for their nine years of encouragement and continued interest in me. There are number of friends and colleagues at McGill, whose support and advice must be acknowledged. 1 thank my academic cohorts Melissa Curley, Sajida Jalalzai, Meera Kachroo, Bridget Mc Gregor, and Jonathan Sozek for making my experience in Montreal memorable and utterly rewarding. To Benjamin Aronovitch, who served as an editor, listener and friend, 1 thank you for patience, understanding and profound faith in my abilities. In addition, 1 must express my appreciation to Philippe Turrene, whose help in translating my abstract into French is greatly appreciated. Finally, to my parents, Ashok and Shobha Parasharami, and older brother, Archis Parasharami, 1 thank you for being my greatest supporters and most honest critics. 1 dedicate this work to the memory of my grandparents, whose remarkable lives remain an inspiration to me in my every pursuit.

iii ABSTRACT

WRITING FROM THE INSIDE: Domesticity and Transcendence in the Works of Bahil)a Baï (c. 1628-1700)

Bahil).a Baï was a female poet-Saint whose participation in the Maharashtrian devotional movement known as the Varkarï Panth transformed the image of female devotionalism in the region. A collection of her poetic writings, the Samta Bahùyiibiifca Gatha, demonstrates her struggle to reconcile the demands of domesticity with those of devotionalism. Bahil)a Baï simultaneously extols the roles of the pativratü, devoted wife, and the bhakta, the devotee, in her Iyrical compositions, and resolves the tensions between domesticity and devotion by merging her husband's identity with that ofVi!hoba, a localized form of Vi~l)u. This thesis argues that Bahil)a Baï' s rebellion against a parochial vision of female spirituality integrates elements of Brahmanic orthodoxy, non-dual philosophy and bhakti practice.

iv Résumé

Écrits de l'intérieur: domesticité et transcendance dans l'oeuvre de Bahi6à Bàêi (c. 1628-1700)

La poète-sainte Bahina Bai a transformé l'image du dévotisme féminin du Maharashtra par sa participation au Varkari Panth, mouvement dévot de cette région. Le Samta Bahinabaica Gatha, collection de ses écrits poétiques, illustre l'effort qu'elle exerce dans le but de réconcilier les demandes de la vie domestique avec celles d'une vie de dévotion. Dans ses compositions lyriques, Bahina Bai loue à la fois le rôle de la femme dévouée, la pativrata, et celui de la dévote, ou bhakta, et désamorce les tensions se posant entre la domesticité et la dévotion en fondant l'identité de son mari avec celle de Vitobha, une forme locale du dieu Vi$l)u. Le présent mémoire prouve que la rébellion de Bahina Bai contre une vision étroite de la spiritualité féminine conjugue des éléments de l'orthodoxie brahmanique, de philosophie non duelle et de la pratique de bhakti.

v NOTE ON TRANSLITERA TION

This thesis uses standard transliteration for Sanskrit and Marathi terms. These terms are italicized the first time they appear in the text. 1 use Sanskrit transliterations of most words unless they appear in the text of the Marathi poems

(e.g. Rukmi1)Ï is sometimes spelled Rukhmi1)Ï, atman is sometimes spelled atma).

Names of modem cities are rendered without diacritical marks.

vi INTRODUCTION

He whose trust is firm in the teachings of the saints, his bhakti. .. will have new form. He who lets his heart listen to instruction, will indeed arrive at the final peace. The teachings of the saints are on the authority of the scriptures. Give your immovably to the exercise of bhakti. Says Bahil)ï, "He whose longing is for the feet of the saints is to be recognized as on the bhakti path. (Abhmlga 153 by Bahil)a Baï, Cited in Abbott, 1985)

This thesis explores the devotionallife and works of Bahil,1a BaI (1628-1700), a seventeenth century Indian female poet-saint associated with the Vai~l,1ava

Maharashtrian devotional (bhakti) movement known as the VarkarI Panth. Bahil,1a

BaI's contribution to the tradition can be seen in her ability to negotiate the demands of domesticity with those of devotionalism. Despite her important contribution to the tradition of female devotionalism, Bahil,1a BaI remains a largely understudied figure.

There exists no comprehensive study of her work; in fact, this project is the first fu1l- length work that utilizes her devotional songs to understand both her life and the socio-religious implications of her literary output.

1 argue that Bahil,1ii BiiI appears to follow an orthodox model of asceticism in which she renounces her attachment to worldly desires in favor of devotional pursuits.

This renunciation is unusual, however, for it is framed in the context of an active engagement with domestic activity. Bahil,1a BaI is thus able to resolve the tension between the roles of the householder and the ascetic. This thesis attempts to provide insight into her devotiona1life through an analysis of her devotional poetry. It presents an alternative reading of Bahil,1a BaI that challenges previous representations of her as 'ordinary' or as Jess radical th an other female bhaktas (FeJdhaus 1985).

Instead, 1 argue that Bahil,1ii BaI's greatest contribution to the VarkarI Panth and to

1 female devotionalism in general, is her ability to carve out a religious path for high- caste women that legitimated and valued domesticity as an expression of bhakti.

Prirnary Sources and Methodology

This thesis offers a critical textual analysis of a collection of songs by BahiJ.1u

Bai called Sarhta BahiIJâbâfcâ Gâthâ ("Songs of Sant BahiJ.1u Bai"), translated by

Justin E. Abbott. The songs of BahiJ.1u Bui are composed in a genre known as abhmi.ga

("indestructible songs").' No critical edition of Sarhta Bahù:tiibiifcii Giithii exists, and hence the poems are organized differently in each of the available editions. In 1914,

Dhoçio Visvanatha Umkhune produced the first print edition of BahiJ.1u Bul's songs.

This edition was followed by two other versions were edited by Visvanatha Naruyarya

Kolhurakara (1926) and Saini Anml1ta Javaçiekaras (1979). This project utilizes Justin

E. Abbott (1929) translation of BahiJ.1a Bal' s poems, produced and classified according the schema developed by Kolharakara.

This collection of songs is divided into several parts. The first part is

Atmanil'edan, an autobiography that maps the first thirteen years of her life. This section is of particular importance bec au se rarely do female poets in medieval South

Asia leave us evidence oftheir lives. A detailed discussion of Atmanil'edan is presented in the third chapter ofthis thesis. Bahiryu Bui's remaining abhmi.gas are arranged under the following headings: Adipararhparii (On Rer Guru's Ancestry),

NiryiiIJpar (On Her Thirteen Lives), Mana~par (On The Control of the Mind),

Bhaktipar (Verses on Bhakti), Sadgurucf Thoravf(The Greatness of the Sadguru),

Anutiipapar (On Repentance), SarhtavarIJanapar ( On Describing the Saints and

1 AbhaIiga does not refer to the metrical aspects of the verse but is a generic tenn used to refer to the poems of the Varkarl Sants. Thus ail of Bahil?a Bal's compositions are abhaligas but are composed in a variety of meters.

2 Sainthood), Bodhapar (On Thoughts on the Moral Life), Niimamiihiitmyapar (On the

Glorification ofGod's names), Brahmakarmapar (The Duties of the Brahman),

Srïk~etra Paflçlharï Srïpaflçlharïnathiipar (On the Lord of the Sacred City of Pal).çlharï

[Pandharpur]), PUflçfalïkamiihiitmyapar (Verses on the Devotee PUl).çlalTk),

Pativratiidharmapar (The Duties of the Devoted Wife)? This thesis is based upon analysis of abhailgas culled from each ofthese sections. In addition to Sarhta

Bahifliibiiïcii Gathii, 1 employa large body of secondary literature about Bahil).a Baï,

Marathi folk literature, and more general works on Hindu female devotionalism and asceticism.

Biograpbical Sketcb of Babina Baï

By way of introduction 1 provide a brief overview of Bahil).a BaTs life. As noted earlier, more detailed discussion of the early parts of her life is presented in

Chapter Three. Other than Bahil).il BaTs own writings, we have very little evidence about the details of her life; there is no hagiographic literature about Bahil).u Bilï.

Therefore the account of her life that 1 present below is constructed from a selection of her abhailgas.

During Bahil).il Bilï's lifetime, she witnessed both the height of Mughal rule in

India and its dec1ine. These transformations affected a revitalization of devotional religion that formed the socio-political backdrop for Bahil).a Baï's life-story. Bahil).a

Bars guru, Tukarama (c. 1598-1650), a Siîdra Varkarï poet-saint, is creditecl with the crystallization of the Viïrkarï movement in particular. Despite the increasing influence of patriarchal prohibitions restricting the scope of women's participation in religion,

2 Other sources (for example, Bahadur 1998) list other classifications of Bahil.1ii Biii's abhaùgas, but 1 am limiting my study to the Marathi original found in Abbott (1985).

3 Bahil)u Bats life and work dernonstrates a notable shift in the way in which fernale devotion was imaged and practiced in seventeenth-century Maharashtra.

Bahil)u Bâï was married at the age of five to Gailgâdhar Pâ!hak, a 30 year old

Brahrnin astrologist and distant relative. She becarne a rnother at the age of Il, first giving birth to a daughter and later to a son. Despite her husband's disdain for devotional practice and strict adherence to orthodox principles, Bahil)â Bâï's autobiography ce1ebrates her unwavering commitment to devotional practices.

Indeed, her devotional practices often incited her husband's rage and, ultimate1y, his physical violence against her. Bahil)â Bâts literary works envision this suffering as a test ofher bhakti, and in rnany abhailgas, she seeks refuge in God's grace. Bahirya Baï is said to have recited her 473 devotional songs to her son during the last years of her

life; they rernain an integral part of the Vârkarï canon. Her memorial (sumildhi) is found in the town of Dehu, where she died a widow at the age of 72.

Literature Review

With the exceptions of a few short essays (Fe1dhaus 1982; McGee 1995;

Bhavalkar 1996; Vanita 1989; Ramaswamy 1997), Bahiryâ Baï remains an

understudied figure, especially when we consider the major transformation of Varkarï bhakti that her life and work represents. The available scholarship is often in the form

of brief monographs or essays that highlight sorne aspects of her devotiona1

experience and literary output. 1 suggest that scholars sometimes present a myopie

image of Bahir:üi Bâï, which either characterizes her as a resentful wife and mother or

as a woman battered into submission.

In the course of this review of the ex tant literature, 1 challenge the notions that

Bahi~a BaT presented an inconsistent vision of fema1e spiritua1ity, and that her

4 devotional1iterature was greatly influenced by the domestic violence she experienced.

Instead, by engaging with the arguments presented by these scholars, 1 posit an alternative understanding of Bahil)iï Biïï, arguing that she manipulated Brahmanical hierarchies and expectations to serve her devotional purposes.

Anne Feldhaus, is perhaps the first major scholar to interpret Bahil)iï Biïï's devotional works as reflective of the possibility of the reconciliation of dharma with bhakti. In her essay and prologue to Justin E. Abbott's translation of Bahil)iï Biïï's abhmigas (which was the impetus for modern scholarly analyses on Bahil)iï Biïï),

Fe\dhaus notes that Bahil)iï Biïï's devotion did not represent a radical vision of bhakti but rather articulated the struggle which "everywoman" experienced (Feldhaus 1985, vii). This struggle is understood as the "conflict between 10ving God and being a good wife" (Feldhaus 1985, vi). Feldhaus' analyses focus largely on this reconciliation of competing interests. For instance, she translates the following abhailga which provides one example of Bahil)iï Biïï's critique of orthodox Sanskritic society:

What sin did 1 do in an earlier life that 1 am now removed from God? My body's a man's with the shape of a woman. Sins without number have born their fruit. 1 haven 't the right to hear the Vedas. The Brahmans keep secret the Gayatri mantra. 1 may not say "Om," 1 may not hear mantras' names. 1 must not speak these things with another. (Abhailga 62, by Bahil)iï Biïï, Cited in Feldhaus 1982, 594)

Feldhaus interprets this abhailga to suggest that Bahil)u Buï envisions her appropriate religious role as a wife. Feldhaus explains, "Bahil)u Biïï identifies service to a husband as the dut y of a woman, adherence to dut y as the teaching of the Vedas, and disregard of the Vedas as the surest way to miss the ultimate goal" (Feldhaus 1982,

5 594). Ostensibly, it appears that her religious duty (dharma) is placed above Bahil)a

BaTs inclination towards religious practice, but Feldhaus quickly dismisses this view, arguing that Bahil).a Baï understands her dharma an expression of religion whereby devotion is understood through the lens of orthodox Sanskritic culture. This interpretation of Bahil)a Baï's vision of devotion provides evidence in support of

Feldhaus's argument that Bahil)a Baï was ultimately less radical in her embrace of bhakti than other female poet-saints, who dismissed Vedic ritual and Brahmanic orthodoxy.

Feldhaus finds further evidence of Bahil)a Baï's acceptance of Brahmanic orthodoxy in her veneration of the ideal of the patil'ratii (chaste, devoted wife). For

Feldhaus, Bahil)a Baï was faced with the potential of losing her husband, who threatened to leave her and so she "placed her husband before Vi!hoba" in order to demonstrate external devotion to her husband.

The idea that Bahil)a Baï functioned less as a bhakta than a typical wife is also found in Feldhaus's interpretation of Bahil)a Baï's abhailgas describing her thirteen births, Niryii1Jpar abhmigas. These verses reflect the orthodox vision of the ilirama dharma system, four distinct stages of life which begins with active engagement in the domestic world and ends with the withdrawal from worldly pursuits. In the se songs Bahil)a Baï traces her movement through her various births until she finally attains her present human embodiment as an auspicious married woman. Importantly,

Feldhaus asserts that in her tirst three lives Bahina Baï was an unmarried woman. The suggestion here is that these verses represent Bahil)a Baï's religious maturation towards orthodox principles in which she envisioned herse\f as a devoted wife and mother. Lynne Teskey Denton similarlY interprets these verses to suggest "a

6 progression upward on the scale of varl}a, and on the scale of appropriate marital

statuses" (Denton 2004, 143). Both Feldhaus and Denton suggest that Bahil).a Baï

spent her last years firmly entrenched within the ideals of orthodox society.

Sanjukta Gupta and Ruth Vanita focus their respective analyses on the

devotional practice of Bahil).a Baï and similarly assert that she demonstrated internaI

religious devotion as a mode to resolve the conflict between her husband and bhakti.

Gupta argues that Bahil).a Baï internalized her devotional role because she had no

other choice. By remaining at home, Gupta indicates, Bahil).a Baï played the role of

the pativrata, while internally renouncing her worldly life (Gupta 1991, 205). Vanita,

however, takes Gupta's argument a step further in support of A.K. Ramanujan's

assertion that female bhaktas are inherently rebellious religious actors who defy

ortho do x norms, by portraying Bahil).a Baï as a subversive figure within the Vârkarï

Panth. Vanita argues that Bahil).a Bâï's "overt" veneration of subservience must be

qualified by her characterization ofher husband:

However, she subverts this message [of "blind subservience"] by her extended description of her husband's unreasonable and violent behavior, standing in such stark contrast to her own exemplary conduct. (Vanita 1989,61)

Vanita also states that in Bahil).a Bâï' s writings the ideal of the pativratâ takes on an

allegorical meaning in which the relationship between husband and wife is likened to

that of the bhakta with God. Evidence of this metaphor is found in Bahil).a Bâï' s

devotional songs. She says, "If such a state of a woman, or a man, blessed is that

dutifulness ofwife or husband" (Abhailga 473.13 by Bahil)u Bm, Cited in Abbott

1985, 160).

7 This allegorical gloss of the pativrata is also discussed in Denton's interpretation of Bahit:la Baï's work. Denton's interpretation makes mention of

Bahil)u BaTs ability to "con vert" her husband to the path of bhakti. She writes,

" ... while he managed to convert her to the ideals of the pativrata, she converted him to the ideals ofbhakti" (Denton 2004, 144). Denton argues that this rhetoric of

"conversion" is central to Bahil)iï BaTs life. It is by "converting" her pain into

Iiberating wisdom that she ultimately contends with the trauma associated with the domestic violence in her life. As Denton explains, "She pursued the problem [of trauma] by intellectualizing it and converting her emotional trauma into an ideational

one" (Denton 2004, 145).

This notion of intellectualizing suffering is taken a step further by Tara

Bhavalkar, whose interpretation of Bahit:liï Bilï's devotionalliterature reveals the

notion that female aspirants must contend with an "interior struggle with their minds"

when engaging in devotional practices (8havalkar 1996, 239). Struggle is unique to

the experience of female bhaktas because women were understood as entrapped

within their bodies. As the first two chapters explained above, on account of the

notion of the impurity ofa woman's body, spiritualliberation was connected to her

devotion to her husband. On this point, Bhavalkar says that "a mediaeval woman had

no alternative to marriage" (8havalkar 1996, 240). This lack of choice certainly

affected Bahil)iï Baï and her vision of liberation.

8havalkar further asserts that female bhaktas separated themselves from their

husbands. "Bahil)il Baï," she writes, "attempted to live with her husband, but in the

end she, too, withdrew her mind from him completely" (8havalkar 1996,242). Here

8havalkar supports Denton's view that Bahil)il BilÏ internalized ail of her devotional

8 activities, which she could no longer express or display before her husband.

Bhavalkar argues that at an early age Bahil)a Bàl had no interest in the worldly life and "began to feel enmity toward sensual pleasure" (Bhavalkar 1996, 240).

Bhavalkar attributes Bahil)a Baï's resentment of sexuality to her marri age at an early age.

Bhavalkar's analysis, which focuses on female bhaktas and their conception of liberation, also includes brief descriptions of other Maharashtrian female bhaktas, who similarly also endured domestic abuse. In particular, she guotes Vi!haT Baï, who distinguished between the powers of the body and those of the mind after being beaten by her husband: "The authority you have is over my body. Over me you have no power at ail" (Bhavalkar 1996,242). Vi!haï Baï's statement is relevant to

Bhavalkar's conclusion that "although marriage may have made their bodies dependent, their minds remained free" (Bhavalkar 1996,243). She argues that Bahil)a

Baï similarly detached herself from her husband. Bhavalkar's interpretation, however, fails to take into account the verses in which Bahina Baï extols her duties towards her husband and also when she invokes the words of her guru Tukariima: "From now on you will have no more births. Remain in happiness, worshipping your husband"

(Abhanga 32 by Bahil)a Biiï, Cited in Abbott 1985,60).

Bhavalkar's interpretation supports Mary McGee's analysis of Bahil)ii BiiTs abhangas and autobiography, which focuses on the domestic abuse she experienced.

During the seventeenth century, violence against women was a corn mon occurrence in society, and such violence was met with little or no intervention by family or

9 friends.3 As BahiI)a Baï explains, "My mother, father, and brother kept quiet, until my husband gradual1y restrained his rage" (Abhanga 15.15 by BahiI)a Baï, Ablbott 1985,

13). Suffering thus becomes a key component of Bahil)a BaI's devotional practice, which is characterized by an element of self-sacrifice. She understands this violence as injurious to the body and to the soul. AIthough BahiI)a Baï initially dismisses this violence as an attack against her body, she later recognizes that her soul is also affected:

My soul has suffered intense anguish. l am supremely miserable, 0 my friend. l have attempted ta comfort myself by this one thought that aIl this suffering has come because of deeds do ne in a former birth. (Abhailga 70.1-2 by BahiI).a Baï, cited in Abbott 1985, 42)

BahiI)a Baï describes here the misery she experiences and yet seeks comfort in the idea that she brought it upon herse If. BahiI).a Baï transforms this act of violence into an act of devotion by envisioning suffering as a test of her bhakti. Both McGee (1995) and Bhavalkar (1996) argue that BahiI)a Bal' s response resembles that of a contemporary battered wife. Bahil)a Baï failed to condemn her husband for these actions and did not question her faith in God. Instead, she rationalizes her abuse as caused by past karma or marks it as a component of her bhakti practice that is characterized by suffering.

J The experienee of such trauma eertainly influenced the literary output of female spiritual figures. As this has been discussed extensively by Mary McGee (1995), 1 will not focus on this aspect of Bahi~a BaI's life. However, it is important to note that many other female Varkarïs were also affected by domestic violence. One such example is that of Sakhü Bal (seventeenth eentury). Sakhll BUI is described as a great devotee of Vi~hoba, whose devotion was so strong thal she was drawn to Pandharpur during the occasion of the pilgrimage. Upon leaving her home in Brahmapurl, her husband followed her to Pandharpur and as Bhavalkar recollecls, "Beating her and hitting her, he brought Sakhll Bal back and locked her in a room." Sakhll BUI achicvcd liberation by dying soon after the violent bealing.

10 Vijaya Ramaswamy (1997), however, argues that although Bahil)ii Biiï' s devotional practice remained consistent with the ethos ofnon-dualistic philosophy

(Vediinta) it did not adhere to "the male generated epistemology" which defined the female body as inherently impure, resulting in women's exclusion from religious ritua!. Instead, Ramaswamy argues Bahil)a Baï's devotion, as expressed in everyday domestic activity, supplements her adherence to orthodox religion. Indeed, Bahil)ii

Biiï certainly argued that women should be granted access to the Vedas and given the opportunity to recite mantra. Instead of providing an open critique of these aspects of orthodox tradition, Bahil)a Biiï posits bhakti religion as providing women with liberating potential. Ramaswamy thus uses the figure Bahil)ii Baï to as sert that the roles ofhousewife and saint are not irreconcilable because domesticity does not supplant religious endeavor.

Plan of the Chapters

This thesis is divided into three chapters. The first chapter situates BahÎl)ii Biiï in the Viirkarï Panth by presenting a critical analysis of the tradition. This analysis, primarily, takes issue with the arguments of Thomas Dabre (1998) and Guy DeJeury

(1960), who each describe the Viirkarï Panth as an egalitarian, prote st movement.

Instead, 1 provide further support for Charlotte Vaudeville (1987) and Indira Karve's

(1999) assertions that the Varkarï Panth is embedded with Brahmanic principles goveming caste and gender distinctions. In this section, 1 also locate Bahil)ii Biiï in the context of the both male and female Varkarï Saints, including Namadeva (c.1270-

1350), Ekanatha (c. 1533-1599), Tukarama, (c. 1598-1650), Mukta Biiï (c. J 279-

1297), Jana Baï (late thirteenth century to early fourteenth century), and Kanhopatra

(fifteenth century). By Jocating Bahil)a Baï within the larger context of the Varkarï

11 tradition, 1 identify patterns of behavior that she shares with her female and male counterparts.

ln Chapter Two, 1 argue that Bahiry.a Baï re-configures the domestic realm through her devotional practices. This indexes a long-standing and central con cern over the tension between the roles of householder and renouncer in Hindu religious culture. Building upon the theoretical framework of Lynne Teskey Denton (2004), 1 present Bahiry.a Baï as a specifie type of female ascetic characterized by a re orientation of her relationship with the world. Through this analysis 1 hope to demonstrate the complexities of Bahiry.a Baï' s negotiation of the householder/renouncer binary in Marathi religious culture.

In discussing Bahiry.a Baï's vision of the domestic realm, 1 present a detailed discussion of metaphorical understandings of the Marathi household (ghur). James

Laine's (1998) theoretical work identifying the ghar as the home as opposed to the house, underscores his vision of the ghar as place of protection and spiritual freedom.

In this context, 1 invoke Dabre's (1998) analysis of Tukarama's theological interpretations of the siisur (in-Iaw's home) as the world that must be denounced and the miiher (maternaI home) as the transcendent world of God. This distinct way of interpreting miiher is integral to understanding the life and work of Bahil)a Baï. In her writings, Bahil)a Baï posits her home as a place where she was able to express her selfhood and devotion to Vi!hoba. In Bahil)a Bars formative years, she lived with her husband und her parents, a practice that is highly irregular for upper-caste

Maharashtrian women. In keeping with Tukarama's theological interpretation of the maternai home, 1 argue that Bahil)a Baï's envisions the home as possessing liberating potential.

12 The third and final part of the thesis will provide an interpretation of Bahi1)a

Baï's poetry. 1 argue that by synthesizing philosophieal notions eulled from Vedanta, and her distinetively personal Vai~l.lava bhakti, Bahi1)a Baï's work is not simply an expression of her oppression and willingness to abide by orthodox roi es for women.

This textual analysis will foeus largely on Bahi1)a Baï's philosophical abhmi.gas and

autobiography.

Throughout her life, Bahi1)a Baï negotiated two worlds; on the one han d, she

was committed to her husband and family and on other, her devotional practices were

directed towards Vi!hoba. Unlike other devotees, Bahi1)a Bâï eollapsed the boundaries

between the worldly domestic realm and the other-worldly realm of liberation. Bahi1)a

Baï's pursuit of God's love is characterized by syncretism; by integrating elements of

various models for religious living, she ereates a distinctively personal path that is

imbued with liberating potential.

13 CHAPTER 1

Situating Bahil}a Baï in the Varkarï Tradition of Maharashtra

Introduction

Bahil)a Baï is an extraordinary figure within the Varkarï Panth, J a movement in which she participated, and which she radically transformed. This transformation must be viewed in the context of the contributions ofher Varkarï predecessors.

Consisting ofthree parts, this chapter locates Bahirya Baï within the culture and practice of the Varkarï Panth. An important starting point for this analysis is an understanding of the Varkarï religio-social ethos. 1 argue that although the Varkarï

Panth emerged as a movement encouraging equality of devotional practice among ail devotees regardless of gender or caste, the tradition was paradoxically informed by principles of the Brahmanic orthodoxy, which limited female participation lin religious activity. This contradiction is particularly relevant to an understanding of how Bahirya Baï functioned within the Varkarï tradition. Thus an analysis of the defining characteristics of the Varkarï Panth in relation to gender and caste reveals an important internaI tension underlying the philosophy and practice of the tradition.

This chapter will focus on the practices both of male and female devotees

(bhaktas) within the Varkarï Panth, with particular focus on Bahirya Baï and her unique contribution to the Varkarï tradition. 1 locate Bahirya Baï (c. 1628-1700)

1 The Varkarl Panth is a Vai~l)ava bhakti movement, which spread to Maharashtra From Karnataka toward the end of the thirteenth century. It is believed that the Panth originated in Kamataka in the twelfth-century under the Yadava Dynasty (1185-1318).The movement eOl1sists of over fifty poet Saints who produeed thousands of devotional songs. The Varkarï tradition has its origins in Kamataka and spread to Maharashtra with the defeat of the Hoysala kingdom (Kannada-speaking) by the Yiidava Dynasty (Marathi-speaking) in 1180 (Metealf 1989, 35). During this period, a shift in the local vemacular from Kannada to Marathi took place in Pandharpur, the cultic center of the Varkarï movement.

14 primarily in the context ofthree major male Vârkarï figures, including Nâmadeva

(c.1270- 1350), Ekanâtha (c. 1533-1599), and Tukârâma (c. 1598-1650). This analysis will concentrate specifically on gender and domestic issues prevalent in these male bhaktas' respective teachings. It is important to make note that this section does not provide a comprehensive understanding of their works and devotionallives, but attempts to locate dominant themes apparent in their attitudes toward bhakti.

Analysis of these figures demonstrates that men generally renounced their domestic lives in favour of an ascetic vision of bhakti practice, while women remain connected to their domestic roles while engaging in devotional practice.

l will then present Bahi1)â Bâï's devotional practices and poetic output

2 alongside those of the other female Vârkarï Sants , including Mukta Bâï (c. 1279-

1297), Jana Bâï (late thirteenth century to early fourteenth century), and Kânhopiïtrâ

(fifteenth century), looking for patterns analyzing the diagnostic features offemale devotion in the Vârkarï tradition. One such pattern is found in the maintenance of kinship relations, in which the se female bhaktas expressed their devotion within the structure of a family. This family structure typically takes the form of sibling or filial relationships. This is in contrast to the idealized role of women, who served as wives and mothers.

Another commonality is the articulation of rebe1lion against social norms, in which mostly aIl of the female Vârkarïs portray themselves as prostitutes who are

3 solely concerned with Vi!hobü . This comparison also reveals other characteristics

2 Sants is term derived from sat "one who knows the truth or one who has cxpcrienced Ultimatc Reality. 'Sant' is the dcsignation given to the poet-saints who composcd devotional poetry in Northern India during the medieval period. 1 will be using the terms Sant, bhakta, and poet-Saint interchangeably throughout this chapter. 3 Vi!hobü refers to Vi~I.1u in his localized form. Vaudeville writcs of Vi!hoba, "Maharashtrian bhakti ... sees in the Vithoba idol preserved in the main temple in Pandharpur a Sl'Urupa, i.c., an

15 that Bahil)a Baï shares with each of these male and female Varkarïs, ranging from philosophical concerns to fundamental aspects of her teachings.

This chapter endeavours to present Bahil)a Baï as an integral figure within the

Viirkarï Panth, whose contribution to the tradition was the incorporation of the

uniquely feminine domestic realm into the ethos of bhakti. What makes Bahil)ii Baï

distinct from her female and male counterparts is that she attempted to recolllcile her

dharma (duty) with bhakti (devotion). This reconciliation is characterized by an

evaluation of the legitimacy of orthodox conceptions, in which Bahil)a Baï questions

the inequities present within the Brahmal)ic system. Although she does not overtly

reject or provide alternatives for these orthodox principles, by promoting discourse on

these values prevalent in society, Bahil)a Baï seeks to synthesize orthodox Brahmal)ic

teachings into the ethos of bhakti culture.

The Varkari Panth

An understanding of the Varkari Panth is necessary in order to situate Bahil)a

Büï within the tradition. This section will briefly evaluate to what extent the Varkarï

tradition can be understood as an "egalitarian protest movement" (Dabre 1988, 6).

This analysis will specifically focus on gender issues and the inherent contradictions

within the tradition that arise when considering female expressions of spirituality in

the Varkarï Panth. Beginning with the scholarly interpretations of Guy Deleury,

Thomas Dabre and Charlotte Vaudeville, l will explain how their approaches

overlook the central role played hy the Sanskritic Orthodoxy in the tradition.

original form of the divinity- Vithoba is Vi~l~U living therefore the sake of his devotees (Vaudeville 1999,204). The Varkarl vision of Vithoba, as a svarupa or original fonn, has its origins in the Kannada deity with the same name. The name Vi~hoba itself is derived from the Kannada equivalent to the Sanskrit, Vi~l.lU, VI/ho and the suffix -ba connotes affection. The Varkarls "take the name Pa'.1ç1urang as equivalent to Vi~hoba" (Vaudeville 1999, 203). The Varkarl tradition makes no distinction between Saiva and Vaisnavite saints bccause Siva himsclf was a devotee of Vi~hoba.

16 Guy Deluery describes the Varkarï Panth as "open to aIl," with the majority of its devotees occupying the occupations of"farmers, peasants, craftsmen and tradesmen" (Deleury 1960, 2). Although most Varkarïs were indeed economically impoverished, they were not necessarily part of the same caste community. Despite the presence of rnany elite Brahmin followers, the tradition rejected Sanskrit texts as the basis of their devotion. Instead, the Varkarïs produced devotional works in their vernacular language, Marathi, in order "to spread the message ofGod's universallove and salvation" (Dabre 1988,8). In this vein, Thomas Dabre has identified the Varkarï

Panth as a prote st movement against the Brahmin hegemony: "Theirs was a community protest, through bhakti, against the divisive and oppressive 8rahmin hegemony" (Dabre 1988,4). What emerges is a vision of a tradition that provides equal access to spiritual pursuits through its protest against orthodox society.

Charlotte Vaudeville however, raises an important counterpoint to the observations made by both Deleury and Dabre when she says, "The Maharashtrian

Sants, however, remain rooted within the Brahrnanic fold. They do not fomlally reject the great Vedantic tradition or the authority of the Vedas, but occasionally play lip

service to if' (Vaudeville 1987, 23). By indicating here that the Varkari Panth is

'rooted' within 8rahmanic culture, Vaudeville identifies the inherent contradiction

within the practice of the Viirkaris, which questions Dabre's portrayal of the tradition

as anti-8rahmanic. Lois Metcalf concurs with this evaluation, saying, "Viirkarï

religious beliefs do not oppose caste distinctions or encourage the breaking down of

caste barri ers in society,,4 (Metcalf 1989, 29).

4 Metcalfs assel1ion is based on her observation that sorne higher caste ViirkarTs did nOll accept food from lower caste individuals.

17 Taking Vaudeville's and Metcalf's assertions further, 1 argue that the Varkarï tradition was a movement that incorporated people from socially marginalized positions into the bhakti movement, yet also maintained certain restrictions against the lower-castes and women. In addition, the teachings of particular male Varkarïs present women as equivalent to Südras, the lowest caste in the varlJa-dharma system, in that they were denied access to the Vedas and full participation in the orthodox

Sanskritic tradition. These beliefs, which will be discussed further in the following section, envisioned the association with women as detrimental to religious practice.

Despite this view, both male and female Varkarïs maintained that bhakti traditions provided marginal communities with a different means to achieve liberation, in which devotional practice was emphasized in favour of orthodox ritual. Thus, due to its connection with Brahmanic society the Varkarï Panth did not take issue with the established norms, but rather, developed a new model for marginalized populations to participate in religion.

In lieu of the importance upon Vedic rituals, the tradition's primary expression of devotion is found in the pilgrimage to Pandharpur. The name Varkarï itself, derived from viirï, refers to a pilgrimage or trip and indicates the centrality of this ri tuaI within the tradition. The traditional pilgrimage was initiated by Namadeva,

(c.1270- 1350), a poet-Saint from the tailor class and lacked its contemporary structure. It consisted mainly of the performance of devotional songs known as kïrtans and bhajans. Namadeva's pilgrimage incorporated male and female devotees

(whose devotion was not necessary aimed at Vi!hoba) from ail castes and occupations and even integrated prominent Indian Muslims into the bhakli fold. Crucially, although the pilgrimage was established as a ritual open to ail, by the early eighteenth

18 centuries it evolved into a practice deeply infused with elements of Brahmanical culture.

It is within the structure of the pilgrimage where issues of equality in devotional practices first appear. This structure consists of diIJçlï, local groups of

ViirkarI who are "the principal organizational units of the piilkhI procession," and the various piilkhïs 5 carried by the devotees (Engblom 1987, 17). The dil).çlIs are essential for the reification of devotional practices of the ViirkarIs because "they alone provide a disciplined daily regimen ofbhajan singing, dancing, klrtans, and religious discourses (pravacanas) that keep the members constantly engaged in the devotional purpose of the pilgrimage" (Engblom 1987,20). These groups of devotees, which are formed along caste lines, also function according to a specifie hierarchy in which the oldest dil).çlIs are given a place closest to the piilkhï. Devotees who cannot afford to form a diIJçlï are not excluded from making the pilgrimage to Pandharpur, but typically do independently make the journey outside of this organized structure. 6

Indira Karve explains that both caste and gender distinctions regarding purity and pollution influence the manner in which this ritual is practiced. In her contemporary study of the Viirkari pilgrimage she writes,

But the y would not take food sitting in the same row, or accept food or water from a Maratha. They had no feeling that they were doing anything wrong. The tradition of the Viirkarl pilgrims, the rebellion of the saints against giving importance

5 A piilkhf is understood in its literai sense as a palanquin. Guy Deleury writes, "the pole is covered with silver plating, the seat is inlaid with precious metals and the frame work is carved. Its weight is considerable and eight or ten men are required to carry it on their shoulders" (Deleury 1960, 82) The pa/khf in the context of the Pandharpur pilgrimage denotes a particular form ofvehicle. Piilkhl here refers to vehicles with particular piidukiis, or sandals, of the Saints that are carried in procession of the pilgrims. The various palkhïs of the poet-Saints are significant because they signify the merging of the past tradition with the living tradition, in which Viirkarïs of past and present march alongside one another in praise of Vithobii. 6 According to Philip C. Engblom, movements to refonn the piilkhl procession took efTect in the late 1970's in which groups of untouchable devotees who walked ahead ofthe piilkhT procession were given a new position among high-caste devotees (Engbloom 1987, 7)

19 to external matters and against the hypocritical following of prescribed behaviour, the teaching of oneness of man and deity, and above al! modern city life-how could one reconcile these with regard for ritual purity and impurity. (Karve 1988, 154)

Here the paradox between doctrine and practice is apparent; despite the Viirkarï

'rebellion' against the principles of orthodox culture, evidence of these discriminatory regulations exists in the modern pilgrimageritual. As Metcalf described earlier in this chapter, issues of purity and impurity remained an important element in Varkarï practice. This distinction is so embedded within the culture of Varkarï that as Karve notes: "Most people accept the situation; they do not feel any unjust discrimination in it" (Karve 1988, 155). An inherent tension arises in which the Varkarï Panth is embedded with profoundly non-egalitarian principles of Brahmanic religion, and yet abides by its principle of equal access to devotional religion. In support ofthis assertion, it is interesting to note that most of the female and low-caste poet-Saints fai1 to have processional palkhïs including Namadeva and Chokhame!a/ do not have palkhïs. It appears that Namadeva, who 1 earlier identify as the traditiona1 "[ounder" of the pi1grimage, fails to have a place within the pi1grimage tradition, due to his

lower status in society.

Another inconsistency that exists within the Viirkarl Panth is the struggle

between the supremacy of the householder (grhastin) and the ascetic (saf!ll,lyiisin).

This tension is of particular relevance because it marks an important contradiction

within the Varkarï Panth. As Philip C. Engblom says, "The great saints were

themselves for the most part householders, not sa1J1~lyasis. They advocated the

7 Chokhame!a, a thirteenth to fourteenth cent ury Maharashtrian Sant, was the only Mahar (Untouchable) Sant affiliated with the Northern Sant tradition. Chokhame!a was a devotcc of Vi~hoba who composed over two hundred songs, which reflect his position as a lower caste saint. As Eleanor Zelliot writes of Chokhame!a, "The abhaligas which do refer to untouchablity, however, reveal that Chokhame!a was profoundly troubled by his despised place in society. At times he was accepting; at times rebellious" (Zelliot 1980, 137).

20 practice of the path of devotion even white living within the entanglements and responsibilities oflife in the family and in society (safJ1sara)" (Engblom 1987,22). In contrast, as this chapter later reveals, a number of male bhaktas, chose to adhere to a strict form renunciation in which they ignored their responsibilities as husbands and fathers. Thus, describing the Varkarï movement solely as a tradition of householder-

Sants is also inaccurate, because this statement denies the centrality of renunciation within the devotionallives of sorne key Varkarï figures.

In fact, evidence of the centrality of strict renunciation in the Varkarï Panth is found in the negative vision of the worldly life which is commonly articulalted in the songs of the bhaktas. These songs act as a means of encouraging devotees to completely immerse themselves in devotional acts: "To give an offensive description as possible of the world life while recommending renunciation is a very old trick and the Varkarï tradition is no exception to it" (Karve 1988, 162). For example, Karve presents the following composition describing the functions of the human body, chanted numerous times during a pilgrimage to Pandharpur:

The human body, under the attractive skin, is full of blood and tlesh and such stuff; the body contains excreta; feces, and urine; the no se is full of mucus; the beautiful body decays with disease and old age-and therefore, 0 men, give up this Iife of enjoyment, adopt celibacy, and retire from the affairs of daily life. (Karve 1988, 162)

By focusing on what Karve de scribes as 'disgusting' body tluids, the Varkarïs advocate a life of celibacy and renunciation. Crucially, women were typically associated with such bodily secretions, making them prisoners oftheir bodies and thus, inherently impure. This inauspicious quality ofwomen is tied to their sexuality and their bodily tluids. Once again, the issue of impurity informs Varkarï devotional

21 practice. Accordingly, the orthodox view of the status of the woman's body certainly influenced the dynamic between the male and female bhaktas.8

Despite the emphasis on caste and gender distinctions, and the centrality of asceticism within the practices of Varkarï bhaktas, the poet-Saints of Maharashtra often viewed themselves as outsiders to the orthodox Brahmanical system. This social vision of the poet-Saints of Maharashtra as 'outsiders,' will be discussed later with regards to practices of Namadeva, and Jana Baï and Kanhopatra in particular.

The tradition's emphasis on equality among marginal groups creates a socio-religious tension: While advocating a position in opposition to the orthodoxy through an ethic of equality, the Varkatï tradition accepts orthodox Sanskritic principles regarding low-caste individuals and women. This paradox, with regard to women in particular, will be discussed below in connection with the differing patterns ofbehaviour that arise within the devotional practices of male and female bhaktas. The table below outlines the major features of the Varkatï Sants in relation to caste and marriage.

Table 1: Varkarï Sants and their Major Characteristics

Ekanatha Brahmin married Spent early life producing devotional works; Balanced householder and devotional duties Tukïirarna üdra/Maratha rnarried Practiced strict renunciation; (two wives) Bahil)ïi Bïiï' s guru; Emphasized the importance of suffering in bhakti Muktïi Baï Brahmin (became unmarried Maintained relationship with outcaste to siblings; Helped found the corn munit y) Vïirkarï Panth; Produced

8 The prevailing orthodox view mandated that women cannot attain liberation until they are reborn as men, since women's bodies are inauspicious (McGee 1991,76).

22 Jana Baï maid-servant unmarried Became a part of Namadeva's family; Served as Namadeva's scribe; Viewed herself as an "outsider. "

Kanhopatra courtesan unmarried Born into courtesan family; functioned within community of Saints; Used sexual rhetoric to communicate her devotion

Bahil)-a Baï Brahmin married Functioned within Brahmanic system; Fulfilled dharma as wife and mother and expressed bhakti as devotee of Vi!hoba; Composed numerous abhm'lgas articulating a unique ethic for religious living

Patterns within the Devotional Practices of Male Varkarï Bhaktas

In this section, 1 explore aspects of the devotionallives ofNamadeva,

Ekanatha, and Tukarama with particular emphasis on their lives as householders and their perspectives on women. Male bhaktas typically present women as symbols of worldly attachment and as distractions from the devotionallife (Vanita 1989,49).

The poetic compositions of male Varkarïs reveal the influence of orthodox culture, primarily with regard to women and renunciation. 1 have limited my analysis to the se three male bhaktas because each has specifie relevance to an understanding Bahil)-a

Baï's devotion practice.

Namadeva

Namadeva was born into an impoverished l'aisya family in Eastern

Maharashtra. He was married at the age of eleven but "was not interested in family life" (Bhavasar 1997,36). Instead, Namadeva engaged in the bhukti tradition as a

"composer, singer, traveller and performer" (Novetzke 2003, 3). So, unlike other male

23 Varkarï bhaktas, Namadeva is not known for his writing but rather his contribution to the performative aspects of the Varkarï tradition. Christian Lee Novetzke writes,

"Namadeva does not require the medium of writing to ensure that his songs will endure because he has initiated the medium of kïrtana" (Novetzke 2003, 32).

Namadeva is thus credited with the creation of a performance culture of Marathi devotional songs. As stated earlier, Namadeva also established the pilgrimage to

Pandharpur as the central feature of the Varkarï tradition (Vaudeville 1987, 418).

Since Namadeva's contribution to the Varkarï Panth does not take the form of many written works his own vision ofwomanhood is not immediately clear.

Consequently, this analysis seeks to present an understanding of Namadeva's attitude towards women through the songs of his mother and wife, in which they c1early posit their feelings ofresentment towards Namadeva's devotion to Vithoba. The abhmigas of his mother and wife are central to understanding Namadeva's relationships with women and thus the value he ascribes to family life. Namadeva's failure to provide for his large and impoverished family was the inspiration for this song composed by his mother, Gonaï Baï:

Gonài says, "Nâma stop being god crazy because of your stubbornness, you're ruining the family. Look and see how other people's sons behave! Blessed is the son who is a husband, a householder. The unlucky ones get God in their heads. Nothing remains of those who follow him He is not God; He destroys families. What outlandish devotion is this, Nâma, setting your own affairs on fire .. ' Gonàï says, 'Nâma, this is not good You're ruining your household, your Iineage too. (Abhanga 9 (1267), Nâmadeva Gâthâ by Gonâï Bâï, cited in Zelliot 1999, 90)

Here GonaT describes her son as being 'god crazy' and argues that his disregard for the duties of the householder is destroying his family. Importantly, she remarks that

24 his 'outlandish devotion' was abnonnal and distinctly set him apart from society.

Gonaï's criticism ofNamadeva's behavior reveals her beliefthat his expression of bhakti is interfering with his dharma as a househoider.

Rajaï, Namadeva's wife, similarly expresses her unhappiness towards his chosen lifestyle. Her song, unlike her mother-in-law's, which resembles a diatribe against Namadeva's chosen lifestyIe, is a pIe a for he1p. Rajaï demonstrates lher feeling of helplessness through her prayer to Mesaï, a non-Sanskritic goddess:

My husband has found this guru, Oh, what should 1 do now? 1 have a family but 1 don 't have a family that's 'divine miracle'?

Oh Goddess Mesaï, come quickly, help, No one else can fix this; You have the power, please make this go away ... What can 1 tell you-the things they do: They wash each other's feet and drink that water. Deranged, they merrily dance away ... My poor mother-in-Iaw Gonabaï, unsuspecting, gave birth to this bright gem ... 'What should 1 do?' asks Raja) (Abhailga 32 by Rajaï Bal, cited in Zelliot 1999,419)

Rajaï's response to Namadeva's renunciation of the worldly life, 'What should 1 do?' reflects her beliefthat she lacks purpose in life. For this reason, as long as Namadeva remains uninterested in his domestic responsibilities, Rajaï fails to have a position in society. Interestingly, she uses the mode ofprayer to seek an end to her misery, yet by calling the Varkarï bhaktas 'deranged' and 'useIess,' she demonstrates her disdain for the devotionai tradition.

Despite their initial resentment of Namadeva's spirituality, Gonai and Rajai both joined Namadeva in the devotionallife. To this end, a remarkable aspect of

Namadeva is his ability to integrate his family into the life of devotion. In fmct, ail of

25 his family members, including his maidservant Jana BiIï,9 who he considere~d a member of the family, became ardent devotees ofVi!hoba.

Ekanatha

Ekanatha, a Brahmin and the great grandson of Saint Bhanudasa,lO is best known as a prolific writer. His writing mostly composed in the Marathi vernacular,

"was the bridge between the Sanskritic tradition and the non-Sanskritized lower classes" (Zelliot 1987,91). Ekanatha produced an abundance of literature including commentaries, philosophical works, novels and most notably, devotional bharuçls, a form of dramatic poetry. Zelliot writes, "He was in the unusual position of living in a highly orthodox and closed Brahmal)ical world and yet being in contact with the foreign, the non-Sanskritic, indeed aH manner of men" (Zelliot 1980, 144).

Ekanatha is described as a reformer of the tradition because of his ability to provide a voice for marginal communities. In fact, Ekanatha ate with Mahars

(Untouchables) and even "wrote poems in the persona of a Mahar who was wiser in spiritual matters than the Brahmans" (Zelliot 1980, 136). In his bharuçls, Ekanatha does not reflect his personal experience as a bhakta, but instead attempts "to create vivid descriptions of a varied life aH around him as others practiced it" (Zdliot 1987,

92). In particular, Ekanatha writes of a woman's plea for liberation from her husband and his family:

Amba (satvar pav ge mala) Save me now, Mother- ,'II offer you bread, Mother Bhawani. Mother-in law tortures me- Kill her off. "II offer you bread, Mother Bhawani.

9 Jana Bal is believed to have written down Namadeva's compositions. (See Novetzkc, 2003) la Saint Bhanudasa was the leader of a group of saints who returned the image of ViHhal, which was supposedly removed by the Vijayanagar kings for its protection from Muslim rulers, (0 Panqharpur.

26 Her brat cries and cries Give him the itch. l'Il offer -you bread, Mother Bhawani. Eka-Janardan says, Let themaIl die! Let me live alone! (Bharu9 3920 by Ekanatha, cited in Zelliot 1987, 98)

In this excerpt, Ekanatha presents a different vision ofwomen, which counters the image of the devoted wife. Eleanor Zelliot argues that this composition could also be an allegory representing the frustrations of a female bhakta, who must give up her husband and domestic duties to achieve freedom from worldly life (Zelliot 1987, 98).

The sentiment is betler articulated by A.K. Ramanujan, who writes, "It is more common for a married woman saint to get rid ofher husband than to endure: him"

(Ramanujan 1982, 320). Despite this rather 'unorthodox' way of presenting women,

Eknatha's vision of the "ideal woman" appears consistent with the Brahmanic image ofwomen. Vanita de scribes this contradiction within his teachings when she writes,

"Ekanatha advises that the bhakta stay away even from a saintly woman and even from a female doll, lest lustful desires be aroused" (Vanita, 1989,49).

Although inconsistencies exist with regard to how Ekanatha envisioned women, he is a unique figure among the male Sants of the Varkarï tradition, because he was able to honor his responsibilities as a householder while maintaining his devotion to Virhoba: "He surpassed all saints in accomplishing a high degree of reconciliation between worldly and spiritual life" (Ranade 1983, 256). An important qualification of this accomplishment is that due to Ekanatha's family's affluence, the financial burdens of being both a householder and a bhakta were of no consequence.

Also, Ekanatha was married weil after he had already produced the majority of his devotional works and thus his expression of bhakti did not interfere with his domestic life (Bhavasar 1997,38).

27 Tukarama

The devotionallife ofTukarama, a Südra bhakta ofVithoba, is ofparticular relevance to this paper, primarily because as his disciple, Bahil).a BaT was influenced greatly by his devotional teachings. In fact, Tukarama is among the most influential

Sants in the VarkarT tradition because of his focus on renunciation (saJymyasa). This is in contrast to the ideal of the largely home-centered VarkarT tradition.

In the Bhaktalïlamrta, 11 a hagiographie account of the lives of Tukarama,

Eknatha, and other Northern lndian Sants by Mahipati, Tukarama explains why he favored the ascetic over the householder lifestyles: "If the idea of"l" has been removed From its very roots, then naturally the fears ofthis worldly life will have dissolved away" (verse 29.47, cited in Abbott 1986,93). He admits that such renunciation is difficult: "Day and Night we are at war: inside and out, world and mind" (Visnusastri Pansikar 1968,461). This statement explains the difficulties encountered by the bhaktas attempting the ascetic lifestyle: "the worldly life includes both the interior obstacle of attachment to one' s own body and to bodily pleasure, and the external obstacle of shame before the world" (Bhavalkar, 1996, 237).

Tukarama chose an extreme form ofrenunciation ofworldly things in which he neglected his wives and children in order to perform his devotional practice. This type of extreme tapas, or act of austerity, is foundational to his devotional practice.

He writes, "Verily, 1 am tired of the company ofthese people. 1 shaH now go and find out Virhoba" (Abhmi.ga 2995 by Tukarama, cited in Ranade 1983, 271). As a result

Il The BhaktalflamTta is a four volume account of the spiritual lives of Northern Indian Sants. Mahipati composed this compilation of hagiographies in the eighteenth century. Mahipati's work was undertaken many centuries after the deaths of the poet-saints, and he does not provilde sources for the information he presents. Although Mahipati provides hagiographie accounts or Mukta Bal, Jana Bàf and Kanhopatra in his Bhaktivijaya, he fails to present an account of the life of Bahi~a Bal.

28 ofthis denial ofhis worldly responsibilities, Tukarama's eldest wife and son perished due to starvation.

According to the Bhaktalïlamrta, in addition to the deaths ofhis wife and children, Tukiirama also lost his parents and his reputation. R.D. Ranade dt~scribes

Tukarama's reaction to these tragedies when he quotes from his abhailgas, "Let my

body suffer aIl sorts of calumnies, or adversities; but let God live in my mind. AIl

these things verily are perishable, for God alone is happiness" (Abhailga 247 by

Tukarama, cited in Ranade 1983,282). Despite the se tragic events, he was able to

seek corn fort in Vithoba's love. In fact, he viewed his sufferings as a demonstration of

his extreme devotion for Vithobii. Ranade quotes from Tukiiriima's works, " ... Well it

is that 1 built a temple to Thee, and neglected my children and wife" (Abhailga 3936

by Tukiirama, cited in Ranade 1983, 276).

Ranade asserts that Tukiiriima invites deliberate suffering as part ofhis

devotional practice. Ranade says, "Tukiiram[a] even craves deliberate misery in order

that it might lead him to God" (Ranade 1983, 282). This argument is supported in the

works of Tukiiriima. He says, "Make me homeless, wealthless, childless so that 1 may

remember Thee. Give no child to me, for by its affection, Thou shalt be away from

me" (Abhailga 2084 by Tukarama, cited in Ranade 1983,282). Here Tukariima

indicates his desire to demonstrate affection only to Vithobii; any duties oftlhe

householder detract from his responsibilities as a bhakta.

Although Tukarama does not foeus any of his abhangas on the status of

women, these works provide sorne hints ofhis perceptions ofwomen. As Irina

Glushcova writes, "Themes ofwomen transformed into symbols are easily found

even at the surface level of Tukarama's work, to say nothing oftheir forming the

29 skeleton, flesh and blood ofmany poems" (Glushcova, 1996,253). His vision of women was, in a word, inconsistent; at times Tukarâma reflects a positive, indifferent and hostile attitude toward women (Glushcova 1996, 253). His inconsistency can be found in his characterizations ofmothers in comparison to wives and 'ordinary' women. As with typical orthodox characterizations ofwomen, Tukârâma similarly views mothers as important and essential: "In times of crises everything falis on the mother's shouiders ... The mother (whatever she is) is the best of ail for a chiId ... The mutuai attraction ofmother and child is a mighty force and [their] love is always new

[does not grow oId]" (Abhailga 3543, 372 by Tukârâma, cited in Gluschcova 1996,

254-255) Invoking a typicai viltsalya-bhakti image, he Iikens the relationship between mother and child to that of the bhakta and Vi!hobâ: "How will God get his image and service without the bhakta? How will the bhakta get free from desires without God?

Tukâ says, 'Mother and chiid live in a net of mutual attachment'" (Abhailga 102 by

Tukârâma, cited in Gluschcova, 1996,255). Tukârâma uses this to underscore the interdependent relationship between the Sants and Vi!hobâ; however, by using this metaphor he reifies the principle that a woman's role in society should be limited to that of wife and mother.

In contrast to the way in which Tukârâma presents mothers, his description of ordinary women, inc1uding wives who have yet to bear children, is derogatory in nature. Tukârâma explains, "She causes man's degradation, she is to be kept at a distance-then she is good" (Abhailga 2783 by Tukârâma, cited in Gluschcova 1996,

259). He adds, "Under no circumstances-neither face to face nor in a crowd-should one ever talk to a woman" (Abhailga 4281 by Tukârâma, cited in Gluschcova 1996,

259). This particularly negative characterization ofwomen contradicts Tukârama's

30 actual interaction with women, which included two wives, daughters and female followers. This striking contradiction within Tukarama's teachings and practice typify the tension that 1 have suggested existed within the Varkarï Tradition: an overarching egalitarian ethos that was qualified by an emphasis on the ortho do x vision of the ideal woman.

Devotional Motifs in the Practices of Female Bhaktas

Unlike their male counterparts, many female bhaktas who followed the

Varkarï Panth were able to simultaneously pursue their devotion to Vithoba while operating within an extended family structure, many ofthem associated either with their siblings or with the "family of saints." The majority of female figures of the

Varkarï Panth remained unmarried,12 contrary to their dharma. The devotional

practices of female bhaktas in Maharashtra thus reveal a pattern of defiance towards

societal norms in which they "invert and even subvert the traditional ideals of

womanhood" (Ramanujan 1986, 317). A pattern emerges when analyzing female

expressions of bhakti, in which women from elite and lower classes of society

distinguish themselves from their male counterparts through acts of "deviance and

rebellion" (Ramaswamy 1997,2).

Examples of these unmarried female VarkarIs include Mukta Baï, Jana Baï

and Kanhopatra, who aIthough immersing themselves in their respective societal

responsibilities contributed greatly to the bhakti tradition of Maharashtra. These three

bhaktas, contrary to Bahil)a Baï, made no attempt ta reconcile their strfdharma with

12 Tara Bhavalkar notes that it was not socially acceptable for either Mukta Bal or Kanhopatra to marry because of their cJass status. Mukta Ballost her caste identity as a Brahmin due to her father's decision to return back to the role ofthe householder from the ascetic, and thus was not given in marriage. Kanhopatra's profession as a courtesan prohibited her t'rom entering into marriage.

31 bhakti and appeared to disregard dharma completely. Instead, they shunned the institution of marriage in favour of the devotionallife.

However, by the seventeenth century, there emerged an image of a Varkarl female householder-Sant emerged, who had reconciled her external, social responsibilities as a woman with her internaI, personal des ire for liberation. Although this oscillation between the domestic and the transcendent world appears to also characterize the experience of certain male Sants who were often married with children, in particular Ekanatha, this movement toward incorporation of the domestic life into the bhakti ethos is best demonstrated by Bahil,1a Baï.

Consistent with the Varkarl movement, female bhaktas typically functioned within the family structure. 13 While the earlier female figures do not speak about the importance of abiding to the notion of ideal womanhood in the way that Bahil,1a Biiï does, it appears that there is a graduaI movement towards the incorporation of familial relationships into bhakti practice. For example, we see that in the works of Mukta

ElU, an unmarried thirteenth century female saint, we see that her relationship with her brother Jfianadeva (c. 1275-1296) and other siblings resuIts in a kinship-centered and home-oriented bhakti.

MuktâBâÏ

Mukta BâI and her three brothers, Nivrtti, Jfiiinadeva and Sopan founded the

Viirkarï Tradition in the late thirteenth century. They were born into a Brahman family, like Bahil)ii Baï, but were shunned by the orthodox community because their father reverted back from the life of a sa1J7lJyiisin to that of the grhastha (Vanita 1989,

13 Vaudeville writes, "The poet-saints of Maharashtra demonstrate a eurious tende ne y to forlll families and clusters" (Vaudeville 1999, 218). Envisioning the devotees as part of "family" served as a eohesive force to bind the followers into the tradition.

32 54). During Mukta Biiï's short life of eighteen years, she maintained a close relationship with her brothers while composing more than 100 abhangas. Muktâ Bâï' s songs were produced in the form of dialogues with other Vârkarï Sants. For example, in Nivrtti Mukti Samviid and Ta!ice Abhmiga (Song of the Door) her brothers are presented as key figures. The Nivrtti Mukti Samviid and Ta!ice Abhmiga are of particular relevance because it reflects the influence of her familial ties to her devotional work. In this composition Mukta Bâï tries to persuade Jîiânadeva, who was ridiculed by a Brahmin and thus locked himself in a hut, to open the door. Ruth

Vanita explains the importance of this composition when she writes: "She adopts the tone not of a younger sister pleading with an oIder brother but of one Sant addressing another" (Vanita 1989, 54). These abhangas provide evidence that Muktâ Baï views herself as equal to her male siblings, which was considered an audacious attitude within her context. Muktâ Baï establishes here an important pattern that appears in the devotional practices of subsequent female bhaktas; women incorporate family members into their expressions of bhakti.

Notably absent from Mukta Baï's devotional compositions is a reflection of her womanhood or the general plight of women. Despite her apparent Jack of concern for her status or that of other female bhaktas, Mukta Baï invokes the ethos of bhakti and states that she has equal access to Vi!hobâ's love:

Beginning to end Hari fills aIl hearts Knowing this, Sants are fiIled with love, God's name in their hearts, love overflows Ever, ever content with devotion to god, Peace, forgiveness, compassion rule their minds. Sanak and the sages rejoice over them. Muktai say s, linked to Sri Harts name, Ever find joy serving at his feet. (Vanita 1989,50)

33 Mukta Bâï indicates here that the sole concern for the Sants should be servimg

Vithobâ and promoting peace, forgiveness and compassion. Although this verse appears to reveallittle about Mukta Bâï herse If, it illustrates that through devotion to

Virhobâ, women may also find the "joy" of liberation. This emphasis upon philosophy evinces that Mukta Bâï's abhaIigas "illustrate the intellectual rather than the emotional side of bhakti" (MacNicol 1900,27). This characteristic of Mukta Bâï's devotional poetry is also present in the works ofBahil)â Bâï, who se abhaIigas reveal the influence of Vedânta philosophy. This feature common to both Mukta BM and

Bahil)â Bâï will be discussed more comprehensively in the third chapter.

ln approaching her devotion through intellectual rather than emotional means,

Mukta Bâï fails to assert her own identity in her abhaIigas. In fact, Muktâ Baï intentionally avoids mention of the selfwith exception to asserting her love for

Vithobâ. By presenting the philosophical framework of the VarkarT Panth in the above verse, Muktâ Baï does not explicitly bring up the issue of a woman's access to the orthodox texts or their ability to achieve liberation. The only description of herself within her work is relational that is illustrated through her praise of Vithobli:

To be ail is joy, From the '1" cornes sorrow. Give up the poison of 'mine' and 'my'. Distinguish the goal from the hindrance, Reason and search out wisdom's path Find ail pilgrimage sites in go. Hari, the cloud, pities the chatak, Showers down the rain. Subtle the path-bhaktas give-up body's illusion, Take on truth. The story the Vedas try to tell Is one which cannot be heard It is found in the sense of oneness. Muktai says knowing "1 am that" fills the world. Formed, formless are filled with "1 am Thal.' And ail is god. (Vanita 1989, 51)

34 Mukta Bal thus avoids reference to a woman's plight, yet boldly states like the

Vedantic philosopher, '1 am that.' Her declaration, which violates gendered

Brahmanic soteriology, can be viewed as a subtle act of defiance. This early instance of rebellion against the perceived notion of a woman' s capacity for achieving liberation is ofparticular importance this is due to the fact that it marks the beginning of the movement towards women redefining the spiritual potential of their own embodiment.

Jana Baï

Another female Sant who transcended her dharma is Jana Bal, who was born into a family of Südra devotees of Vithoba and raised by Namadeva' s father,

Damsetha. After travelling to Pandharpur and praying to Vi!hoba, her parents were told that they would have a daughter who "will uplift your family," and that they must give her to Damsetha, the father of Namadeva (Pandharipande 1996, 150). Once in the home of Namadeva, Jana Bàï beeame his maidservant and scribe (Sellergren

1996, 216; see Novetzke 2003).

ln Mahipati's Bhaktivijaya he presents a different account ofher early life.

Specifically, Mahipati suggests that it was Jana Bal's choice to leave her maternai home:

It happened one day at Pandhari, when the place was filled with pilgrims, in the month of Kartik, that a little girl from amongst the pilgrims came and sat by the great door of the temple. She said to her mother and father, '1 intend to remain here always. 1 will not come back with you to our home.' (Abbott and Ghodbole 1999, 339; Chapter XXI, 9)

In this hagiographie aeeount, Jana Baï, who is surrounded by Varkarï pilgrims, realizes her interest in bhakti. Her deeision to remain with Damsetha was thus refleetive of the spiritual maturity that she attained at a young age.

35 Jana Baï' s involvement in the domestic realm is viewed in the context of her duties as the maid of Namadeva, with whom she developed a familial relatiionship.

She is often described as simultaneously engaged in both the domestic and religious realms. For example, Mahipati writes, "While performing her domestic duties she was forever repeating the names of Hari" (Abbott and Ghodbole 1999,340; Chapter

XXI 22). As a follower of Vithoba, she drew inspiration from Namadeva. It is also possible that Namadeva was also influenced by his maidservant's devotion

(Sellergren 1996, 217).

Having 10st her parents at a young age, Jana Baï communicates her parent/chi Id relationship with Vi!hoba in her abhailgas:

Mother is dead, father is dead now Vi!hobâ, take care of me, o Hari, my head is itching 1 am your chi1d and have no one of my own ... (Abhailga 266 by Jana Baï, Namadeva Gatha, cited in SelIergren 1996, 217).

In Mahipati's account, the maternai nature ofVithoba manifests when he cornes to braids Jana Baï' s hair: "Then he p1aited her hair and seated Jani near the mill and placed the basket of grain close by. [She says] 1 will then turn the mill, pretending to grind, and Iovingly sing songs" (Abbott and Ghodbole 1999, 345; Chapter XXI, 87).

This verse has particular significance; in identifying Vithoba as Jana Baï's caretaker, it illustrates the unique role ofwomen, who were able to express their devotion through their domestic duties. In another sense, Jana Baï also indicates that Vi!hoba has "many children," including the popular Sants, Jfianadeva, Mukta Baï,

Chokhame!a, and Namadeva among them.

In addition to describing herself as the child of Vi!hoba, Jana Baï demonstrates a unique intimacy with him, through which she is also able express her

36 anger towards him. This leve\ of comfort she shares with Vi~hoba is given its full est expression when she describes herse If as a yesava. Jana Baï says:

The sari slips from my head to my shoulders On the way to the busy bazaar. 1 take tais in my hands, The vina on my shoulder, Who will prevent me now? o God, l've become a prostitute o Kesava, l've set out for your house. (Abhailga 225 by Jana Baï, Sakai a Santa Gatha, cited in Sellergren 1996, 224)

SeIlergren translates the term yesava to mean prostitute. Understood in the context of the bhakti tradition, this characterization is not to be taken literaIly, but rather as a metaphor. In response to society's vision of bhaktas, females in particular, Jana Baï uses the term prostitute to demonstrate her devotion to Virhoba. Her devotion is so extreme that she uses the image of the prostitute in the context of a woman 1iberated from her body. As Bhavalkar notes, "The Jana Baï who can say this is a supreme devotee who has arrived on the road to liberation" (Bhavalkar 1996, 245). As with aIl mystical devotional poetry, the intensity of the bhakta's devotion is often described as a sexual relationship between the bhakta with his or her beloved. In this case, by referring to herse If as a prostitute, Jana Baï is demonstrating the depth of her devotion. 14 Despite the ostensibly sexual tone ofthis song, and, in contrast to the works such as those produced by the Alvars of Tamil Nadu, Maharashtrian devotional

poetry lacks eroticism or (srngara) (McGee 1995, 141).

The above passage also reflects the Varkarï vision ofthemselves. as outsiders to mainstream orthodox society. As Bhavalkar says, "Even though the saints

supported Jana Baï, ordinary people must have cast doubts on her behavior"

(Bhavalkar, 1996,245). This theme of the outsider is discussed further in Ranade's

14 K(ietraya utilizes simiJar courtesan imagery in the sevenleenth century.

37 interpretation of Jana Baï's abhangas: "Whatever desires she had harboured in her heart were fulfilled by God. He finally gave her a place in His own abode ... Passion and attachment took leave of her" (Ranade 1983, 206). Ranade explains that Jana Baï no longer viewed herself as part of society and found joy solely in Vi!hoba. This passage portrays Jana Baï as a female Sant who transcends the restrictions placed upon her devotion, thus marking her transformation from domesticity to asceticism, in which social mores and convention no longer have importance. Ramaswamyexplains the relationship between the bhakta and the prostitute when she writes, "A spiritual woman, her behaviour ipso facto being defined as 'deviant,' also gets to be ostracised and marginalised like the prostitute" (Ramaswamy 1997, 10).

Kanhopatra

The notion of the outsider takes on a two-fold meaning when considering the devotional life of Kanhopatra, who was the daughter of Syama, a courtesan of

Mangalvedhe. Despite her opposition to her mother's profession, Kanhopatra, raised in the matrilineal tradition of courtesans, was compelled by tradition to follow her mother's courtesan lifestyle. As Sellergren writes, "Many ofher abhangas vividly chronic1e her struggle to be devoted to Lord Vi!hoba and rescued by him from her fate, while being forced into an impure lifestyle that she detested" (Sellergren 1996,

226). Unlike Mukta Baï and Jana Baï, Kanhopatra does not demonstrate her devotionalism within the structure of a family. Instead, in a number of her abhaJ'lgas,

Kanhopatra places herself within the tradition of the Varkarï Panth. She writes in the composition below of her association with the founders of the tradition:

Nivritti is Siva Jnandev, Visnu Sopan is Brahma himself, their sister is Muktai is the Mula Maya,

38 Oh how these three brother's are blessed! ... Kanhopatra is a blessed woman to have met Jnandev today. (Abhanga 2 by Kanhopatra, Sakala Santa Gatha, cited in Sellergren 1996,233)

In the case of Kanhopatra, another pattern emerges, in which female VarkarIs envi sion themselves as part of the family of Saints. By associating herself with other

VarkarIs and in the absence of her own filial relationship, Kanhopatra participates in the bhakti tradition as a member of the community of Sants. This feature of her devotion is also emphasized by BahiI.1a Bal, who derives tremendous joy from her relationships with other devotees. In chapter two and three, 1 will elaborate further on the importance of her connection to the VarkarI Sants.

Another aspect of Kanhopatra's devotion which distinguishes her From other female bhaktas is her notable use of sexual rhetoric in her abhailgas to communicate her dependence upon Vithoba:

If you calI yourself saviour of the fallen, why, 0 lord, should 1 suffer? When 1 say 1 am yours alone, Who is to blame but yourself, If 1 am taken by another man? .. 1 offer my body At your feet, Protect it At least for your title. (Abhailga 22 by Kanhopatra, Sakala Santa Gatha, cited in Sellergren 1996, 229)

This verse reveals Kanhopatra's struggle in balancing the demands of her profession and those of her love for Vithoba. She 'blames' him for making her impure and pleads with him to protect her with his love; accordingly, she seeks union with him in order to leave a life that she considers impure. While other female Sants describe themselves as prostitutes merely as a metaphor, Kanhopatra provides an interesting example of a female Sant who attempts to engage in devotion despite her social status

39 as a courtesan. Kanhopatra viewed her occupation in the context of the orthodox tradition which valued a woman's chastity as pure and thus reflects the prevalent vision of the courtesan as lacking the purity of the pativrata. Evidence ofthis view is found in the following excerpt From Kanhopatra's abhailgas:

o Narayana, yOll caU yOUfself, Savior of the fallen and wear this as yOuf challenge to the world Oh lord, 1 beg you keep yOuf word My caste is impure, 1 lack loving faith, My nature and acts are vile. Fallen Kanhopatra offers herself at yOuf feet, a challenge to your claims of mercy. (Abhailga 7 by Kanhopatra, Sakai a Santa Gatha, cited in Sellergren 1996, 227)

Kanhopatra appeals to Vithoba as a woman from an "impure" community, who has participated in vile acts. Kanhopatra admits here that unlike other Varkarï Sants she fails to be acknowledged for her devotion. As she says, '1 lack loving faith.' As a courtesan, Kanhopatra's poetry revolves solely around this theme ofbeing an outsider. Kanhopatra was not only an outsider in society but she viewed herself "as outside the scope ofGod's love" (Sellergren 1996,227).

For Kanhopatra the situation was even more difficult because as a courtesan her expression of her sexuality made her status less than that of an ordinary woman.

As Sellergren writes, "A sense ofvulnerability is present in many of Kanhopatra's abhal).gas, showing an awareness that her body was in danger and needed protection."

(Sellergren, 1996, 228) Kanhopatra identifies her body as weak and presents herself as vulnerable. This interpretation arises from Kanhopatra's apparent desperation for the grace of Vithoba. To the extent that she seeks refuge in Vithoba and asks for his grace her relationship to the transcendent is similar to Jana Bars in that she describes

Vithoba as her mother. As noted above, this characterization is consistent with the concept of bhüva-bhakti, or 'tender devotion,' in which the Sants "calI their Lord

40 'father and mother'" (Vaudeville 1987, 29). In particular, Kiïnhopiïtriï sought refuge in Vi!hobiï as her final act of devotion; according to hagiographie sources she spontaneously died at his feet in order to avoid becoming the mistress of a Muslim ruler. 15

BahiJ}a Baï

The principal assertion ofthis study is that Bahil).iï Biïl is exceptional among aIl other Maharashtrian bhaktas because of her ability to balance her domestic life with her devotional pursuits. Mary McGee remarks that BahiI)a Bal'S 'ordinariness' ultimate1y makes her stand out among female Viïrkarls (Mc Gee 1995, 111). Anne

Feldhaus takes this point further and says that BahiI)a Bal, as a woman who did not subvert societal norms but rather conformed to them, expressed a form of bhakti

"better suited to the life of the average Indian woman" (Feldhaus 1985, vii) .. Both

McGee and Feldhaus present an image of Bahil).a Bal as a pativratü, or dutiful wife.

And yet, BahiI)a Bal's devotionallite reveals a different vision of her, in which she criticized orthodox principles limiting her spiritual potential and served as a model for high-caste women. In this section, 1 will introduce a discussion of BahiI)iï Biïl'S adherence to the ideal of the pativrata. 1 present a more comprehensive analysis of this aspect of BahiI)a Bal's devotional practice in the second chapter.

Throughout her life, BahiI)a Bal negotiated two worlds; on the one hand, she was committed to her husband and family, and on the other her devotional practices were directed towards Vi!hobà. This reconciliution of worlds can be rearticulated as a tension between "conformism and deviance." (Ramaswamy 1997,217) Consequently,

15 As Sellergren writes, "Exactly how she met her end is a matter of conjecture: she may have auspiciously merged into the image of Vithoba in marriage with the Lord, cornmitted suicide, or as one scholar has suggested, even been murdered for her lifelong rebelliousness" (Sellergren 1996, 226).

41 in the case of Bahil)ii Baï, the bhakti tradition in Maharashtra takes on a radically new fonn that is characterized by an articulation of the image of the devoted wife as a legitimate devotee. This section will present relevant passages From Bahil)ii Biiï's devotional compositions with an aim to describe her simuItaneous and seemingly contradictory negotiation and veneration of orthodox principles related to women's behaviour. ln addition, this section will also highlight aspects of Bahil)ii Biiï' s devotional practice that she shares with the male and female poet-saints presented above.

An understanding of Bahil)a Bars life as a householder and bhakta requires a brief introduction. Although her hagiography is noticeably absent from aIl accounts of the Viirkarïs, notably Mahipati's Bhaktavijaya and the Bhaktalïliimrta, her experience is articulated in her own words. Information about Bahil)ii Biiï' s life then is largely embedded within her own poetic compositions. In spite of the lack of information on her life, Bahil)a Biiï, however, substantially adds to the canon by creating highly personal writings, such as her autobiography, verses describïng her prior births, and most importantly, verses on her vision of the dutiful wife. In addition, her works challenge many orthodox notions regarding female spirituality.

As Vanita remarks, "She is also the only one to dwell at length on the various dimensions of the predicament of the woman seeker, and to attempt sorne answers"

(Vanita 1989,59). Though her compositions questioned the established norms which limited religious roles for women, they did not provide a direct solution to the dilemmas that female bhaktas experienced.

Bahil)a Baï addresses the primary dilemma that Hindu female bhaktas face in their devotional practices-the tension between the bonds of domesticity and

42 detachment. Importantly, her struggle against the norms of Brahmanical society demonstrates her desire to participate in orthodox practices. Bahil)a Baï describes the limitation elite society placed upon her religious practices in the following verse:

The Vedas cry aloud, and the Puranas shout that no good cornes of a woman. I was born with a woman' s body how am I, now to attain the Goal? They're foolish, selfish, seductive, deceptive any link with a woman brings them harm. Bahil)a says, 'If a woman's body so harmful. how in this world will I reach the Goal?' (Abhanga 63.1-4 by Bahil)a Baï, cited in Feldhaus 1982, 594)

Here, Bahil)a Baï expresses her frustration with orthodox constraints against her devotional activities. She takes issue with the impure status of the female body because it unfairly limits her access to the Vedas and, most importantly, to liberation

(mok~a). As such, Bahil)a Baï uses her abhal)gas to present a critique of seventeenth century Maratha culture. She concludes that the body, of either a woman or a man is necessarily linked to an individual's liberation. For instance, as Krishna Bahadur writes, "She did not believe in exhausting austerities, for if one emancipated the body how could he mediate and pray" (Bahadur 1996, 13). This perspective is quite remarkable considering Bahil)a Baï's caste and her husband's strict adherence to

Brühmal)Ïc orthodoxy. ft is here that her vision of Brahminhood is particularlly relevant:

But who in reality is to be called a Brahman? This question belonging to Right thinking needs to be looked into. Only after doing so should one adore and worship him with love. He is the giver of a surety, so say the Vedas. But his life, body, caste, col our, actions, duties, ail these qualifications must be searched. Says Bahini, "Knowledge and learning should belong to the Brahman. (AbhaIiga 411.1-3 by BahÏI)ii Biil, cited in Abbott 1985, 125)

43 Here, Bahirya Bal makes a revolutionary suggestion: that the criteria for which a

Brahmin is determined must be re-evaluated. She makes it clear that a Brahmin must be treated with high regard. And although she acknowledges the importance and supreme wisdom of the Brahmin, Bahirya Bal suggests that the aforementioned qualities of life, body, caste, color, actions and duties ascribed to Brahmins are not sufficient in determining Brahminhood. To her the Brahmin must be "one who has knowledge of the scriptures, knows the nature of Brahman, is unaffected by the interplay of the giù;,as and pays reverence to the guru" (Bahadur 1996, 17). Of course, an additional criterion is that the Brahmin be capable offreeing oneselffrom the desires of the body in favour of strict devotion. From this belief follows a radical understanding ofwhat determines an individual as a Brahmin: Bahirya Baï says,

One who al ways has Brahma in him, he alone is a Brahman. The Vedas and scriptures bear witness to what l have said ... He whose organs of sense ever find their objects in Brahma is a Brahman in accordance with this meaning. Says Bahini, He who lives his life in Brahma is a Brahman. It is not a question of caste. (Abhanga 427.1-4 by BahiJ.1a Bal, cited in Abbott 1985, 131)

This assertion c1early suggests that anyone possessing such qualities should be viewed as a Brahmin, and thus be given access to the Vedas. To this extent, 1 would argue that Bahirya Bal's vision of the Brahmin is consistent with the 'spirit' of the

Varkarï Panth, though not the actual practice of the tradition. An important qualification to this is made by Feldhaus, who asserts that, "Bahirya reinterprets the qualifications for becoming a Brahmin without fundamentally questioning the superiority ofher caste" (Feldhaus 1985, vii). Feldhaus's point raises the question as to why Bahirya Baï did not make the case against the caste system itself. The answer turns on Bahirya Baï as moderator and not outright revolutionary; she failed to

44 challenge the merits of the caste system because her goal was more subtle, if even

more subversive, to rein vent female spirituality within the matrix of orthodox culture.

Bahil)a Bars subtle attempts to reinterpret her own role within the principles of orthodox Sanskritic society, with regard to the definition of a Brahmin, allow for the understanding that a woman is capable of reading the textual canon and also

achieving liberation. This radical way of envisioning the elite class is particularly

relevant, considering her choice to follow a low-caste guru, Tukiirama. In this way,

Bahil)ii Biiï deviates from the societal nonn of the vurf}u-dhurmu system, which

upheld a strict separation of the higher castes from the 10wer castes. Bahil)ii Biiï

envisioned Vi!hoba differently than any other female Sant; her reverence for her

spiritual teacher merged with her vision of God, creating the persona of Tukoba. As

Gupta explains: "For her, Tukarama the saint and Vi!hobii the god became one entity

and she loved them with intense devotion" (Gupta, 1991, 205).

Bahil)ii Baï experienced extreme physical abuse at the hands ofher husband,

Gailgiidhar Pa!hak. Her attendance at religious gatherings and association with non

Brahmins, including her guru Tukarama, was a source of conflict because her

husband believed such activities were against the principles ofboth her stIidharma

and her caste. To this end, Bahil)a mu says ofher husband, "Though he recited the

Vedas, he cared not at aIl for devotion." Bahil)a Biiï speaks of the abuse she

experienced as a young girl in the following abhal!gas: "My husband seeing them

[spiritual readings], gave me much bodily suffering ... My husband now began to say,

"We are Brahmans. We should spend our time in the study of the Vedas" (Abhailga

32.1 by Bahil!ii Biiï, cited in Abbott 1985,23). Bahil!ii Biirs frustration with her

husband's paradoxical behaviour can be underslood in a broader context as a criticism

45 of eIite Brahmin society, which limited the spirituality of others yet often failed to uphold their own religious practice.

Bahil.la Baï, unlike Kanhopatra, however, fails to blame Vithoba for her misery, saying: "that all this suffering has come because of deeds in a former birth ... 1t is my fate to have to suffer. What can even God do to help me?" (Abhanga 70 by

Bahil.la Baï, cited in Abbott 1985,42). McGee presents her interpretation of Bahil.la

Baï's self-blame when she says, "Symptomatic of much domestic violence throughout the world and history is the victim's assumption that she somehow is at fault. Bahil.liï

Baï is no exception to this, though the blame she assigns to herself is influenced by particular orthodox Hindu religious beliefs and cultural attitudes" (McGee 1995, 121)

McGee raises a particularly relevant point here as she connects Bahil.la Baï's self blame to the Brahmal.lical orthodox notions of womanhood. Externally, this self blame manifested itself in submission to her husband. Perhaps as a mode to protect herselffrom her husband's rage, Bahil.la Baï changed her external orientation and functioned as a devoted wife, saying: "My dut Y is to serve my husband-he is my god. My husband is himself the supreme Brahman" (Abhanga 35.4; by Bahil.la Baï, cited in Abbott 1985, 25). Bahil.la Baï actively participated in the world by remaining married and having children, fulfilling her dutY as a putivrutii. This external expression of devotion to her husband obscured her internaI love for Virhoba. As

Gupta remarks, "She played the role of the dutiful wife while mentally renouncing ail attachment to life" (Gupta, 1991,205).

Bahil.la Biïï's actions are strikingly similar to Niïmadeva, as she converts her husband into the devotional fold. Unlike Namadeva, however, Bahil.lii Biiï must demonstrate an external mode of conversion in which her behaviour emulates the

46 pativratii. Understood from within the bhakti tradition, this behaviour reveals a redefinition of the role of the pativratii in which her actions are inspired by devotion to God. Applying this interpretation to the experience of BahiQa Baï, who envisioned

Vithoba as her friend, protector, and brother,16 she merged her devotion to her husband with that ofVithoba. By fusing their identities, BahiQa Baï operated within the ethos of the bhakti tradition, ail the while abiding by the principles of Sanskritic society.

This extemal devotion towards her husband, however, created an internai vision of herself as a woman operating against the principles of the Sanskritic orthodoxy. She reconciles this tension between her internaI and external identities when she characterizes herself as a 'wanton woman:'

l've given up modesty and become shameless. Taking a drum in my hand, Dancing ahead in the fullness of love, Turning ignorance away, Putting an end to ail my ignorance, l've become perfect, a wanton woman without any ties. 1 disp1ay from house to house the birthplace of the absolute How can there be rules and regulations for wanton women like me? Bahini sings with loving l'ai th, the drum in her hand, her head held high. (Abhanga 472 by Bahil!il Baï, cited in Bhavalkar 1996, 247)

This verse echoes a theme present in both Jana Baï's and Kanhopatra's abhali.gas, namely those of a bhakta perceived as prostitute. Bhavalkar notes that this imagery is not exclusive to the works of the female bhuktas: "To break free this fetter [referring to marriage] is to dare to be branded a wanton woman. Ifone wants to become liberated from the worldly life, the saints were saying, one must be ready to become a

16 Mary McGee explains that in Maharashtra the relationship between brolher and sister is particularly important. The brother is held in high regard primarily because his role is to protect his sister l'rom potential danger. This aspect of Maharashtrian culture is of particular relevancc because Bahirya Baï, whose OWI1 brother failed to intervcne when she was being beaten by her husband, envisioned Vi~hoba as her sole protector.

47 wanton woman" (Bhavalkar 1996,250). This excerpt reflects Bahi~a Bal's frustration with societal norms, which clearly limited her access to devotional practice.

Importantly, she demonstrates a sense of self-confidence, absent from her other abha~gas, by exclaiming 'the drum in her hand, her he ad held high.'

Conclusion

The principles of Brahmanic hegemony pervade the culture of the Varkarï

Pan th to the extent that the ethic of equality which it espouses appears ambiguous.

This contradiction of ideologies, namely the desire to provide access to spirituality to marginal groups on the one hand and the presence of orthodox prescriptions that ossify caste and gender roles on the other, can be found in nearly every aspect of the tradition: its theology, ritual, and practice. lronically, although the Varkarï Panth is deeply infused with the values of the orthodoxy, Maharashtrian bhaktas viewed themselves as outsiders.

Perhaps the most important inconsistency arises when considering the devotionallives of males in comparison with that offemale bhaktas. In presenting the devotional practices of Namadeva, Ekanatha, and Tukarama, a tendency towards extemal renunciation, in which the duties of the householder were neglected in favour of spiritual pursuits, becomes apparent. As a result, when analyzing male bhaktas and their level of involvement as householders, the trend that emerges is a graduai movement towards the model of the sUf!1lJyasin tradition ofBrahmanism.

In contrast, female Sants such as Mukta Baï, Jana Baï, Kanhopatra, and

Bahil)a Baï incorporate family life into their devotionallives. Female bhaktas, unlike their male counterparts, were burdened by Brahmanic conceptions of the impure female body. Using the rhetoric of sexuality, these female bhaktas were able to

48 articulate their freedom from societal norms and restrictions upon their Iiberation potential. Although female Varkarïs were forced to practice devotion within the context of the orthodox system, their subtIe acts of defiance, including asserting their potential to achieve liberation, their failure to marry, or become associated with a low-caste guru, redefined female devotion in the region.

Finally, Bahil)a Baï distinguishes herself from other female bhaktas by remaining married while pursuing God's love. She first evaluates certain principles of the orthodox Brahmal)ic tradition and brings to light the inherent inequities of the tradition. A common criticism of Bahil)a Baï' s evaluation of these social norms is that she does not provide alternatives or radically defy these notions, and instead simply accepts them. 1 argue however, that BahiI)a BaTs contribution to the Varkarï tradition is not found in her overt rebellion or defiance but rather her ability to function within a spiritually oppressive system while pursuing liberation through devotion. In the following chapter 1 develop the idea of BahiI)a Baï' s "worldly asceticism," in which the home becomes the locus for the expression ofher religious practice.

49 CHAPTER2

The Home as the Locus of Female Spirituality in the Works of Bahil}a Baï

Blessed in the three worlds, and to be praised, is the dutiful wife. (Abhmiga 473.1 by Bahi~a Baï, Cited in Abbott 159)

Listen, my dear ones, to the law regarding the duties of a wife. Blessed is the home-keeper of noble deeds! By merely listening to this, one's soul will gain final release. Without a husband one does not keep God in mind. Blessed is she who knows herself as a dutiful wife. She carries along at the same time her household duties. Such as one bears the heavens in her hands. She who understands that duties are performed (karma) are Brahma, and that Brahma is the performer of duties. (Abhanga 467 by Bahi~a Baï, Cited in Abbott 157)

Introduction

Female devotionalism finds unique expression in the Maharashtrian home. For the poet-Saints of Maharashtra the home is given new meaning and refers specifically to their devotional community and natural environment. This understanding of the home provided women with a sacred space for domestic expressions of devotional religion. Bahit:lu Bars abhmigas are a testament to the importance Vurkarï bhakti attaches to the home and domestic life. In her writings, Bahil)u Buï posits her home as a place where she was able to express her sense of self and her devotion to Vi!hobu.

By presenting the home as a metaphor for the natural world, and through her detachment from worldly concerns, Bahit:la Baï extends the religious potential of the patil'ratii to inc1ude the aspirations of the bhakta.

This chapter will consist of three sections. In the first section, l will explore the connection between domesticity and female spirituality. This discussion will necessarily involve the orthodox Brahmanic notions of strfdharma (Iiterally, a woman's dut y) and the patil'ratii, which underlie Bahil)u BaTs devotional practice.

50 Embedded within the larger virtue of servitude, these concepts, with their emphasis on l'ratas (religious vows of married women) merge religious ritual with domesticity. The result is a vision of women's religion that inc1udes the values of marriage, but the se values are inspired by bhakti.

This theme of the subservience of women is also present in works written in the Marathi vernacular. To this end, 1 discuss the two popular literary genres of ovï and [ok gft that illustrate the pervasiveness of this ideal in upper-caste Marathi popular culture. Marathi folk literature shares an important relationship with Maharahstrian bhakti practice. In particular, the performative aspect of the Varkarï tradition, as established by Namadeva in the thirteenth century, made the performance of lyrical compositions an integral aspect of the tradition. The folk-songs of Maharashtra share with the kïrtans and bhajans of the Varkarï tradition a common devotional element.

The devotional character of Ol'ï and [ok gft Iiterature, which are primarily composed by

women, is situated within Maharashtrian domestic culture.

In the second section of this chapter, 1 discuss the various ways in which

BahiI)a Baï reconciled orthodox perspectives on womanhood with bhakti religion.

After describing the tension between domesticity and devotion 1 argue, based on the

work of Lynne Teskey Denton (2004), that a figure Iike BahiI)a Baï practices a

"domestic asceticism" in which the female ascetic actively participates in the domestic

world.

In the final section of this chapter, the Marathi home will be presented as the

locus for female devotionalism and liberation. Building upon the theoretical work on

domesticity in Maharashtra by James Laine (J 998), Thomas Dabre (1998), and Anne

Feldhaus (1996),1 discuss the Marathi concepts of ghar (home) and saf[lsar (the

51 domestic realm). Applying metaphorical and theological understandings of the specific types of homes, namely the siisar (in-law's home) and the miiher (maternai home), this section demonstrates the liberating potential of the home, in light of a selection of Bahil).a Baï' s devotional songs.

Brahmin Women's Religious Cultures and Bahil]a Bai

Upper-caste female spirituality in Maharashtra was traditionally governed by the principles of Brahmanic orthodoxy. 1 The theoretical basis for this is found in the concepts of strïdharma and pativratii which demarcate the domestic ideals for women.

Two Sanskrit textual sources, Manu's Dharmasiistra2 (Miinava Dharmasiistra or

Manusmrti)3 and Tryambakayajvan's Strïdharmapaddhati,4 illustrate the ideologies that underlie this idealized role. Although these texts are often examined by scholars, they are not necessarily authoritative texts that are reflective of the social histories of women in Medieval India.5 Instead, as examples of orthodox idealism they present a

1 Prior to 600 B.C. Vedic religion perrnitted women to participate in ritual. By the second century, with the intluence of Brahmanism, the religious rites ofwomen were restricted by the introduction of the Dharmasiïstras. (Robinson 1985, 190) 2 The supposed authority of the Dharmasiistras arose during the Colonial period, when nationalistic rhetoric aimed at developing an idealized vision of womanhood. This vision gave value to the Sanskritic texts and created a vision of dharma which led to the development of a national identity. Realizing that presenting the Dharmasiistras as authoritative texts is problematic, 1 use this text to articulate the patriarchal values present in society during Bahil)Ï BiïÏ's lifetime. 3 Other Sanskrit texts which discuss laws pertaining to women (strïdharma) inc1ude the Apastamba Dharmasiitra. Brhaspati Dharmasiistra. Niirada Dharmasiitra. Va§i~!ha Dharmasiitra. Vi~l}usmrti and the Yajiiaviilkya Dharmasiistra. 4 Strïdharmapaddhati is a !ittle known text written in the eighteenth century, by Tryambaka. This text cannot be viewed as authoritative but rather as Julia Leslie explains as retlective oforthodox court culture in Tanjavur. She explains, "From the socio-historical point ofview, Tryambaka's treatise gives remarkable insight into the daily routines of eighteenth century court of Thanjavur, and in particular into the life of the orthodox Hindu woman within it" (Leslie 1989,4). The Strïdharmapaddhati best resembles a manual for women's dharmic behavior as it describes in detail the daily functions of upper-caste woman. This is in contrast to the Dharma§iistras, which provide a idealized vision of how a women should behave. th 5 To this point Patrick Olivelle writes, "During the critical 19 century, which set the agenda for much of the scholarship on Ancient India, the MDh was for better or worse the lens through which most European scholars viewed India's past" (Olivelle 2005, 4) Olivelle writes further on the controversy which Manu's work evoked in the 20th century: ... in India itself du ring the 20 th century

52 theoretical model for Brahmanic understandings of the roles of women. Vasudha

Narayanan explains that these idealized notions were not typically practiced within society because proper behavior "was not just incumbent on scriptural injunctions but also on local practice and custom" (Narayanan 1991, 188). As we will see later in our discussions on popular ovï and lok gït, this is certainly true in orthodox Brahman communities in Maharashtra.

The Manusmrti supports the notion of strïdharma by presenting marriage as the sum total of a woman's sa'flsküras. 6 In other words, according to these texts, marriage alone was necessary to provide women with the means to fulfill their dharma and lead a spirituallife. Tryambaka, a scholar of the dharmasiistras, similarly writes in his Strïdharmapaddhati: "Obedient service to one's husband is the primary religious dut y enjoined by sacred tradition of women. A wife should serve her husband without regard of her own life. Most importantly, she should obey his will even when it conflicts with other religious duties" (Leslie 1989, 305). Here

Tryambaka describes the role of a woman as 'obedient service' to her husband, in which her personal religious aspirations become secondary to the desires of her husband.

Being a dutiful wife, a pativratü, can be understood as a devotional endeavor when viewing a woman's husband as her Lord (pari paramelvara), a notion commonly stated in the Münava Dharmasüstra. This notion is directly stated in the fifth chapter of the Münava Dharmwfüstra:

Though he may be bereft of virtue, given to lust, and totally devoid of good qualities, a good woman should always worship her husband like a god. For women there is no

Manu became a lightning rod for both conservative elements of the Hindu tradition and the liberal movements intent on liberating women and low-caste and outcaste individuals" ( Olivelle 2005, 4). 6 SW!lskiira is a Sanskrit word commonly translated as rites of passage.

53 independent sacrifice, vow, or fast; a woman will be exalted in heaven by the mere fact that she has obediently served her husband. A good woman desiring to go the same world as her husband, should never do anything displeasing to the man who took her hand, whether he is alive or dead. (Olivelle 2005,146; trans. Manu V.154-l56)

In this excerpt, Manu argues that women shou1d be unconditionally subservient. A woman's status as 'good' is based on her ability to please her husband through ritual acts. To this end, Catherine Ojha writes that a woman "can get rid of the fruits of her acts by dedicating her wh01e life to her husband and to his welfare" (Ojha 1991, 255).

Such devotion is viewed as crucial for a woman to aUain liberation.

Women must operate within a different paradigm than the i1§rama dharma system, in which their stages of life are dictated by their fathers, husbands and sons.

As the Manava Dharmasastra says,

Even in their own homes, a female-whether she is a child, a young woman, or an old lady-should never carry out any task independently. As a child, she must remain under her father's control; as a young woman, under her husband's; and when her husband is dead, under her sons'. She must never seek to live independently. She must never want to separate herself from her father, husband, or sons; for by separating herself from them, a woman brings disgrace on both families. (Olivelle 2005, 146; Manu, V, 147-9)

Manu explains here that women should remain under the authority of males throughout their lives. Without auto nom y over their bodies, and most importantly their souls (atman), the 'ladder' leading towards liberation, as Patrick Olivelle (1993,

7) describes aSrama dharma, becomes unavailable to women. Despite the system's exclusive connection to males, Bahil)a Baï's spiritual life retlects a path towards liberation that is strikingly similar to the construct of aSrwna dharma. Throughout

Bahil)a Baï's life she balances the roles of the ascetic (sar!l~lyasin) while maintaining her position as a householder (grhastha). She expresses this as follows:

54 Keeping my proper duties in mind, ru reach God by Iistening to the scriptures l' 11 serve my husband as the supreme Brahman itseif. The holy water that has washed my husband's feet combines aU holy waters in one. Without that water, nothing is of worth. (Abhmiga 35.3-5 by Bahil)a Baï, Cited in Abbott 1985, 25)

Bahil,1ii Biil explains that through the fulfillment of her dharma (devoted service to her husband) she will achieve liberation. She indicates here that by abiding by the orthodox principles governing womanhood she will 'reach God.' Importantly she asserts that washing her husband's feet, a ritual ablution typically conducted for the benefit of God, she will be also expressing her devotion to Vi!hobii.

Bahil,1ii Biil's vision of spiritualliberation was influenced by the Brahmanic notion of the inherent impurity of female bodies which prevents women from attaining a spiritual release through any other means other than devotion to one's husband. This state of impurity is a permanent aspect of the female body and, thus, women are denied access to mantra and have few options to purify their bodies.

This chapter, however, asserts that women's religion as bhakti differs greatly from the Brahmanic tradition. Lynne Teskey Denton qualifies this statement by asserting that women's religion (sIri iiciir) is "subsumed under the more general sociological study of marriage and family" (Denton 2004, 29). Denton argues here that female religion is inextricably tied with domesticity. Denton's argument finds support in the concept known as l'ratas (votive observances). Through these ritual observances married women merged their domestic roles with religious observance. Vrutas, rituals typically characterized by fasting, have a unique social dynamic involving "group singing or chants, recitation of religious stories and the construction of intricate, symbolic flower patterns out of powdered or colored rice (rwigoli)" (Denton 2004,

55 32). Important1y, women's religion is characterized by a community-based dynamic that closely resemb1es bhakti religion.

In Maharashtra, a genre of 1iterature known as the vrata kahiifli (literally stories of votive rites) reveals that vratas are conducted to benefit a woman's husband or sons. The vrata kahiifli, written in narrative form, describes the power of the devoted wife as transformative: "In the stories we witness the sick made healthy, the de ad brought back to life, and the poor made wealthy" (McGee 1996, 154). By participating in vratas women increase their auspiciousness (saubhiigya) and this state subsequently provides them with the ability to "transform misfortune into fortune"

(McGee 1996, 155). For Bahil)a Baï transformative power is used to redefine her role as a dutifu1 wife and is linked with the concept of saubhiigya7 which traditionally refers to the power of the married woman (McGee 1996, 115). In order to attain saubhiigya a woman must be both married and fertile.

In the context of Tamil culture a woman who possesses this power is called a cummikali literally 'she who is auspicious' (Reynolds 1980,34). A woman enjoys

this status only while her husband is still alive and so she loses her inherent power of

saubhiigya when she becomes a widow. This discussion is relevant because the status

of cummikali provides women with the opportunity to participate in the Brahmanic

tradition. As Olivelle explains 'women are not ritual actors they are ritual co-actors'

7 The literai translation of the Sanskrit word saubhiigya, is 'good fortune.' Saubhagya refers both to the power bestowed upon the married woman and the adjective "Saubhagyavati" commonly used as a title to signify an upper-caste woman's married status. 7 Holly Baker Reynolds argues that subordination is the impetus for the development of saubhagya, "a power that is superior in intensity, range, and effect than that which led to their subordination" (Reynolds 1980, 57). Bahil~a Baï for example, uses her saubhagya, which is derived from her subordination and arguably the abuse she endured, for her spiritual empowerment. Saubhagya is also viewed as procreative potential or the "power to give life, to produce forms, to link lineages and generations" (Reynolds 1980, 34). The ability to produce children is given new meaning in this context. Feldhaus asserts that saubhagya empowers women within the home, when she writes "The domestic realm is the one in which women are generally thought of as being more powerful or inlluential than the y are in the public realm" (Feldhaus 1999, 73).

56 (Olivelle 1993, 186). Vasudha Narayanan notes that classical scriptures required a husband and wife to work in tandem in "the performance of correct domestic and social rituals" (Narayanan 1991, 68). This chapter, however, does not take issue with the nature ofwomen's religion but rather argues that the intention and motivation of women defines domesticity within the framework offemale spirituality.

To this end, McGee's interview of Mâlatï, a Western Maharashtrian married woman, in which she questioned her motivation for performance of votive rites is telIing: "[Votive rites] are primarily observed for preserving the institution of the family, for maintaining its stability, prosperity and good health ... and for asking God's

help in these tasks" (McGee 1991, 73). Mâlatï's emphasis on maintenance and

stability indicates her integration of domestic dutY within the ethos of bhakti in which

she conducts these vratas as an act of devotion. Although it is apparent that the

orthodox notion of the pativratii certainly influences her religious activity the

invocation of God's help (as opposed to referring to her husband as God) indicates the

influence of bhakti on her practice.

Women and Domesticity in Maharashtrian Folk Literature

Thus far this chapter has presented a vision of Hindu women and domesticity

found in Sanskrit texts. Marathi folk literature provides a similar image of women.

The Varkarï Panth shares an important relationship with folk literature with its

emphasis upon the lyrical genre of abhwiga and the practice of singing kïrtans and

bhajans. As a performative tradition, in which bhakti is often expressed within songs,

stories and in various other forms of literature, the Varkarï Panth shares the corn mon

theme of domestic expression of devotion with Marathi folk literature.

57 Marathi folk literature tradition, consisting of liiva1}ïs (erotic songs), poviitjas

(heroic ballads), kotji (riddles), ukhana (word puzzles), kiiha1}i (short stories), kathii

(narrative devotional poetry) and ovï 8 (folk-songs depicting domestic activity), provides a vision of women as spiritual figures who are simultaneously portrayed as subservient, domestic figures (Babar 1968,3). The importance of an analysis of the latter form, (ovï songs), is, as Indira Junghare writes, two fold; " ... first of ail, because folk-songs constitute the major portion of folk literature composed by women, and secondly because folk-songs describe woman's life move vividly than other genres of folklore" (Jungare 1981, 238). In particular Ol'ï compositions, which are notable because, as Sarojini Babar, writes, "[they] are spontaneous expressions of the hearts of

Maharashtrian women as they passed through daily routine of household chores, or danced or sang with their friends or rejoiced in the family or social festivals," are performed by women exclusively (Babar 1968,4). The dominant female voice present within Ol'ï literature, however, reflects the prevailing orthodox view that a woman in

Maharashtrian society is 'defined solely in terms ofher familial roles' (Junghare 1981,

244). Specifically, Marathi women are common1y depicted in orthodox garb-that is, dressed in a co10rful ni ne yard sari (no1'ari sari). 9

Also, Marathi women demonstrate their "remarkable devotion to their families" through narratives which extol their husbands as gods and compare their children to Kr~l)a (Babar 1975,52). 01'l compositions also demonstrate the link that exists between acts of domesticity and devotionalism: "to her the grinding stone is like a God and she reveals her heart to him through her songs. She speaks in her native

8 The ovï is an oral folk genre, orally transmitted and not written down. As an oral genre, used by women, it may be distinguished from the literary ovï (composed mostly by men), which was the main medium for medieval religious poetry in old Marathi (Jung hare 1983,274). 9 The nine yard sarï is common among orthodox Marathi Brahmin women and Tamil and Telugu speaking Smiirta women.

58 dialect of the area she lives and sings with etemal emotions of her family" (Babar

1975,49). Babar indicates here that mundane domestic duties themselves are transformed into manifestations of transcendence.

There are also examples of songs written in the [ok glt genre that praise male and female deities. These compositions typically reflect the position of women in

Marathi society. For example, Varkarï women often recite the following song, an invocation to the wife of Vithoba (Rukmil).ï, also known as Rukhmil).ï or Riikhumiiï in

Varkarï culture):

Come here you [referring to RukhmÏI.lI, consort of Vithoba] our Rukhmini has arrived Oh lady, your bodice is [decorated] with diamonds and pearls The one who with the complexion of a peacock and diamonds has gone Kr~,!a has go ne to the city where Pandhari is established Oh lady, your husband Pandurang made a pair of bangles for you Oh lady, to one bang le there are three hundred fifty pearls lO (translation by Preeti Parasharami with the guidance of Ashok and Shobha Parasharami)

In this song devotees invite Rukmil).ï to visit their homes and describe her as being dressed in an opulent blouse. Themes present within this song make this a composition specifie to women. For example, by providing a detailed description of the omaments adoming Rukmil).ï reveals a common e1ement of devotional songs in which a woman's happiness is directly related to her wealth in clothes and jewelry. As Babar explains:

"Every woman is fond of fine clothes and attractive and fashionable ornaments ... Even today she gets sorne presents from her father, uncle, aunt and brothers such as sarïs or sorne ornarnents. That is the real source ofher joy and the pleasure-house ofher life"

10 ya ho ya rukhmir}J: amueya ali hùya moraei bal tumcÎ kaeoli hirya moral'ar~w gava gele ha!" (ahe) gavu gele hari bUf vasa li pa/y/hari tyune ghiidal'ila buT ba/igacjiea jocj eka bU/igacjflu MT sadetfnse moti raf rukhmù}/ea baî pa~lcjurang pati!

59 (Babar 1975, 50-51). The suggestion here is that women must depend upon others to receive material gifts and this dependency is exemplified by the image of RukmiQï accepting the pearl bangles from her husband PaQçlurang (Vithoba).

It is important to note here that, although the predominant theme emphasized in Marathi folk songs is domesticity, this genre of folk culture also served as an outlet for women to voice their emotions. As Indurama Srivastava argues: "Nevertheless there are also songs that, instead of focusing on domestic rituals, deal with women' s common wishes, their unexpressed emotions, unfulfilled desires, hopes and disappointments, and their reactions to their social environment" (Srivastava, 1991,

270).

Devotionalism and Domesticity in the works of Bahina Baï

As a bhakta who remained married, BahiQa Baï gave new meaning to the images of domesticity and devotionalism. BahiQa Baï is remarkable because she had to confront at the early age of eleven the brewing conflict between her domestic duties and her devotional practices. BahiQa Baï's reconciliation of domesticity with spirituality is in contrast to T.N. Madan and Ramanujan's respective theses regarding women and the bhakti tradition. In fact, the argument here is that BahiQa Baï's life as a wife and devotee best evinces Klostermaier' s thesis that the bhakti movement

'initiated the religious liberation ofwomen' (Klostermaier 1994,368). Neera Desai and Maithreyi Krishnaraj qualify this assertion by arguing that the bhakti movement responded with regard solely to soteriological concerns: "As the movement did not basically challenge the unequal social structure and limited it only to individual salvation, it could not fundamentally affect gender subordination" (Desai and

Krishnaraj 1987,37).

60 Bahil).a Baï's devotionalism did not require the rejection of the values of the orthodox system supporting domesticity. In fact, through her acceptance of marri age

Bahil).a Baï presented her religious path as an alternative to strict renunciation. She

says, "In worshipping Thee 1 can still be true to my dutY of devotion to my husband"

(Abhmiga 68 by Bahil).a Baï, Cited in Abbott 1985, 41). Bahil).a Baï begins a forceful

argument that devotion is not an obstacle to marriage; a dutifu1 wife may be

simultaneously devoted to her husband and to her chosen deity.

Bahil).a Baï first attempts to reconci1e these two seemingly opposite pursuits by

merging her devotion with her role of wife. She describes this arduous task when she

writes, "She carries along at the same time her household duties. She who is ready to

serve saints and siidhus, and fulfils her husband's commands, she indeed is a blessed

dutiful wife" (Abhmiga 467.9 by Bahil).a Baï, Cited in Abbott 1985, 157). In this verse

Bahil).u Buï avoids the suggestion that devotion to Vithobu is a superior task and

instead she presents herself as both a bhakta and 'blessed dutiful wife.' Bahil).u Buï

also refers to the Maharashtrian tradition of folk songs which reflects the merging of

domesticity with spirituality. In keeping with this tradition then, Bahil).u Baï argues

that devotion to Vithobu cannot be in conflict with her domestic duties:

In worshipping thee l can still be true to my dutY of devotion to my husband. Thou, 0 God, must thus think also. The Supreme spiritual riches are surely not contrary to the Vedas. Therefore, think of this purpose of mine. Says Bahil.ll: "Oh God [Hari], think at once of my longing, by which l can accomplish both. (Abhatiga by Bahil.la Baï 68.1-3, Cited by Abbott 1985, 41)

Bahil).ii Buï refers to her devotion to Vi!hoba as providing her with "Supreme spiritual

riches" and questions how such an endeavor could be contrary to the Vedas. In

another set of verses Bahil).a Biiï disregards the option to leave her husband citing the

teachings of the Vedas:

61 The root of vairiigya is the putting away of worldly cares. When viewed aright, a house and a mountain are the same (in essence). Distress has come upon me. 0 (God), quickly run to my help! Enlighten my soul through the means of Right thinking [viveka]. To leave a husband is against the teachings of the Vedas, and thereby one can ne ver acquire the supreme spiritual riches. At my door there seemed a great serpent hissing at me. How could 1 live under such conditions? It is the teaching of the Vedas, that one should not neglect one's dut y, but my love was for the worship of God (Hari). Says Bahi1)I, '1 was in a sea of troubles. How can 1 describe the increasing anguish of my heart?' (Abhwiga 62.1 by Bahi1)a Bal, cited in Abbott 1985, 38)

These verses illustrate the difficulty BahiQu Buï experienced when attempting to reconcile the demands of her duty to her husband with her desire to for devotion. Her dismissal of the thought to leave her husband suggests that she did initially consider renouncing her ties to her family. By upholding the orthodox tradition, BahiQu Baï articulates weIl her internai struggle between detachment and desire. In the end,

BahiQa Baï attempts to resolve this issue through philosophical means:

The two wives become one through their quarrel. Let go of the root of Ignorance difference goes off of itself; doubt breaks up on its own. What difference can remain there? The two wives are one. The mind is in mindfulness (Abhwiga 451.22d, 23b-d by Bahi1)u Baï, cited in Feldhaus 1982,601)

Feldhaus interprets the above to suggest that BahiQu Baï describes her conflict and its resolution as "variations on one of the most persistent themes of the Hindu tradition, the attempt to reconcile prul'!tti and nil,!tti, action and quiescence" (Feldhaus 1982,

599). Klaus Klostermaier defines prav!tti as "inclination" or "active liberation" and nil'!tti as "withdrawal" or "the cessation of mental tendencies" (Klostermaier 1994).

62 The two wives thus represent these opposing practices and concems; each attempting to achieve superiority over the other. In essence the dynamic between the se two Hindu concepts is paradigmatic of her struggle between engagement in worldly concems and detachment from these concerns. In the end, Bahil)a Baï writes that the "two minds unite and bring the mind to the ultimate goal" (Feldhaus 1982, 599). This goal which

Feldhaus speaks of is liberation.

In attempting to achieve this ultimate goal Bahil)a Baï's husband became aware of her di ffic ulty in negotiating these two different abjects of concern. As a response he chose to withdraw from society and enter into the third stage of life, forest-dweller (viinaprastha). In addition, McGee asserts that Bahil)a Baï's devotion ta

Tukarama appeared to supplant Pathak' s role as "master, guru, or deity of the

. household" and was an important motivation for abandoning her (Mc Gee 1995, 127).

Her observation is based upon the number of abhmigas that Bahil!a Baï devotes to the virtue of Pal!çlurang and Tukarama instead of her husband. In addition, Bahil!a Baï was also highly regarded within the devotional community of Kolhapur. Specifical1y, she was recognized as a yogabhra~!a 11 and gosiivf 12 religious positions superior to her husband. McGee argues that Bahil)a Baï's husband' s jealousy and failure ta quell her

Il Abbott's glossary defines yogabhra~ta as: "One who was interruptcd in his preceding birth during the perfornmnce of Yoga ... Indeed a pious person can be described as yogabhra~ta, as one whose pious life in a former birth was accidentally interrupted and has now a further opportunity:" (Abbott 1985, 185) Monier-Williams gives a similar definition: "one who has fallen from the practice of Yoga or self-concentration" (1999, 857). 12 This word is derived from the Sanskrit gosviimin. lts meaning in this context is unclear. A Dictionary o(Gld Marathi by Tulpule and Feldhaus provides various translations including "the supreme Being, a divine incarnation, a king, a master, a husband" (2000, 21 1).

63 spiritual activities through violent beatings was the cause for his sudden desilre to pursue ascetic practices. 13

Bahil).a Bal'S reaction to her husband's desire to practice asceticism is an atypical one considering the devotional practices of other bhaktas. Bahil).a Bal says of her husband's sudden decision, "Supposing my husband should go away to live the ascetic's life, then, '0 Pal).Qurang, ofwhat value would my life, among men?"

(Abhmiga 36.1 by Bahil).a Bal, cited in McGee 1995, 129). Mc Gee raises a key question regarding Bahil).ii BiiTs intention for writing this verse asking "Is Bahil).ii Bal just trying to be practicaI and realistic? Should we fault her for that, or admire her courage?" (McGee 1995, 129). In fact, Bahil).a Bal's wor1dview was influenced by the norms estab1ished by the dominant Sanskritic culture and so this reaction is not surprising. As David Lorenzen asserts, bhakti movements such as the Varkarl movement were in fact embedded within orthodox systems and Bahil)ii Baï's behavior

appears to be consistent with such an ideology (Lorenzen 1994). Although abandonment by her husband would avail her of the possibility of fully immersing

herself in devotion to Vithoba, an option which most female aspirants would relish, it

would also change her status in society.

This event in Bahil).a Bal's life was the impetus for her external conversion towards a life of devotion to her husband. Scholars argue that her works demonstrate a

contradictory vision of womanhood, one in which a woman is capable of attaining

liberation and yet must devote aH action to the well-being of her husband. Recall here

her critique of orthodox principles barring women from religious knowledge and

13 As the first chapter briefly discussed, initially Gangadhar Pathak us cd severe physical abuse to force Bahil~a Bal into submission. MeGee writes that this abuse ceased in lime and eoincided with Pa~hak's battle with a life-threatening illness (McGee 1996, 127).

64 activity, in which she questions the prohibition against women to recite mantra. This contradiction is clear when viewing her frustrations with orthodox Sanskritic tradition in juxtaposition to the following statement which emphasizes the authority lOf the husband: "she who in a noble spirit, and though it might mean ev en death will not disobey his command" (Abhmiga 469.1 by BahiI)a Baï, cited in Abbott 1985, 158).

Bahina Baï describes her devotion to her husband wh en she writes:

The goal is in serving my husband, ln my husband alone is aIl my aim. If 1 have any other god but my husband, It will be as bad as killing a Brahman. My husband's my guru; my husband's my way This is my heart's true resolve.

My husband's the soul; l'm the body. My husband is my god. My husband's the water; l'm the fish in it. How ean 1 survive? My husband is the sun; l'm its light. How ean 1 be separated from him? Besides, if my husband leaves the world, l'II surely give up my life. (Abhwiga 35.9-11,37.1 by Bahil)â Bal, Cited in Feldhaus J 982, 597)

In the first song BahiI)a Baï responds directly to her husband's insecurities and extols him as her guru with service to him being her sole aim. Using the language of a bhakta she replaces her objects of concern directed to Tukarama and the transcendent Virhoba to her husband. Her claim that this is her 'heart's true resolve' is questionable considering her other devotional verses which praise Virhoba and Tukarama simultaneously through her creation of the figure she calls 'Tukoba.' This sudden change in Bahil)ii Biiï's orientation ean be seen as a mode ta appease her husband and quell his jealousy.

The second set of verses depiets the conversion Bahil)a Biiï appeared to undergo in which she describes herself as her husband's "body" and portrays herself

65 as helpless without him. She creates an image of her marriage as a symbiotic relationship, in which each is dependent upon another. Consistent with her aim to achieve a de1icate balance between ortho do x religion and bhakti practice, Bahirya Baï makes the drastic daim she will sacrifice herself if her husband leaves her. This statement should not be confused with the ritual known as satï14 but instead, 1 argue that the language she uses is that of the bhakta whose extreme demonstrations of devotion sometimes lead to ritual suicide. 15

McGee and Feldhaus argue that this change in Bahirya Baï's religious orientation represents an apparent contradiction present within her literature in which

Bahirya Baï provides support for the notion of servitude to one's husband. McGee attributes Bahirya Baï's 'conversion' to her abuse while Feldhaus associates it with the threat ofher husband's abandonment ofher. Although Bahirya Baï certainly upholds the virtue of the pativrata, 1 argue that Bahirya Baï manipulated this Sanskritic concept as a mode to help her reconcile orthodox and devotional demands. In extolling servitude then, she applied the model of the pativrata to underscore her vision of bhakti wherein servitude to Vithoba was expressed through service to her husband.

In contrast to McGee and Feldhaus' portrayals 1 argue that in using the rhetoric of the orthodoxy and engaging in her domestic tasks Bahirya Baï practiced a

unique form of devotion to Vithoba in which her every day acts of reverence to her husband were simultaneously directed to the transcendent. By casting Vithoba's image on her husband she did not conflate their identities but rather carved a new space for

14 San is a practice in which widows burn themselves alongside their deceased husbands. 15 Ritual suicide can be understood as a mode to unity oneselfwith God. Often times this type of death occurs at the feet of a deity, in which the de votee achieves liberation from his or her body through unification with God.

66 herself and other female bhaktas. BahiI).a Baï merges her image of God with her husband when she writes,

She who recognizes her husband's image in her heart, blessed is she in this world, and in the three worlds. In her listening it is only ofhis voice. In her contemplation she sees him only, and in that contemplation she finds her happiness.

Domestication of Female Asceticism: Renunciation within the World

In his survey of female saints Ramanujan writes that the pursuit of bhakti entailed a rejection of home and family life (Ramanujan 1982). Instead of operating within the system govemed by orthodox principles most female bhaktas, he argues, rejected the notion oftraditional womanhood. Ramanujan presents the example of

Mïra Baï, (c. 1500-1546) a female poet-Saint from Rajasthan, to demonstrate a woman's tendency towards renunciation (vairiigya) or the rejection of the worldly life.

Although Ramanujan's characterization of a female bhakta as inclined to 'get rid of her husband [rather] th an endure him' does not adequately describe BahiI).a

Bars experience his thesis illuminates an important characteristic found in the devotional practices of many female bhaktas, including Bahil)a Baï, that is, a trend toward asceticism. Asceticism, as exemplified by the saf!l1}yiisin, rejects the duties ascribed to the householder in favor of a life of renunciation. James Laine's examination of the Sanskrit word grhastha in the context of Maharashtrian culture

(ghar-dJwni, ghar-viisl, ghar-kiirl), however, de scribes the householder in religious terms in which the home is the center for the performance of devotional duties. By engaging in devotion within the home the householder's domestic practice becomes a religious endeavor. In contrast, the sa/?71}yiisin views the world, including the home, as a reflection of sU/!7siira in which attachment to the body and to its senses traps human beings in the endless cycle of rebirths. Absent from this tension, however, was the

67 issue of female asceticism. The renunciatory practices of female bhaktas w(~re viewed as irrelevant to such a discussion because of the orthodox prohibition against this path to liberation. What made this endeavor particularly difficult for a woman is that she

"rejects the single mode of life set for her," marriage (Ojha 1981, 256).

Despite the orthodox prohibition of female renunciation and its emphasis upon marriage and procreation, most of the female VarkarIs adopted the model of the maIe sar!l1;7yiisin. By embracing this model of renunciation, the se women disregarded their dharmic responsibilities in favor of their bhakti. Bahil)a Bal' s asceticism attempted to merge the valuesof the renunciant with her dharma; such a synthesis requiœd the outward expression of devotion to her husband with internaI concern for Vithoba.

Evidence of her inclination towards renunciation is found in Bahina Baï's autobiography in which she recounts a conversation Jayaram Svamï, a popular performer of kïrtans and bhajans, had with a member of her community:

This is a little girl, of tender age. It is very strange that she so loves to listen to these stories. 'Is there any one here at the kath a belonging to her?' One replied, 'Yes, her father and mother. She has a husband a very worthy man. But her vairiigya seems very great.' (Abhafiga 14.57-62 by Bahi':la Baï, cited in Abbott 1929, 12)

This verse il1ustrates the strength of Bahil)a Baï's vairiigya, or indifference to worldly desires, and her early appreciation for devotion. Such a description suggests that

Bahil)a Baï was capable of strict renunciation and yet she says, "Possessing a woman' s body, and myselfbeing subject to others, 1 was not able to carry out my desire to discard ail worldly things" (Abhwigu 60.1 by Bahirya Baï, cited in Abbott 1929, 38).

Bahil)a Baï describes her strong desire to engage in an ascetic lifestyle but admits to the difficulty of acting upon this desire. This confession demonstrates the influence of ortho do x culture on her devotional practices. In fact, she articulates the ideals of

68 strïdharma within her poems in order to achieve a compromise between her personal spiritual aspirations and society's expectations for and ofher (Denton 2004, 142).

In order to further reconcile these competing interests Bahil)a Baï found a middle ground between orthodox social principles and bhakti in the form of an internaI renunciation in which she transformed her domestic role into a religious endeavor (Feldhaus 1982; McGee 1995) This attempt to merge the values of the renunciant with the duties of the female householder is understood by Lynn Teskey

Denton as 'worldly asceticism.' Denton specifically describes worldly asceticism as

"asceticism pursued in-the world" (Denton 2004, 141). Worldly asceticism as a type of internaI renunciation does not require detachment from the world but rather a change in the 'central object of concern' in which devotion to one's husband is replaced with devotion to a male deity. Bahil)a Baï exemplifies this model of renunciation when she pursues a relationship with Vithoba while remaining engaged in the domestic realm; she simultaneously "affirms both her husband and deity at the center of her life" (Denton 2004, 141). In order to understand how this idea of

"worldly asceticism" operates, 1 present below an analysis of the notion of the "home" as understood and transformed by Varkarï bhakti.

Re-interpreting the meaning of the home (ghar) in Maharashtra

The Maharashtrian house (ghar), as a center for female religiosity, n~defines the home from its prevailing denotation as oppressive space to a liberating space. This analysis will consist ofthree parts. 1 begin with an understanding of the linguistic roots of the Marathi word ghar and its meaning with regard to Varkarï devotion. Second, 1 will present the theological and metaphorical meanings associated with the maternaI

home and the in-\aw's home. Third, 1 will analyze relevant verses in BahilJa Bats

69 collection of abhwigas which identify her vision ofhome as an integral aspect ofher devotional practice.

By tracing the origin of the Marathi word ghar to the Sanskrit root j grdh, which means to covet or desire, Laine surmises that ghar is distantly related to the

English word guard. This linguistic relationship, he argues, suggests that the home is place where one seeks protection. This is of particular relevance hecause, as Bahar explains, Maharashtrian women were often also isolated within their homes: "At times the lady has to spend her life within the walls ofher home ... In accordance with her family traditions she never goes out to move in the streets or amongst the social gatherings" (Babar 1975, 56).

The Varkarï vision of the ghar places unique importance on it as a center of devotion. Varkarïs understand ghar as a social construct, as a home, as opposed to its structural meaning, as a house. This subtle distinction is of particular importance to this analysis because discussing the physical structure of the Varkarï house is oflittle relevance. Because as Sadanand More writes, "the Varkarï ghar resembles any average ghar in Maharashtra" (More 1998,208). Metaphorically, ghar refers to the religious culture of the Varkarï tradition; in which devotion is expressed as a community or as a brotherhood. Within the Varkarï tradition the ghar extends the notion of family or rather clan (kula) to encompass aIl of the devotees of Vi!hoba.

More adds that hy extending their sense of family to aIl Vai~l)avas and treating the

saints such as Jfianadeva and Tukarama as "ancestors" the home hecomes instrumental

in developing a culture of devotion (More 1998, 210).

An example of this redefinition of the notion of family is found in the pilgrimage (wlri). The pilgrimage unites devotees as a family for the common goal of

70 extolling their appointed kuladevatâ, Vithoba. Within the poetic compositions of the

Viirkarï Sants, there are numerous references to the "community of saints." This is evidence of the influence ofthis vision of the ghar. More raises an important point with regard to the nature of the ghar when he says that an individual living in a ghar might have a limited perspective and thus the ghar may have "a restrictive delimiting power" (More 1998,208). The Viirkarïs, however, envi sion the ghar as a "liberating space, by expanding this "notion of family outside of the ghar" (More 1998, 208).

Another Marathi word related to the ghar is sa,!,sâr, which is understood as the domestic realm. In Maharashtra a particular connotation is given to sa,!,sar, in

which it refers specifically to a married woman's "karmic path" in her mother-in-Iaw's

home. Ascetics associate saf!1sar with the Sanskritic notion of sa,!,sara, the l~ndless

cycle ofre-birth. Frédérique A. Marglin, however, describes the sa,!,sar in a positive light by associating it with the worldly religion of auspiciousness (mmigal). The

importance ofthis association is seen the portrayal of the mmigal as a reflection of

"prosperity and fecundity and the cycles of nature" (Laine 1998, 129). This vision of

the home as a fertile and natural space is best articulated in the following reflections

upon the maher.

In discussing Bahiry.â Bâï' s experience as a householder and that of

Maharashtrian generally the theological gloss given to the Marathi words sasar and

mâher by Bahiry.â Bâï's guru, Tukiiriima, is of particular interest. Adopting the rhetoric

common to the married woman Tukârâma portrays the ordinary life and the devotional

life as sasar and mâher, respectively. Although Bahiry.â Bâï does not follow the

Maharashtrian pattern of living with her husband's family but rather remains in her

parents' home, the spiritual metaphors that arise from these concepts are present

71 within Bahina Baï' s devotionalliterature. Anne Feldhaus and Thomas Dabre each provide understandings of these concepts within the context of the bhakti spiritual path.

Newly married women refer to their husband's homes as the sasar. Building

upon the earlier discussion of the swpsar, the sasar represents the stage in a woman' s

life in which she becomes a part of a new family. Marathi folk-songs depict the

relationship between the wife and the mother-in-law as difficult and often contentious.

Dabre writes of the wife's experience in the new home: "The sasar thus has bec orne a

powerful symbol of harassment, torture, persecution, oppression, isolation, and

estrangement for women" (Dabre 1998, 103). According to this characterization

women were given little freedom and were enslavement by the demands oftheir

husband's family. Tukarama envisions the sasar similarly as a restricting space

without God's love: "My spirit is carried away by concupiscence. It does not let me

see Your face. 1 feel great sorrow; my heart may break. Why, 0 Lord, have you made

me dwell in my father-in-Iaw's hou se? 1 have no power or freedom" (Dabre 1998,

105). Dabre interprets Tukarama's vision of the sasar as a place absent of happiness

and freedom and characterized by pain and suffering. In this space human beings are

alienated from God and the possibility of liberation.

The malter is typically viewed as a positive space for women where they are

supported and protected by their families. Dabre writes that the malter is the place

where [the married woman] was born and brought up and where she finds love,

intimacy, acceptance, recognition, joy and a sense of belonging and freedom" (Dabre

1998, 104). This image of the maher as providing women with a supportive

environment for their expression of individuality logically shares a connectlion with

72 spirituality. Feldhaus' analysis, which also emphasizes freedom as a characteristic of the maternai home, discusses miiher with regard to the domestication of goddesses.

This analysis is based upon the idea that stories of divine figures typically reflect a cultural phenomenon within society. To this end, Fe1dhaus argues that within the domestic realm stories about goddesses reveal an image of women possessing power and influence. Specifically, Feidhaus portrays the miiher as being imbued with this feminine influence and power:

A woman in her (maher) is not much of a public figure ... but she is though of as being happy and free. Happiness and freedom are also characteristics that are presumed to apply to divine persons of either gender, no matter where they are. Thus the implicit reference to the mâher both in the notion of the sisterhood of goddesses and in the idea of goddesses as koryâ suvâsinïs ... may be a reflection of the happiness and freedom of women in their childhood home. (Feldhaus 1996,81).

By asserting that that maternaI home is the locus for goddess worship Feldhaus demonstrates the relationship the maternai home shares with women's liberation.

Fe1dhaus argues that the se goddess stories were inspired by wornen who found

"happiness and freedom" at their maternai homes. Babar, however, presents an opposing view when he describes the image of the miiher within Marathi folk literature: "A daughter's stay at her parents' house is only temporary, and she is not of much help or, she is in a sense a burden to her parents ... " (Babar 1981, 240). Babar qualifies this interpretation by asserting that the daughter "is treated with love and affection. The realization that after her marri age she is going to be separated from the farnily triggers double affection" (Babar 1981,242). This therne of the anguish of separation (viraha) is also a cornmon in many bhakti traditions. In the VarkarT context,

Bahi1).a BaT also employs the rhetoric of viraha:

73 As a deer that finds itself in a net or as a blind man lost in a forest, so it happened to me. Whom shall 1 seek for my welfare? My soul was in distress. As a fish out of water, as a calf without its mother, as a deer without her young one, so was 1. Says Bahil).ï, '0 God, in this distress of mine, look on me with the eye of mercy' (Abhmiga 61 by Bahil).a Baï, Cited in Abbott 1985, 38).

In this abhatiga BahiI)a Baï compares her longing for Vi!hoba to that of a lost blind man, a fish out of water, and a calf without its mother. A similar theme of absence underlies the Maharashtrian idea of the mëiher. As we will see below, in the Varkarï

Panth the mëiher becomes a site for religious experience. By reworking the meanings of the siisar and mëiher, the Varkarï saints use these sites to give voice to their devotion.

Tukarama develops this idea in tenns of a theological allegory. As Dabre writes: "Tukarama's joy, security, deliverance and fulfillment are symbolized by the term miiher." Tukarama envisions Pandharpur, the cultic centre ofVarkarï bhakti, as his miiher and says: "1 have no other mëiher.,,16 The home, which was ordinarily envisioned as part of the material world, is given new meaning. As this chapter has explained, the Varkarï vision of the home is understood as the community ofbhaktas.

Dabre elaborates further on this point: "It is the whole universe that becomes a house or a home for Tukarama" (Dabre 1998, 106). This idea occurs earlier in the tradition with Jfiânadeva who declared "The entire universe is my home" (cf. Kosambi 1998,

82). Using imagery found in the natura! world Tukarâma describes the miiher not as his family home but rather as the interconnected cosmos:

The trees, plants, animaIs, singing birds are aIl kith and kin. We like solitude for this bliss. We are not soiled by any fauit or vice. The sky is the panda!. The earth is the seat. Our mind gets engrossed and plays there. (Dabre 1998, 106)

16 ma) to Gnik maher nahÎ. (Dabre 1998, 106)

74 Through his relationship with Vithoba, Tukarama achieves this image of his home as the natural world.

Pandharpur as Home, Home as Pandarpur

BahiI)a Baï describes this vision of the ghar in her own songs. Prior to arriving

in Pandharpur BahiI)a Baï recounts her journey from town to town with special

mention ofboth religious spaces and natural objects that she encounters during her

travels. A significant aspect of her early religious worldview is that it reflected an

integration of elements of Sanskritic culture within the structure of localized

devotional religion. Bahil).a Baï develops this syncretic approach in part because of her

nomadic childhood-her family traveled throughout Western Maharashtra in order to

evade payment of financial debts-which provided her with a number of religious

influences in which each was given equal importance.

In particular, BahiI)a Baï describes the joy and happiness she experiences

while traveling through the sacred Varkarï landscapes. In this abhanga she extols the

city as having no equal and being the source of extreme joy for the Varkarïs: and

alludes to the sacred nature of Pandharpur when she says:

The reasons for our affection for the place were past int1uences. There was also our reverence for the kïrtans we heard. There was our love for listening to the Purans. There were the worship, the temple, and the worship of Brahmans. We feH our he arts clinging to the feet of the samnyasis, the holy men, and the great-souled saints. (Abhwiga 8 by Bahi~a Bal, Cited in Abbott 1985, 4-5)

Bahil).a Baï demonstrates here her keen interest in hearing both Purii(ws and kïrtans

performed by local gurus. Bahil).a Baï's description of her experience indicates that her

nomadic childhood, with its innumerable cultural and religious influences, greatly

contributed to her spiritual maturation in which she recognized the value of religious

75 expression. Among the influences she includes are' sarru}yâsis, holy men, and the great souled-saints.' Here BahiI).a Baï presents two extremes of religious practice, orthodox renunciation and householder devotion, as main influences in her early religious life. As this chapter discusses, BahiI)a Baï's practice contains elements of both orthodox withdrawal and devotional renunciation. Here, in Pandharpur, BahiI)u

Baï first develops her relationship with Vithobu who evokes 'joyous ecstasy' within her. BahiI)u Baï's description ofPandharpur reveals her meticulous attention to detail as illustrated by the vivid natural imagery she uses:

We saw the Bhïma River, the Chandrabhaga, and the shrine of the saint Pundalïka. We bathed in Padmalaya pool. We went to see the God. We listened to the praises of God's name. As we entered through the main door our hearts felt exceeding joy. Wh en we saw the holy image of Pa~çluratig our eyes, with the other organs of sense, were delighted. We made pradak~i~a around God, injoyous ecstasy, with minds free of aIl worldly thoughts. (Abhmiga 9.4-9.9 by Bahi~a Bal, Cited in Abbott 1985,5) ... Here we experienced joy in meeting with the saints. This meeting with the saints was happier thing to me than life itself. (Abhmiga 58 by Bahi~a Bal, Cited in Abbott 1985,5)

In this abhanga BahiI).a Baï describes the religious environment, in which various elements of bhakti religion inc1uding the recitation of God's names, the ritual encirc\ing of God, and crucially association with the saints, were practiced. It is here where she meets Varkarï saints and devotees who shape her future spiritual path.

These experiences in Pandharpur were integral in the formation of BahiI)u Baï's religious worldview. This abhmiga thus reveals that Bahirya Baï was heginning to attain an awareness of the distinction between worldly concerns and devotional practice. This awareness is evinced by BahiI)a Baï when she establishes that joy is associated with devotion while sadness is linked to attachment to the world.

76 Bahil)a Baï writes, "The whole uni verse has truly today bec orne Pandhari

(Pandharpur) as 1 take on my Iips the name of Hari, Hari" (Abhmiga 453. 1 by Bahil)a

Baï, Cited in Abbott 1929,142). Bahi1)a Baï also views the world governed by

Vithobii as her miïher by asserting that Pandharpur is her true home. Recall here that

Bahil)a Biiï experienced a nomadic childhood and thus, for her, the notion of home applies to a place where she has the freedom to express her devotion.

When living in Vithoba's temple Bahi1)ii Biiï finds comfort in her guru, community and devotional activities. In the last verses of her autobiography, Bahi1)ï

Baï describes the Pandharpur temple as her home in the literaI sense. She says, "Our pilgrim quarters in the temple became a place of joy. 1 felt like sitting there, in contemplation, to meditate with closed eyes, and bring God [Vithobii] to my remembrance" (Abhmiga 74.1-3 by Bahil)a Baï, Cited in Abbott 43, 1985). This song clearly illustrates Bahil)ii Bats image of the home as a locus for devotional activity.

Another aspect ofher ghar is expressed by Bahi1)ii Biiï in her interpretation of the community of Sants as an extension of the home. The relationship between the home and the community of Sants is communicated through Bahi1)a Biits expressions of happiness. As Bahi1)a Baï says, "From the Mahadeva fore st we journeyed to

Pandharpur. Here we experienced joy in meeting with the saints. This meeting with the saints was a happier thing to me than life itself." (Abhmigas 58.1-3 by Bahi1)ii Biiï,

Cited in Abbott 1985, 37). Bahi1)ii Baï describes the saints as fundamental figures on the path to liberation.

The veneration of the saints as avatars is a key component ofViirkarï bhakti, a point which Bahil)a Biiï emphasizes throughout her collection of abhUligas. The Saints are exemplars of the bhakti tradition who have the ability to perform ail oftheir duties

77 "while in this world, yet not of the world" (Abhatiga 228 by Bahil)u Buï, Cited in

Abbott 1985, 114). By extending her notion of the home to include the greater community of Sants and devotees Bahil)a Baï identifies communalism as an integral aspect of her devotion. Alternatively, Bahil)a Baï presents her Iife without the Sants as full of suffering and unhappiness. Further application ofTukarama's theological understanding of the home leads to the view that Bahil)a Baï's early domestic life resembled the siisar. Bahil)u Buï associates her unhappiness with her marri age which she argues as an obstacle to her devotional activities: "1 had a great desire to meet the saints, in whose company 1 was extremely happy, but fear ofmy husband kept me away from them" (Abhatiga 58-59 by Bahil)a Baï, Cited in Bahadur 1998, 29).

Although Bahil)a Baï later reconciles these two worlds by merging her central concern with her dut y as a wife, this image of domesticity best exemplifies the centrality of the

Sants in her devotional practice and importantly in her happiness.

Conclusion

Bahil)a Baï' s involvement in the Varkarï movement radically redefined the meaning that Maharashtrians ascribed to the home. In discussing the orthodox notions of patil'ratii and strïdharma this chapter described the context in which upper-caste women's roles are defined in Brahman textual tradition. The aim ofthis section was to challenge the interpretation that women's religion is merely a reflection of orthodox principles by arguing that the intention and motivation of spiritual women defines domesticity within the framework of bhakti.

By also emphasizing the necessary involvement ofwomen in orthodox ritual and describing the unique power given to married women (saubhiigya) this chapter argued that women achieve their religious goals through their roles as married women.

78 Saubhilgya was defined as a transformative power, providing women with a ritual role

in orthodox society.

Understanding that domesticity in the context of Maharashtra reflects the

orthodox vision of womanhood this chapter also argued that folk literature shares an

important connection with the VarkarI Panth. In particular, folk-songs composed in

the genre of ovï and lok gït illustrated the devotional nature of these compositions.

Importantly, these Maharashtrian compositions demonstrate wel1 the merging of

domesticity and devotionalism; in particular, those songs that praise God were

typical1y performed by women while conducting domestic chores.

This chapter also acknowledged the arguments of A.K. Ramanujan and T.N

Madan who assert that bhakti merely reinforced the principles of Brahmanic

patriarchy. Bahi1)a Baï's ability to function within Brahmanic society and, yet

manipulate its meanings to reflect her concern and love for Vi!hoba, illustrates one

way in which bhakti provides a context for liberation in the domestic realm. Bahi1)a

BaT' s re-configuration of the domestic realm in her own life indexes a long-standing

and central concern over the tension between the roles of householder and ascetic in

Hindu religious culture.

In the Marathi-speaking region bhakti is typical1y expressed via ideals of

asceticism in which the household is viewed as a manifestation of the material world

and, therefore, is an impediment to devotion. Bahi1)a Baï emerges as an important

figure within a tradition of female devotionalism that blurs the boundaries between

householder and ascetic.

In its last section this chapter identified various metaphorical and theological

interpretations of the Maharashtrian ghar (Dabre 1998). The ghar was considered with

79 regard to its vision as the community of bhaktas and as the natural worId governed by

Vithoba's love. The theologicallens through which Tukarama saw the silsar and miiher also contributed to an understanding of the ghar as an extension of the natural

worId which was governed by the love of Vi!hoba. Selections from Bahil).a Baï's

devotional works also emphasized Pandharpur and the company of the saints as an

extension of her home, thus presenting the home as a spiritual space for women.

80 CHAPTER3

In Pursuit of God: BahiJ}.a Bai's Reflections on Philosophy and the Nature of Bhakti

ln subduing my organs of sense and action 1 have brought Right-Thinking (viveka) to my aid. lt will make known to me the joy of oneness with the supreme Atma. (Abhwiga 131.1 by BahiJ.la Bal, Cited in Abbott 77)

Bhakti is the true giver of salvation, but with it there is need of the service given to the saints. (Abhwiga 154.6 by BahiJ.la Baï, Cited in Abbott 86)

Introduction

In the first two chapters of this project, BahiJ.1a Baï is presented as a unique female figure within the Maharashtrian Varkarï movement bec au se she upheld domesticity as an integral aspect of her bhakti practice. In this chapter, 1 interpret

BahiJ.1ii Baï's abhmigas, which extol the virtues of the devotional path and advance the intellectual work of her Varkarï predecessors, as detailing her method for religious living-I argue that BahiJ.1a Baï constructs a model that redefines religious living for upper-caste women, synthesizing non-dual philosophy, domesticity and devotional religion.

1 have already described BahiJ.1ii Biiï's adherence to domesticity in detail in

Chapter Two, where 1 established that she clearly sees herself as a patil'ratü, or devoted wife. In this chapter, 1 develop the other two elements of the model, namely non-dual philosophy and bhakti. In the first section, 1 noted that BahiJ.1a Baï continues the Varkarï tradition of describing and supporting Vedanta philosophy as the epistemological basis of the Viirkarï bhakti practice. Her use of phi losophical language and the value she ascribes to non-dual philosophy reflects her ability to intellectualize the pursuit of bhakti as the fulfillment of her dharma. For BahiJ.1a Biiï,

81 dharma takes on a new meaning in which her domestic duties are central to her personal goal of reaching God. This vision demonstrates BahiI:üi Baï' s unique

soteriology-

principles with bhakti practice.

ln the second section of this chapter, 1 focus on Bahil)a Baï' s reflections on

the nature of bhakti. First, 1 chart sorne of the major motifs dealing with the nature of

devotion that are present in selections of Bahil)a Baï's abhmigas, then 1 focus more

squarely on the poems grouped together under the title Âtmanivedan (autobiography).

1 present a descriptive analysis of Bahil)a Bal's early devotionallife, her marriage and

her role as a mother as presented in her autobiography. This chapter thus bridges

seemingly disparate aspects of Bahil)a Bal's life, moving away from essentialized

representations of her as merely a "domestic devotee," or "battered woman," or

"rebel." Instead, by juxtaposing the ambivalence and richness of the philosophical

and devotional motifs that underscore her poems, 1 hope to elucidate sorne of the

complexities that characterize the lives offemale bhakti Sants.

Bahina Bars Uses and Reinterpretations of Non-Dual Philosophy

An important starting point for this analysis is Bahil)a Bal' s understanding of

the nature ofreality. This understanding was informed by non-dual philosophy,

articulated by Sailkara 1 (c. 650-700 CE), which asserts that there exists no distinction

between Ultimate Reality (Brahman) and the individual soul (iitman). This

philosophy argues that all human beings possess the potential of realizing Brahman.

Of particular relevance to this analysis is the nature of Brahman, which both Sailkara

1 Sankara was a philosopher who composed numerous commentaries and original works describing non-dualistic philosophy. For details on Sankara and Advaita Vedanla see Potter (1981, 1988); Deutsch (1969,1971).

82 and BahiJ.1a Baï articulate in their respective works. In discussing this and other fundamental aspects of Advaita Vedanta philosophy, including the integral concepts of illusion (maya) and discrimination (viveka) in her abhwigas, BahiJ.1ü Baï best reflects Sailkara's vision of the attainment of knowledge. In this section, 1 will present a brief discussion of the aspects of non-dualistic philosophy which BahiJ.1a Baï integrates into her understanding of moral, religious living. In discussing the philosophical tradition, 1 will also compare BahiJ.1a Büï' s interpretation of Vedanta, 1 will identify various point of depatiure from Sailkara's understanding in BahiJ.1ü Biïï's interpretation.

ln BahiJ.1a Baï' s description of the nature of Ultimate Reality we see the influence of non-dual philosophy. Her description of the nature of 8rahman and its reJationship to the influence is best articulated in the following abhwiga:

Brahma(n) is in the form of the uni verse, undivided and the AIL See that you realize this through experience. Why think of Mind, Intellect, Self-consciousness (as entities)? God is the AlI, within and without. Says Bahil)I, "AlI phenomena are the differences in qualities. But Brahma(n) has no differences in itself, it being self-existent." (Abhanga 171.2, by Bahil)a Bal, cited in Abbott 1985,92)

This description is consistent with the Varkarï traditions' understanding of the nature of Brahman, as without qualities and imperceptible. In addition, it is here where the

Varkarï Panth most resembles Vediïntic philosophy. As Saral Jhingran writes of the bhakti tradition and its concept of Gad:

The concept of God in the Bhakti tradition is developed in Vedantic framework. According to the Svetasvatara Upani~ad the Divine Absolute is the Creator of the world, and 'is' also in sorne sense creation ... At the same time, the Divine Being is the all-in-all, the source, ground and Self or lnner-controller of the entire creation and aIl individual selves. (Jhingram 1989, 150)

83 In addition, the Viïrkarï Panth importantly also envisions Brahman as personal God in the form of Vi!hobiï but Bahil)a Baï distinguishes herself from other Varkarïs because she envisages God as a composite of her guru Tukarama and the transcendent

Vi!hoba. By approaching God as a friend and companion, Bahil)a Baï's vision of

Vithobiï is in opposition with Sailkara. Jhingram best articulates this perspective when he argues that Sailkara's concept of the indeterminate Absolute is often rejected by bhaktas who envi sion God as 'everything, the all-comprehending Absolute, the transcendent Creator and Destroyer and the beloved Master and Friend, who is kind towards ail his creatures, but more so towards his devotees" (Jhingram 1989, 150).

Sailkara, however, argues that Ultimate Reality cannot be understood as a personal

God because envisioning God with attributes violates his argument that Ultimate

Reality lacks, name and form?

Despite the differences between the ways Bahil)a Baï and Sailkara perceive

God, the y both view the world as imaginary and inseparable from Brahman. We see this in Bahil)a Baï, when she engages the philosophical question of whether müyü (the

illusory world of the senses is separate from Ultimate Reality, which is non-dual or

without distinction:

If we say that Maya is non-existent, (we are wrong, because) it is seen. If we say it is existent, (we are wrong, because) it does not exist from the stand point of true knowledge. Nowa sadguru through the certainties of right-thinking, c1ears away all confusing doubts (on the above theme) ... Maya is imaginable; Brahma(n) is unimaginable. In no way can the mystery of Brahma(n) be known ... (Abha/iga 162.1-4, by Bahil,la Bal, cited in Abbott 1985,89)

Brahma(n) is non-dual. This is on the authority of the Vedas. How then can one speak of Maya as being a separate entity?

2 This project cannot present a comprehensive understanding of Sankara's philosophy. Instead, 1 have selected elements that are present in Bahil,la BaI's devotional poetry. To gain a better understanding of Sailkara' s Advaita Vedanta please see Sharma 2004; Elayath 1990 and Vyas 1977.

84 So whom can one ask about the place that Maya holds, if it is not a sadguru? The precious metal and gold are different only in name. One recognizes their unit y by one' s commonsense . ... Says Bahil)Ï, 'When thus viewed through Right-thinking one sees unity of Maya in Brahma(n) (Abhariga 164 by Bahil)a Baï, cited in Abbott 1985,90)

These abhmigus reveal Bahiryâ Bâl' s comprehension of abstruse philosophical concepts and her ability to engage in epistemological questions despite her lack of formaI education. In these song s, Bahi:ryâ Bâl simplifies Sailkara's presentation of the illusory world by indicating that there are two primary modes through which human beings experience the world, that is, through the senses and through discrimination.

Bahi:ryâ Bâl explains that discrimination leads to the understanding that the world of the senses is illusory. 1 make this point later in this chapter when 1 discuss Bahi:ryâ

Bâl's vision of suffering as an aspect of the body and not the sou1. Her argument is given further c1arity when we understand that it is rooted in her view that suffering is associated with the senses. Through discrimination, this suffering becomes an affliction of the body and the illusory world. Bahiryu BiH further explains that this power of discrimination "turned my power of speech into praising Vithobu's name, and service ofhim" (Abhmiga 136 by Bahi:ryâ Bâl, Cited in Abbott 1985,79).

Importantly, Sailkara describes discrimination as the ability to release from ignorance (avidyii) and achieve the knowledge of the unity of Atman and Brahman. In his work on discrimination, Viveka-Cüdiimul}i, Sailkara explains, "By attaining a state-of-detachment-and desireless, by firm knowledge of the Absolute, let one disentangle oneself from the ocean of worldly existence" (Grimes 2004, 65).3 Bahiryu

Bâl identifies discrimination as an integral element to her devotional practice and thus

3 uddhared almanatmanarh magnarh smhsara-varidhau 1 yogarüljhatvam asadya samyag-darsana ni~!hava

85 applies Vedanta philosophy while full Y engaged in the world. In partieular, she argues that viveka is essential for her to overeome her senses:

In subduing my organs of sense and action 1 have brought Right-thinking to my aid. It will make known to me the joy of oneness with the (supreme) Atma. Oh heart, what authority have you over me now? 1 advise you to keep quiet. Right-thinking will change desires into non-desires . ... For Right-thinking is the fortune of him who is absorbed in Brahma(n) Says Bahil)ï, 'Right-thinking is the cream of all thinking. Ask anyone who understands the Sou)' (Abhwiga 133 by BahiI).a Baï, Cited in Abbott 1985, 78)

For Bahirya Baï right thinking is essential for her to foeus her devotion and unite with the supreme Atma, or Brahman. BahiI).a Baï argues that through right-thinking she ean transcend the desires of her senses and attain the knowledge of her Soul (Atman). If

Bahirya Baï aims to overcome her attaehment to the world how ean she operate within it? Bahirya Baï' s interaction with the world and veneration of the pativrata ideal appears to challenge Sailkara's statement that, "8rahman is real; the universe is unreal,,,4 through her acknowledgement of the importance of domesticity: "In body, speech and mind she submits herself to her husband, and the knowledge of Brahma(n) plays at her door" (Abhwiga 469.3 by BahiI).a Baï, cited in Abbott, 1985). BahiI).a Baï resolves this confliet by asserting that her activity in the domestic realm has a religious basis. This religious foundation was described earlier with her merging of

God's identity with that ofher husband.

Bahina Baï's Philosophical Bhakti

BahiI).a Baï' s use of philosophicallanguage and articulation of Vediinta philosophy is importantly juxtaposed with her vision of bhakti as the supreme means to achieve liberation. SaiIkara similarly regards bhakti as the supreme menns to

4 See for example Viveka Cili/iima'!i 20a: brahma satymiJjagan-mithyety evamrupo vini§caya~ 1

86 achieve liberation. Devotion, however, takes on a different meaning in the works of

Sailkara, in which he says that devotion can be defined as the search for the reality of one's own Âtman.5

ln contrast, for Bahil)a Baï in addition to leading to knowledge of the true self devotion is also essential to liberation from the body and unification with God.

Bahil)a Bru explains, "Without bhakti what is the value of living? Ail is in vain without it. .. He who is without devotion to God, how can he acquire a he art indifferent to worldly things" (Abhmiga 156.1,4 by Bahil)a Baï, Cited in Abbott 1985,

86). Here Bahil)a Baï describes devotion to Vithoba as a key aspect of religious living and achieving indifference to worldly things.

ln keeping with Sailkara's vision of the world as illusory, Bahil)u Baï argues that the world of the senses is 'not the true life' (Abhmiga 161.1 by Bahil)a Baï,

Cited in McGee 1996, 134). The true life, she argues, can be discovered through bhakti practice, thus, she argues that devotion leads to salvation:

Bhakti is the very highest rneans of salvation. Through it heaven (Vaikuntha] is at one in one's grasp. So let your heart be steady. Let your love be unbroken, and you will arrive at Vi~l)u's heaven. Knowledge and indifference to worldly things are servants to bhakti. Before bhakti, alI other rneans disappear. Says Bahïnï, 'Bhakti at the root of indifference to worldly things. Let your heart bec orne fixed in this thought.' (Abhmiga 152.1-4 by Bahil)iï Baï, Cited in Abbott 1985, 85)

In this abhmiga Bahil)a Baï eloquently says that knowledge (jiiiina) and viveka are subordinate to bhakti. In this description of bhakti she argues that devotion is at the root of discrimination. Accordingly, by engaging in bhakti practice, Bahil)a Baï argues, human beings best achieve detachment from the senses. Thus, devotion

5 Viveka Cilijëima!1Ï: mok~'a-kara,!a-siimag ryam bhakti r-el'{l garf)'asi 1 sva-sl'(lrüpanusandhiinam bhaktir ity abhidhlyate 1

87 practiced within the world does not negate the possibility of engaging in domestic pursuits but rather reorients the intent of action.

This reorientation is aided by bhakti which purifies the heart, which Bahil)a

Baï argues is essential for the achievement of indifference to worldly things:

"Through bhakti there cornes the purity of heart which regards the multitude of visible things as vanity" (Abhwiga 157 by Bahil)â Baï, Cited in Abbott 1985, 87).

Bahil)a Baï thus manipulates philosophical concepts to support the value of bhakti.

For example, while acknowledging the limitations of the senses, she says that through the proper discipline of the senses, through devotional practice, the body can be used to facilitate liberation:

1 shall entwine ail my ten organs of sense and action around Hari's feet. Then you will be bewildered. Therefore, Oh heart, join with my organs of sense in going as a suppliant to the feet of Vithoba. Says Bahïnï, 'Putting aside evil, sensuous desires, let there be the embracing of Virhoba's feet.' (Abhmiga 134 by Bahil)a Baï, Cited in Abbott 1985, 78)

In this vivid description of devotion where the sense organs are imaged as hands embracing Vi!hobâ's feet, Bahil)a Bâï demonstrates the power of bhakti as potential to take control over the heart and its desires. This abhwiga situates the senses within devotional practice and thus underscores Bahil)a Baï' s view that engagement in bhakti practice orients ail activities towards soteriological concerns.

In identifying bhakti as a necessary aspect of release from worldly bonds,

Bahil)a Baï also asserts association with her saints and her sadguru as essential for her path to salvation. For BahÎl~a Baï, the lives of saints exemplify the proper mode of religious behavior. She describes the benefit of being in the company of the saints:

By association with saints cornes concentration of mind. By association with saints cornes the use of sacrifice. By association with saints mental habits are formed. For these

88 reasons one should love the saints. They form the direct road to final deliverance ... Says Bahïnï, 'By association with the saints one obtains knowledge ... ' (Abhmiga 233 by BahiQiï Baï, Cited in Abbott 1985, 115- 16)

Bahi1).a Baï views the saints as purveyors of liberating knowledge (jfiiina). Through their example, BahiQa Baï says, hum an beings are given the guidance that is necessary to overcome desire and worldly attachment.

Bahi1).a Baï further emphasizes the importance of seeking the guidance of a sadguru when she writes "One does not need the reading of the Vedas or Siistras. The supreme riches are acquired by a different means ... Deliverance is through the sadguru al one" (Abhmiga 179.1 by Bahil)u Baï, Cited in Abbott 1985, 95). In contrast to earlier abhmigas, BahiQa Baï here challenges the supremacy of the orthodox tradition, by asserting that renunciation in the form of disengagement from the world does not lead to liberation. Instead, she posits engagement in the world through the direction of the sadguru as the sole means to achieve mental purity. She explains how such practice leads to her own attainment of liberation when she writes,

1 have set fire to the impression caused by illusion (maya) on my heart, and my heart is now united to the term, "That thou art," and unit y with Brahma has been attained. This destruction of the group of threes belongs to the twelfth day, by which my soul has attained Brahmahood. (Abhmiga 109.17, 19 by BahiQâ Bâï, Cited in McGee 1996, 67)

Here, by removing illusion and focusing her he art upon the knowledge of her relationship with the Ultimate Reality, her soul achieves liberation form the bonds of worldly desire. Finally, these interpretations reveal BahiQa Baï's ability to both intel1ectualize and make pragmatic the goal of liberation.

In contrast to the abhmiga above, BahiQï Baï at times also contextualizes her bhakti by extol1ing its place within the larger framework of orthodoxy:

89 It is true, perfectly true, that the Vedas promote obedience to duty. A tiipasi is one who possesses heavenly riches. He goes to heaven through the power of truth (sattvaguna), having cast aside every path of karma. He is one who shows mercy, forgiveness, compassion towards aIl creatures, unselfish, and of a pure heart. He is one who has strong determination and courage, is kindly and courteous in his speech, and without deceit. He is one who is always content, who does not violate the teachings of the Vedas, and who is for ever happy in his heart. He associates himself with saints, he serves his guru, and in him there is no idea of separateness from others. He lives in indifference to worldly life, and he has only the mind to care for what happens to come to him. Says Bahlnl, 'It is such a man who goes to heaven. And he who has the perfect knowledge of the soul (Âtma) goes to final deliverance.' (Abhmiga 200.1-8 by Bahil!a Bal, Cited in Abbott 1985, 103)

Bahi~a Biïï establishes here that Vedic texts are ofutmost importance because they orient religious activity by means of rituals and teachings. She further upholds the orthodox by extolling responsibilities associated with dharma including conducting austerities (tapas) and being truthful. Bahi~a Baï also argues that devotional practice, including the association with the saints and service to one's guru, are fundamental to her vision to achieving liberation and living a religious life.

The morality found within Bahi~a Baï's devotionalliterature was subject to a considerable degree ofher own intellectual and emotional scrutiny; she based her ethic for religious living upon her own experience. Her devotional literature reveals that her acceptance of certain Sanskritie norms was evaluated through the lens of bhakti. According to Hawley's paradigm, the poet-Saints highlight particular virtues in their lives and works. For example, he explains that MIra displayed fearlessness

(Hawley 1987,52). Following Hawley's model, 1 would suggest that, 1 argue that

Bahi~a Baï demonstrated the virtue of intelleetual and emotional fortitude. Through her struggle against a system that limited her spiritual potentia] and faited to proteet her against domestie violence, Bahi~a Baï provided a comprehensive vision of moral, religious living that provided high easte women with spiritual agency. ln developing

90 her system for religious living, Bahil)a Bal importantly merges three disparate understandings of God ( into one notion of the transcendent, Vithoba.

Ilustrating BahiJ}.â Bâï's Bhakti: Atmanivedan

A major part of Bahil)a Baï' s literary corpus consists of a group of poems calIed Atmanivedan (autobiography). An examination of Bahil)a Bal's autobiography reveals an ideology that places equal importance upon orthodox religion and bhakti religion. Bahil)a Bal rationalizes the validity of aspects of orthodoxy in these songs.

Particularly, Bahil)a Bal's autobiography illustrates in vivid detail her experience as a devotee, wife and mother. These distinct roles were united under the rubric of bhakti, in which she understood her dharma through the expression of devotion. This section explores how bhakti helps her construct this reconciliation between orthodox notions of ideal womanhood and devotional religion through an analysis of relevant abhmigas from the Atmanivedan. The Atmanivedan thus concludes my discussion of Bahil)a

Baï's bhakti because it shifts our focus back to Bahil)a BaTs quotidian reality, her

struggJes and pain.

During her eleventh year, a poignant year in her religious development and in

her personal maturation within marri age, Bahil)a Bal increasingly attended religious

gatherings of bhaktas and began to focus solely on her personal religious aspirations.

In fact, she writes at length about an event that leads her to practice bhakti, in which

she forms a bond with a cow and its calf. These animaIs were given to her as gifts by

an affluent Brahmin. Bahil)a BaTs relationship with these animaIs supplanted her

marital relationship with her husband. While it was certainly common to see children

playing with cows as family pets, Bahil)a BaTs remarkable connection to these

animaIs reveals the influence of Varkarl culture, which typically imaged Vi!hoba as a

91 cow (McGee 1995, 119). Her abhatigas describing her relationship with the calf in particular emphasize the divine nature of her relationship with the animal:

The calf, however, would not leave me, and 1 loved to be with it. If the calf was not in sight, 1 was troubled; 1 felt like a fish out of water. Whether grinding, or pounding grain or carrying water, 1 was unhappy, though with others, without the calf. (Abhmiga 14.25-27 by Bahil)a Baï, Cited in Abbott 1985,9)

Here Bahil)a Baï describes her re1ationship with the calf as characterized by emotional

reciprocity. Bahil)a Bâï's extreme affection for the calf serves as a metaphor for her

developing relationship with Vithoba. Evidence of this perspective is certainly present

in Bahil)â Baï's autobiography. One su ch example arises when Svâmi Jayarâm

Gosâvï, a well-known performer of devotional musical discourses (kïrtans), sings to

Bahil)â BaT s husband: "The calf is her guru; the calf is her means of salvation, for it

destroys the cord that binds if' (Abhatiga 17.12 by Bahil)iï Baï, Cited in McGee 1996,

120). Recall here that Vithobâ is typically described as a friend, companion and

protector: "Yet, 0 Vithobiï [Hari], Thou alone art my friend, my very own Brother,

and the advocate of the lowly heart, 0 Pandurang" (Abhmiga 68.1 by Bahil)a Baï,

Cited in Abbott, 41). This abhatiga illustrates Bahil)â Bâï' s identification of God as

her friend and companion.

As Bahil)â Baï began to express herself through the idiom of bhakti practice, a

conflict arose in which her devotional practices were challenged by her husband, who

viewed her expressions of bhakti as an affront to her responsibilities as a wife. As l

stated in the first chapter, Bahil)â BâTs husband, Pathak, beeame angry at the sight of

her devotional aetivity and as a result violently beat her. Bahil)a Bâï deseribes the

effeet of this violent abuse upon the calf and its mother when she writes, "When 1 saw

the calf and the cow, 1 said to myself, it is better that 1 should die. Says Bahil~ï, 'It was

92 their great affection for me that made them refuse the grass and water given to them.'

They would eat no grass and drink no water. 1 also refused food" (Abhmiga 16.8-9,

17.1 by Bahil)a Baï, Cited in Abbott 1985, 14). In this devotional song, Bahil)a Baï writes that the animaIs shared a remarkable connection with her, in which they participated in the experience of her suffering.

Bahil)a BaTs husband later interpreted his wife's affection towards these

animais as evidence of her des ire to become a mother. Bahil)a Baï seems to support

this notion when she writes, "The feelings 1 had (towards the calf) 1 felt now in their

fullness ... The calf died at Kolhapur, but it seemed to me as though it had received its

birth through my womb" (Abhmiga 54.5-6 by Bahil)a Baï, Cited in Abbott, 36). This

story identifies two prevalent aspects of seventeenth cent ury Maharashtrian society,

child-marriage and the involvement ofwomen in the bhakti-fold. Bahil)a Baï

identifies her role as a wife and mother as part of her bhakti practice and thus

discusses her marriage to a great extent in her autobiography.

Reflecting on the tradition of child-marriage, Bahil)a Baï does not provide any

evidence of opposition to this custom. In fact, in the initial verses of Bahil)a Baï' s

autobiography, a positive image ofher husband and the marri age emerges: "He was

an excellent jewei of a man ... My husband was one whom fortune favored"

(Abhmiga 5.3-4, 6.3 by Bahil)a Baï, Cited by Abbott 1985,3-4). Later, she writes, of

his character, "And seeing that he was honest, wise and leamed, ail the citizens

brought their problems to him" (Abhmiga 12.5 by Bahil)a Baï, Cited in Abbott 1985,

7). She indicates here that her husband's religious orientation and chosen profession

makes him a man of great distinction and thus an excellent choice as a husband.

93 As she attempted to balance her married life with her spiritual pursuits, Bahil).u

Baï's husband became angry and attempted to dissuade her from her religious practices. His acts of abuse drastically altered her characterization of him. She recounts his response to her failure to cease attending religious functions: "Who cares for the Purul).! Who cares for the Hari Katha! l'li give her a beating and nothing else!" (Abhmiga 15.18 by Bahil).a Baï, Cited by Abbott 1985, 14). Bahil).a Buï describes her husband's nature as, paradoxically, both religious and abusive: "My husband was religious mendicant by profession, but a man of very angry disposition.

He seized me by the braids of my hair, and beat me to his heart' s content" (Abhmiga

15.12 by BahiQa Baï, Cited by Abbott ]985,13). This account demonstrates the apparent contradiction which Bahil).a Baï recognizes in her husband; outwardly he appears to be a man who possesses religious knowledge, and yet within his home he has no interest in religious concems and lacks affection for his wife.

Certain abhmigas indicate that BahiQa Baï approaches this abuse philosophically by envisioning this violence as an attack upon her body, not her soul.

Bahil).a Baï writes, "My body is responsible for my joys and woes. It is necessary that

1 suffer them .. .I wish the 10nging of my heart to express itself in singing God's praises, even while my body is suffering torture ... " (Abhmiga 71.42 by BahiQa Baï,

Cited by Abbott 1985,42). Importantly, BahiQa Baï initially does not make a distinction between the body and the soul. By failing to make this distinction, BahiQa

Baï becomes severely depressed to the extent that she considers suicide: "My heart has passed through the intense heat of repentance. How is it that God does not feel compassion for me? 1 fee] like throwing myself into the fire, or using this saw to sever my head ... Says Bahil)ï, 'My soul is in a confused state. 0 God, why hast Thou

94 forsaken me' "(Abhmiga 71.42 by Bahil).a Baï, Cited by Abbott 1985,40). Bahil).a

BâT' s contemplation of suicide is based on her feelings of unrequited love, in which she believes that her suffering and devotion are ignored by God. The suffering which

Bahil).a Baï experienced suggests that attempting to live a worldly life while also endeavoring to immerse oneself in devotion yields competing notions of religious living, in which devotionalism is placed in opposition to domesticity.

As with other bhaktas, Bahil).a Baï sought comfort from her adversity through prayer to Vi!hoba: "In what duty to my husband have 1 failed?" (Abhutigu 6.14 by

Bahil).a Baï, Cited in Abbott 1985, 13). Despite her suffering, she expresses an unwavering devotion for Vi!hoba: "1 will not leave the worship of God, even if it should mean the losing ofmy life" (Abhatigu 67.2 by Bahil).a Baï, Cited in Abbott

1985, 40). Nonetheless, Bahil).a Baï did find relief and spiritual renewa1 through her relationship with her guru, Tukarama. When Bahil).a Baï awoke she recounted her vision to her husband and family. Bahi1)a Baï speaks of the transformation, which

Tukarama helped to facilitate, in the following:

1 began to experience great sorrow in my heart. Why, 0' Vighal have you forsaken my heart ... But just then on the seventh day, repeating out aloud the names and praises of God, Tukarama appeared in a vision before my eyes and said, " .. .Do not be troubled, 1 am beside you. Take from my hand this nectar" (Abhmiga 25.3-5 by Bahil).a Baï, cited in Abbott 1985, 19)

Here Bahi1)a Baï describes her experience in the company of Tukarama, whose

wisdom enabled her to experience emotional freedom from her husband. Her

husband's response was to beat her even more severely, on one occasion causing her

to fall unconscious. Parhak's anger was, however, pacified by the urgings of Jayaram

Svamï who convinced him of Tukarama's greatness.

95 Thus far 1 have presented one aspect of BahiI)a Bâï's domestic life, her relationship with her husband. Although references to her role as a mother are certainly present in her autobiography, BahiI)a Baï discusses her re1ationship with her son to a greater extent in her NiryaI)par Abhatigas, which are autobiographical songs depicting her thirteen lives.6 ln these abhatigas, BahiI)a Baï provides a description of her various lives with her son as her companion. A.K. Ramanujan interprets these devotional songs to indicate that BahiI)a Baï was a reluctant wife and mother, who

"attempts to deny her inescapable relation to her son by considering him a companion of former lives, thus transforming him in her mind (Ramanujan 1982,

320). 1 augment this characterization of BahiI)a Baï by arguing that she transforms

her quotidian relationships with her family into a devotional relationship with God.

BahiI)a Baï exemplifies this notion in the following abhatiga:

As we carried on our duties to holy places, gods and pilgrimages, twelve of your births and mine have taken place. In this, the thirteenth birth, you are my son. You don't remember your own history; but for thirteenth births you and l have been associated together, united, unbroken, and devoted to one another. (Abhmiga 84.1-3 by BahiI)a Baï, cited in Abbott 1985, 48)

Here BahiI)a Baï language indicates her loving relationship with her son, in which

they are 'united, unbroken, and devoted.' By envisioning her son as her companion

in devotion, BahiI)a Baï integrates her raIe as a mother into the ethos of bhakti.

Ramanujan, however, interprets BahiI)a Baï's devotional poetry to suggest that her

relationship with her son was viewed in the context of the performance of dharma,

and lacking true affection. 1 present the following abhatiga ta support the opposite

6 Bahil)a Bal makes mention of her daughter in her autobiography when she writes, "It now happened that at this time 1 gave birth to a daughter. We gave her the name of Kashibai" (Abhanga 54.4-5 by Bahil,lu BUÏ, Cited in Abbott, 36). This is the only information she provides about her cIdcst child.

96 sentiment, as describes Bahiry.a Baï's genuine affection for her son: "Because 1 gave you birth, 1 love you; and so, my dear boy, 1 have told you of our former mutual acquaintances" (Abhwiga 84.6 by Bahiry.a Baï, Cited in Abbott 1985, 48).

Importantly, Bahiry.a Baï portrays her son as her protector and as a member of the community of Varkarï devotees. This characterization epitomizes Bahiry.iï Biïï's worldview, which was informed by devotional practice.

Bahiry.a Baï concludes her autobiographical songs with a review ofher life, reflecting upon her home life and her devotionallife. She reiterates the contradiction within orthodox society which provides Brahmin men, whose hearts are not engaged in the religious pursuits with unconditional access to knowledge and liberation.

Bahiry.iï Biïï identifies her husband as an example of this phenomenon when she says,

My Swami [husband] for his livelihood was a Vaidik [reciter of the Vedas] by profession. What use had he for Vithobâ! He used to repeat parts of the Vedas, but had no love for bhakti. l had no independence and wishes had no effect. l was young in years, but the popular ways seemed silly. Out of respect for the Vedas, l stood ready to serve. Says Bahïnï, 'I was very depressed in spirits. My daily life was full of troubles.' (Abhmiga 59, by Bahiry.a Biïï, cited in Abbott 1985, 36)

Bahiry.a Baï's desperation is clear with her statement, '1 had no independence and wishes had no effect.' By indicating her respect for the orthodox Sanskritic tradition, she also suggests that she has no choice but to be implicated in the system. In a sense, this abhwiga demonstrates the pragmatism that informed Bahiry.â Bats decisions, in which she realized that she cou Id do little to change the Brahmanic model of ideal womanhood.

Instead, BahiJ.la Baï found ways to operate within the system and to redefine its principles to support her vision of women's religion. Rer Atmanil'edan songs, evince a unique soteriological method, in which she functions within orthodox society

97 in order to achieve liberation. Although North Indian women typically embraced devotion as an alternative to marri age and the restrictions this placed on their lives

(Kjnsley, 1981), Bahil).a Baï adhered c10sely to the Varkarï method for achieving salvation. Varkarl soteriology did not require renunciation, but rather social transformation, in which devotion informs the devotee's social roles and responsibilities. Bahil).a Baï's literary output exemplifies this soteriology, for she does not live outside the world of dharma through the renunciation of her roles as wife and mother, but rather engages in the domestic reaJm with devotion as her central concern.

Conclusion

Bahil).a Baï constructs a model that redefines re1igious living and is rooted in both Vedantic philosophy and devotional experience. This chapter began by analyzing various philosophical notions present in Bahil).a Baï's abhmigas. By bringing Bahil).a Baï' s understanding of the nature of Brahman in dialogue with that of Sailkara, 1 show how Bahil).a Baï presents God as non-dual, personal and attainabJe through devotion. 1 posit that by focusing on the Vedantic concepts of viveka and maya, Bahil).a Baï argues that bhakti best enables an individual to discriminate between the illusory world and the real world.

ln the second half of this chapter, an analysis Bahil).a Bal' s autobiography describes her childhood and youth, a period in which she was married, produced two children and developed a distinctively personal devotional path. My analysis emphasized a vision of Bahil).a Bal as motivated and inspired by her devotion. Her ability to function as a wife, mother and devotee must be seen in the context of her personal expressions of bhakti. In particular, Bahil).a Bal envisioned the suffering she

98 experienced at the hands of her husband as a part of her pursuit of liberation; she intellectualized this violence, interpreting it as a test of her devotion. In this chapter, it becomes clear that Bahi1).a Baï also sets herself apart from other Varkarï Sants by providing an intellectual yet emotional account of her struggles as a bhakta.

99 CONCLUSION

One the key tensions in Hindu religious cultures centers around the ideas of domesticity and asceticism. In the context of bhakti culture, this tension manifests as a kind of social or interpersonal strain that results from the conflicting agendas represented by social order and restrictions on the one hand, and an uninhibited desire for God on the other.

What makes Bahil).a Bai so remarkable is her ability to function in orthodox

Brahmanic society through the fulfillment of her strïdharma while simultaneously participating in devotional religion. This thesis has presented an analysis of Bahil).a

Bai's devotional poetry, focusing largely on the reconciliation ofthese competing religious perspectives.

ln the first chapter, 1 argue while the Varkari Panth ostensibly provided marginalized populations with the potential for liberation through devotional religion, it was firmly entrenched with Brahmanic values governing gender and caste distinctions. 1 demonstrate this apparent contradiction between doctrine and practice through a discussion of various orthodox elements that pervade Varkari practice. 1 also observed that despite their adherence to traditional notions regarding caste and gender, Varkaris saw themselves as marginalized figures in orthodox society.

A comparison between Bahil).a Bai and male and female Varkaris reveals commonalities in devotional practice including this perception that bhaktas are outsiders to the Brahmanic tradition. This theme of the outsider is best reflected in the devotional songs of female Varkaris, who claim that Olihodox society sees them as prostitutes or wanton women. Bahil).ii Bai embraces this characterization as she exc1aims, "1 have put away shame, and public custom, and fixed my actions on God.

100 Now what can men desire of me, and what need 1 fear, Bal?" (Abhanga 472.1-2 by

Bahil)a Bal, Cited in Abbott 1985, 159) This comparative ana1ysis of female VarkarIs a1so revea1s that they usually embed their devotiona1 activities within familial structures. Although the Varkari tradition posits itself as a "family of devotees,"

Bahil)a Bal extends this concept by engaging in devotional practice within the domestic realm as a wife and mother. Bahil)a Bal, however, sets herself apart from other female aspirants because she remains married while engaging in devotional activities.

Certain male bhaktas also reflect these themes present in female devotionalism. For example, Namadeva reflects this view that bhaktas exist at the margins of society and also is known for his integration of his family into the devotional fold. With Ekanatha, Bahil)a Bal is presented with a model of a high-caste individual who simultaneously provides a critique of Brahmanic society while producing a number of Marathi translations of Sanskrit texts. Yet the most important aspect of devotional practice, which Bahil)a Bal shares with male VarkarIs is found in her understanding of ascetic practice and suffering is integral components of her devotionalism. The VarkarIs emphasize the practice of asceticism and suffering as a mode of expressing devotion is also exemplified by Tukarama. As Bahil)iï Baï's guru, his teaching on strict renunciation and suffering certainly influenced her own practice.

The influence ofTukarama is most notably found in her discussion about her physical abuse at the hands of her husband.

Bahil)a Baï embeds devotionalism in the context of domesticity largely by presenting the home as a sacred landscape imbued with liberating potentia!. In the second chapter, 1 discuss this particular connotation of the ghar, in which the home is

101 understood as both the community of Varkarï devotees and as the sacred city of

Pandharpur. Bahil)a Baï identifies her home as Pandharpur by depicting it as a place where she experiences extreme joy and is surrounded by devotion expression. This section utilizes the theological gloss applied by Tukarama to the concepts of maher and sasar to underscore Bahil)a Baï's relationship with Pandharpur, in which this sacred city is associated with the maternaI home while her "true" domestic experience with her husband is connected to her sasar.

Anne Feldhaus characterizes Bahil)a Baï as an 'ordinary woman' whose contribution to the bhakti movement was less radical than other female Sants. This vision of Bahil)â Baï finds support in Bahil)a Baï's failure to rebel against orthodox norms. 1 argue, however, that challenged the Brahmanic tradition authority upon female spirituality by presenting an alternate paradigm for moral, reJigious living that

integrates orthodox roles for women, Vedantic philosophy and bhakti. In the third chapter, 1 analyze selections of her philosophical abhailgas that reflect non-dualistic philosophy. 1 conclude that through her syncretic approach that integrates aspects of

orthodox philosophy and practice with devotionalism, Bahil)a Baï articulates a new,

albeit highly personal, devotional perspective.

ln the seventeenth century, the lives of the Hindi-speaking Sants were

compiled by a figure named Nabhadas in his work entitled Bhaktamal. In this

hagiography, the Vai~l)ava female Sant Mïra Baï who believes herselfto be wedded

to Kr~l)a, is described as a reluctant bride of the rafla (king, ruler) of Merta iin

Rajasthan. After marri age, however, Mïra Baï did not conform to the role of

pativratü, which enraged her husband's parents. As Parita Mukta writes, "Mira

spurned her caste and family obligations in order to live out a relationship with

102 Kr~l)a" (Mukta 1994, 19). In her analysis of MIra Baï's relationship with her husband, Mukta argues that Mlra's rejection of marri age demonstrates that 'she did not cede to allegiance to any of the structures ofpolitical and patriarchal power'

(Mukta 1994, 60).

However, my analysis of Bahil)a Baï-a Varkarï Sant two centuries removed from Mïra BaI-has demonstrated that the kind of radical rejection of social norms that has characterized scholarly understandings of many female bhaktas (Ramanujan

1982; Ramaswamy 1997) is not the mode in which all of these women give meaning to their religious lives. Bahil)a Baï's poems represent both a departure from the strict non-domestic asceticism demonstrated by female saints such as Mïra Baï on the one hand, and other female Viirkarï bhaktas on the other. Her bridging of the worlds of

Brahmanic orthodoxy, non-dualistic philosophy and the longing and ecstatic joy of bhakti represents a highly sophisticated attempt to reshape upper-caste women's religious lives.

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