Sociology of Indigenous Peoples in Canada

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Sociology of Indigenous Peoples in Canada Blaire Russell © 2012 PRINT NOT DO – Ltd. Education SOCIOLOGY OF NelsonINDIGENOUS PEOPLES IN CANADA JEFFREY DENIS McMASTER UNIVERSITY NEL 62138_ch15_Online_rev02.indd 1 9/17/18 5:50 PM 2 Sociology of Indigenous Peoples in Canada LEARNING OBJECTIVES In this module you will learn to: LO1 Identify the four phases of cooperation, conflict, and coercion through which Indigenous–settler relations in Canada have passed. LO2 Recognize the diverse and dynamic character of contemporary Indigenous identities and the discrepancies that often exist between self-definitions and legal categories. LO3 Explain the deep and persistent social inequalities that separate Indigenous peoples in Canada from settler-Canadians. LO4 Analyze how Indigenous peoples’ experiences and life-chances vary PRINTby age, class, and gender. LO5 Describe the low public awareness of Indigenous issues and the sources of variation in attitudes toward Indigenous issues. LO6 Appreciate that Indigenous peoples have always resistedNOT colonization, and resistance is likely to continue as long as Canada infringes on Indigenous lands and resources without consent. DO – INTRODUCTION In the winter of 2012–13, tens of thousands of Indigenous peoples and their allies gathered at busy downtown intersections, remote reserves, shopping malls, and highways all across Canada to participate in flash mob Ltd.round dances, rallies, and prayer circles. Their stated goal was to promote Indigenous self-determination and protect the environment. At the same time, Chief Theresa Spence of the Attawapiskat First Nation in Northern Ontario declared a hunger strike to raise awareness of her people’s “Third World” living conditions and call on Canada to honour its nation-to-nation treaties. For months, such events, known together as the Idle No More movement, dominated Canadian news media and gained international attention and support. While some non-Indigenous Canadians joined the movement, others grew frustrated, and the federal government refused to meet the protesters’ demands (Kino-nda-niimi Collective, 2014). These events present a snapshot of tensions and issues in Indigenous–settler relations and highlight many of the core themes to be addressed in this module. These themes include the meaning and origins of Indigenous and treaty rights; the reasons for persisting social inequali- Educationties between Indigenous peoples and settler-Canadians; the factors underlying Indigenous political activism; the increasing pride in Indigenous identities and the resurgence of Indigenous nations and cultures; and the growing awareness but also backlash from the wider Canadian public. How can a sociological perspective help us understand such phenomena? We begin with an overview of major developments in the history of Indigenous– settler relations in Canada, emphasizing shifts in power dynamics and in the dominant images of “Indigenous” and “settler” peoples.1 Then, we examine the social identities and demographic characteristics of Indigenous peoples today, noting significant discrepancies Nelson between imposed legal categories and self-definitions. Third, we review recent data on social inequalities between Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples in Canada, illustrating how sociological theories shed light on their historical and structural roots. The module 1Among scholars and activists, non-Indigenous Canadians are often called “settlers” to highlight the historical and ongoing occupation of Indigenous lands–a process known as settler-colonialism (see, e.g., Lawrence and Dua, 2005; Lowman and Barker, 2015). NEL 62138_ch15_Online_rev02.indd 2 9/17/18 5:50 PM Historical Development of Indigenous–Settler Relations 3 also acknowledges the tremendous diversity within Indigenous nations, exploring how class inequalities have deepened with increasing incorporation into the global capitalist economy and how gender inequalities emerged and worsened with colonization—but also how Indigenous women have been leading healing and revitalization efforts. After a brief, critical look at non-Indigenous Canadians’ awareness and attitudes, we return to the issue of Indigenous resistance and resurgence, noting how these ongoing processes, and settler- Canadians’ responses to them, could radically transform our society. HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF INDIGENOUS–SETTLER RELATIONS Relationships between Indigenous and settler peoples in Canada have changed dramatically PRINT over time. We can distinguish four historical periods (Miller, 2000; RCAP, 1996): 1. Before the arrival of Europeans, dozens of independent Indigenous nations existed in what is now Canada. 2. From French explorer Jacques Cartier’s voyages to Quebec in the 1530s until the early 1800s, Indigenous and European nations often formed commercial partnerships andNOT military alliances. Yet, conflict also occurred. 3. Eventually, Euro-Canadian settlers turned to coercive means to displace Indigenous peoples from their lands and assimilate them to the lower rungs of settler society. 4. Since World War II, and especially since the 1960s, Indigenous peoplesDO across Canada have collectively mobilized to assert their rights and demand fair treatment, resulting in ongoing confrontation and resistance, but also negotiation, healing,– and renewal. Let us briefly consider each of these periods in turn. Pre-Contact: Diverse and IndependentLtd. Civilizations Indigenous peoples have lived in Canada for more than 15 000 years. At least since the last Ice Age, hundreds of distinct societies—with their own political and economic systems, languages, and cultures—adapted to diverse and changing environments. Some were hunter-gatherers, others agriculturalists, and still others coastal fishers. There were also vast trade networks across the Americas. Millennium-old artifacts from Mexico, for example, have been found in Northern Ontario. In the pre-contact period, 50 to 70 languages were spoken in Canada alone. The earliest known contact with Europeans was around 1000 AD when Norse/Vikings visited northern Newfoundland. However, contact and trade between East Asians and Indigenous peoples in South and Central America almost certainly occurred centuries earlier (Dickason and Calder, Education2006). Early Contact: Friends and Foes Europeans arrived in the “New World” in larger numbers after 1492, mainly in pursuit of land and natural resources. Initially, they depended on Indigenous peoples’ local knowledge and skills for their survival. Indigenous people taught them how to prevent scurvy with traditional medicines, navigate the rapids in birch-bark canoes, and trek across the land in snowshoes. They let them camp on the shores, dry fish, and build trading posts. They even let some Europeans live with and marry them and become members of their communities. For the first two cen- Nelsonturies, Indigenous–settler relations in Canada were often cooperative and mutually beneficial. However, conflict and violence were also common. Relationships varied among regions. Europeans had at least four motives for being in Canada: fish, fur, exploration, and converting Indigenous people to Christianity (Miller, 2000:48). Not all Indigenous people cooperated; some mistrusted the intruders and retreated into the bush, especially when fatal diseases struck. However, many Indigenous peoples did cooperate at first because they saw benefits in the fur trade. They exchanged furs for iron tools and other goods that were not NEL 62138_ch15_Online_rev02.indd 3 9/17/18 5:50 PM 4 Sociology of Indigenous Peoples in Canada otherwise available and used these goods to facilitate traditional activities. Intermarriage sometimes solidified trade agreements. Many First Nations welcomed strangers into their territories so long as they respected local laws and customs. In both Europe and the Americas, treaties were used to resolve land disputes and for- malize alliances. In 1613, the Haudenosaunee (Iroquois) Confederacy and the Dutch entered the first of many Peace and Friendship Treaties between Indigenous and European nations, based on principles of respect for autonomy and mutual support. This agreement was symbol- ized by the Two-Row Wampum (Guswenta) belt, showing that both nations would forever share the river of life, each in their own boat, but respecting each other’s laws and customs. This was followed by the Silver Covenant Chain with the English (1665) and the Great Peace of Montreal (1701), which involved more than 40 First Nations and ended decades of warfare between the Haudenosaunee and New France and its allies. In making such agreements, each nation sought to enhance its security and well-being, including its position inPRINT the fur trade. Over time, Europeans enjoyed more of the benefits and Indigenous peoples bore more of the costs. European diseases such as smallpox and measles devastated Indigenous communi- ties that had never been exposed and therefore lacked immunity. At least one Indigenous nation—the Beothuk in Newfoundland—was completely eliminated due to war and disease. Warfare grew more intense as European powers competed for land and trading part- ners and often tried to pit First Nations against one another.NOT European guns made warfare deadlier. After nearly a century of armed resistance to British invasion (until the signing of peace treaties in 1749, 1752, and 1760/61) and a series of epidemics (some traced to infected Syracuse Newspapers/John Berry/ The Image Works © blankets traded by the British), the East Coast Mi’kmaq population plummeted from an Replica of the Two-Row Wampum.
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