Roger Hannaford served in the 2nd during the Civil War. Following his discharge in 1865 Hannaford wrote the story of his three years' service. His manuscript was given to the Cincinnati Historical Society by Francis Hannaford, his grandson.

This part of the Hannaford narrative covers the last three days of the Civil War in Virginia in the region near and around Appomattox. The Last Days of Rebellion

by Stephen Z. Starr

"D oger Hannaford, born in England, came to America with his parents in 1844, •*- ^at the age of ten. The Hannafords settled in Cheviot, where Roger, mar- ried in 1855, was living when the Civil War broke out. Three of his four brothers enlisted immediately (one of them, Edwin A., wrote the history of his , the 6th Ohio Volunteer Infantry), but Roger, with a wife and two small children to support, did not feel it his duty to do so until the fall of 1862. Stonewall Jack- son had cleared the of Union troops; George B. McClellan's campaign to capture Richmond had ended in failure; John Pope had been badly beaten in the Second Battle of Bull Run. Those were "dark days" for the Union, and Roger decided, he wrote, that "it was time for me to go, and I went." Hannaford enlisted in a company that was to be part of a new regiment of cavalry, but the War Department added the company and three others to fill up the greatly depleted ranks of the 2nd Ohio Cavalry. That regiment, raised in the Cleveland area in the fall of 1861, had campaigned in Missouri, eastern Kansas, and the Indian Territory for ten months, and lost half its original com- plement in the process. Hannaford has not explained why he chose to enlist in the cavalry, rather than in the infantry or the . His sober, matter-of-fact personality sug- gests that whatever his reason may have been, it was not the glamor, real or assumed, of the cavalry service. After being reorganized and reequipped at Camp Dennison in late 1862, the 2nd Ohio Cavalry campaigned in Kentucky and East Tennessee throughout 1863. In March 1864, after reenlisting as "veterans," the regiment was shipped East, and became part of the Cavalry Corps, commanded by Philip Sheridan, of the Army of the Potomac. Hannaford was a good and exceptionally conscientious soldier. Wounded at Blue Springs, Tennessee, in October, 1863, he returned to duty as soon as he was discharged from the hospital. He was made Quartermaster-Sergeant of his Company M, and had risen to First Sergeant when he was mustered out of the service in the fall of 1865. A year later he began to write the story of his three years' service. He had kept a diary from time to time, he had an excellent mem- ory, and was also able to verify names, dates and places in the many letters he had written his wife, all of which she preserved. When Roger finished writing in 1874, he had produced an intensely interesting, vivid, highly personal nar- rative on 1,528-plus pages of legal-size paper (an obviously small number of concluding pages are missing). The manuscript was given to The Cincinnati Historical Society by Roger's grandson, Mr. Francis Hannaford. The necessarily abbreviated section of the Hannaford narrative here repro- duced covers the last three days of the Civil War in Virginia, April 7-9, 1865. Hannaford's erratic punctuation and paragraphing have been corrected; mili- tary terms, which he habitually but inconsistently abbreviated (e.g., "Batt," "Brig.," "Genl." "i5#NYC." and "Hd. Qrs.") are given in full; otherwise the text is entirely his. Another section of Hannaford's narrative, covering the "Wilson Raid" (June 21-29, 1864) was published in Civil War History, Vol. XXI, No. 3 (September, 1975), pp. 218-41. A third section, covering his experiences in winter camp near Winchester, Virginia in January-February, 1864, is scheduled for publi- cation in the Virginia Magazine of History and Biography in late 1977 or early 1978.

Friday, April j#. We moved as soon as it was light ... up to the farm house. . . . Here we got breakfast, & Custer, who was in the house, inspected the prisoners, who literally covered acres.1 After breakfast (whether the prisoners rec'd any I can't say) . . . they were started back toward Petersburg. In starting they marched past Division Headquarters in immense ranks as much as 300 yards long, the men being as close as they [could] conveniently walk; then, on reaching a certain point, they would make a right half-wheel, break into column of fours, & march. They had some spirit in them notwithstanding all the hardships they had passed thro'. The Division Band were playing as ... they marched; when they played "Yankee Doodle," "Hail Columbia" & kindred tunes, they would groan, but as ... they struck up "Dixie," this called out rousing cheers from them ... it had a sharpness about it, reminding us of the rebel yell... it was a noble sight [as] they moved off, with the manner & tread of trained soldiers, & it was impossible not to accord them respect as brave men. Often enough had we met them to prove this. The sun lifted the fog & shone mildly down as they moved away, but it soon clouded up & was a showery day. The 1st Connecticut was detailed as a guard for the prisoners, so that our Brigade was now very small, [the] 2nd , 2nd Ohio & 3d New Jersey Cavalry being all [that were] left.2 Talking about the size of our Division, it always used to be called 5,000 in newspapers, reports, &c.; now, I had it from excellent authority, being from a staff Officer at Division Headquarters, that on the morning of April 6#, 1865, the total number of men reported for duty was exactly 2,121. There were 3 Brigades in the Division, ours I think decidedly the smallest; but, calling it 700 men, it did pretty well ... to capture 3,400 of the enemy, which was the number in round figures ... I cap- tured 5 men, 2 of the g# Alabama, 1 of the 22nd , 1 of the 2nd Battalion, & 1 of the Engineer Corps ... If a small man did all this, what would not some of the big fellows do? Poor Quince Park had his stallion shot when our boys got in such a tight place (on the 6#) & this morning the animal would scarcely move.3 Quince nearly cried as he turned him loose, have brot him back within a few miles of where he was captured, for Quince captured him on the Wilson raid, & but a few miles south of where he left him. . . .4 As soon as the prisoners left, we mounted; taking the road, we ... came to Big Sailor Creek, the banks of which [are] steep & precipitous, covered too with bushes of evergreens. . . . Across the stream the top of the bank was covered with "gopher holes" to protect skirmishers, & farther back, the road on both sides was cut up by rifle pits, at times reaching quite a distance into the fields. All the way to & beyond Rice's Station it was the same.5 Here we [saw] the train[s] of the 24# Corps, proving that they were somewhere near.6 A mile or two beyond we came on the 6# Corps; they were in what seemed a kind of slough, busy making a ... corduroy road.7 I see my diary says the day was fine, but I am almost sure that we had quite a shower after crossing this low place. I have an indistinct idea of ... riding in the woods among the dripping trees to overtake the column & regain my place, & also that the roads were horrible & that the clouds were breaking away as we neared Prince Edward Court House at 4 ... P.M.8 We halted an hour or more in this place & got dinner. I rode up in the village, & found a lot of corn. In passing one house I saw a boy some 15 years of age, who was in a terrible rage. It seemed that some soldier had when at his house found a shotgun which he forthwith confiscated. The boy talked of his rights, after the most approved Southern fashion. As I returned to camp, I rode alongside of one of the [men of the] 1 st Michigan Cavalry. He was talking about his Division. Why, said he, since Custer left the 1st Division, it has done nothing.9 We have captured but two flags since; "now," said he, "all you hear about is the 3d Division. The 3d Division captured so many cannon, Custer's Division captured so many battle flags, nothing but the 3d Division, while the 1st Division is scarcely heard of. The fact is, you have Custer now." I well knew he spoke the truth, for while Wilson had command of the 3d Division, it was scarcely ever heard of, except to speak of its ill-luck.10 Take the Wilson raid, for example. Its reputation in the Corps was at the lowest; scarcely a member of it would willingly acknowledge his connection with it, but now it was very different. Each member felt proud to be known as one of Custer's Di- vision, & for some time there had been much talk about adopting some distinc- tive badge for our Division, but during the hurry & excitement of an active campaign nothing definite had been reached. Why, we ask, should these things be so? The material of the Division was the same then as now; in truth, we had lost many veterans since then, & rec'd some recruits, so really the material may be said to have been better then. The fact is, the whole difference [was] in the

9 It was said that after the daring, dashing, and aggres- sive Custer took command of the 3d Division "all you hear about is the 3d Division." Each soldier was proud to be a part of Custer's troops.

General George A. Custer commanders. Wilson was universally considered to be an unlucky man. We never went into a fight but that we expected to be beat. We neither had confi- dence in him or ourselves, but with Custer, ever since the fight at Tom's Brook on Oct. g#, 1864, we never began but we felt sure of victory . . . . n We did not make a long halt at Prince Edwards; left going west, passing Kautz's (old) Division of Cavalry along the roadside, resting.12 About dusk we came to a considerable creek, turned up it a short distance, moved a mile or so farther ... & went into camp just before reaching Buffalo river, rather unex- pectedly too, as it was not the intention to stop, but the bridge was in such a con- dition that the trainfs] could not cross on it, until repaired. Half an hour after halting, & as we had everything ready to get supper, Companies M & H were ordered to saddle up & go on picket. There was some grumbling, but we went, except some 3 or 4 who, as soon as we halted, had rolled themselves up in their blankets & were now terribly deaf & slept on. We forded the river just below the bridge, then turned off to the right nearly a mile from camp, & were posted on top of a high bare hill, a splendid place for a day picket post, but a poor post for a night picket. We all considered [that] our being posted there was a mere mat- ter of form, so built large fires & made ourselves comfortable . . . ,13 Saturday, April 8#. The sun must have been nearly three hours high before we were called in, & found our Regiment was a mile or two ahead . . . We over- took the Regiment about a mile before reaching Prospect Station, where we halted an hour.14 Here we found the 2nd Division, which [on] the morning of the 7# had parted from us, moving directly in rear of Lee's army, overtaking the rear-guard at High Bridge and Farmville.15 A portion of the Division at- tacked, and were driven back with severe loss. From what the 2nd Division boys said, it appeared to have been a very rash affair, & if made in the supposition that Lee's men were too much disheartened & used up to fight, they found out that it was a mistake. The 2nd Division boys had found at Prospect Station a large quantity of tobacco of different kinds, and when our Regiment came along opposite the i3# Ohio Volunteer Cavalry, the men of that Regiment stood alongside the road with their arms full of tobacco, calling out as the column passed bye, "are you Buckeyes? where are the Buckeyes?" and when we came to them crowded up, offering us, yes, pressing us, to take tobacco; if one kind did not suit, take some other.16 They really seemed glad to meet us, shaking hands, treating us like old friends. I could not but feel my heart warm towards them, tho I did not know a single man. By some means they knew that the whole Cavalry Corps would meet here ... & the idea struck them to get enough tobacco for themselves & the other "Buckeye boys," & I was glad to see our men appre- ciated the kind thought. After resting an hour, our Division again moved . . . Nothing of interest oc- curred; we pressed forward at a fast walk, & though the day was quite warm, we did not halt until 4 o'clock . . . when we halted for a few minutes only, oppo- site a farm house. As is always the case, most of the boys went to the house to

11 see what could be got for man or beast. We found some officers at the house & they had already placed a safe-guard over the corn, so nothing was to be had. . . . After a short rest we again moved rapidly forward; the roads were in good con- dition, the day beautiful, quite warm at mid-day but toward evening exceedingly pleasant, the sky cloudless, [the] air still & serene, & not the least sign of the pres- ence of an armed foe ... I well reccollect feeling very hungry, & eating some of the raw shoulder I carried in my nose sack, & hunting up small pieces of cracker. Before I had finished my repast we heard the sharp cracking of musketry a short distance ahead.17 The column immediately started off at a sharp trot. As we neared the R. R. crossing (for at the time we were south of the R. R.) we met a string of prisoners, some 40 probably, under charge of a guard, who were hurrying them to the rear. Among the prisoners were a few negroes; these as they met us called out. . . "hurry up, hurry up, & you[n]s will get all of urn." As we crossed the RR ... at "A," we saw, up the track to our left, several locomo- tives & a large number of cars.18 As we hurried by we noticed that each had steam up. In the open field "B" was General Custer & staff . . . they were all in the greatest excitement, Custer giving orders, pointing with his left hand toward the locomotives & trains, & to us with his right, calling on us to "forward, boys." The enemy were in the woods in his immediate front; as we entered the woods, our Brigade . . . the 2nd New York in advance, our Regiment next, & the 3d New Jersey in the rear, a total of about 400 men, deployed right & left, driving the enemy's skirmishers before us. What happened on the rest of the line I really cannot tell, so will relate my own experience. Our Company were on the left, & we drove the "rebels" thro the woods until we came to the roadway, having in our front the open field "C." By this time it was sundown, & in the woods it was growing dusky. As we came out on the road, the rebel line, which was formed on a slight rise in back of the old log cabin, rose up & poured into our thin line ... a perfectly terrific (as well as a flanking) volley, then charged down toward us, keeping under cover of the old cabin. It was impossible to stand this fire so we fell back thro the woods, followed by a tempest of lead. Major Barnitz tried to reform us about half way back, but so awful was the fire that it was useless ... & we were nearly back thro the woods before the line was again formed.19 These woods were very much of the wilderness order, & our line . . . was so thin, that each man, or at least every two or three (for the men in such a case are most sure to lump together) made an independent advance. It was at this time that Ge[o]phard was wounded; sometime during the after- noon, Higgins, Geophard, Jack Gray & a few others of the company had left the column & gone off foraging.20 The two first mentioned got back just as we de- ployed. As we advanced thro the woods ... I hear[d] Geophard coming up on the right, yelling out, "forward, boys; forward 2nd Ohio; Company M forward." I knew in a moment that he was drunk. We rode into the road together & we fired one or two rounds each, & it was the volley the rebs fired as they rose that

12 /

Hannaford's hand drawn map shows the rail- road tracks (A) which they crossed, the location of Custer (B), and the open field (C) from which the Union troops drove the "rebels" through the woods. he was hit, or when they ran down to the log-hut they might have picked him off, he being drunken stubborn & not falling back when the line did. Bauer found him half an hour afterward, still clinging to his horse . . . utterly uncon- scious & speechless; he was shot thro the bowels, thro the hand, & I think hit some other place.21 He died near mid-night... I could but pity him, victim as he was to his own folly. While in front of field "C" I turned to my right to return the fire of the rebels & found that my carbine had . . . become useless. The lockplate had jarred loose on the stock & the hammer would not strike the pin. This was the great & I think most the only fault with the "Spencer."22 When the line was reformed, the 3[d] New Jersey was now up, & most of our Regiment were on the right of the road. I was on the extreme right almost, & the right of the line advanced ... to "D" when the "rebs" opened on us with grape & cannister.23 They also had been & still did shell the crossing "A" vigorously. Luckily they could not see us & the first discharge . . . passed over our heads, but the line divided, part swaying left, part right, leaving an open space some 150 yds. wide, over which the grape & cannister swept like hail. It would have been impossible for anything to have lived in that space. I did not leave until after the 4# or 5# discharge, being sheltered behind an enormous ches[t]nut tree, keeping my mare's head up against the tree. By that time I found it im- possible to keep her still; she was frightened at the sound of the grape & can- nister flying among the leaves & bushes on every side. So, watching, I galloped off to the right, right after a discharge. By this time it was growing quite dark. Still farther to our right, in that large field "E," the (or a portion of it) was posted ... I rode a short dis- tance down, & saw that the "rebs" were developing a heavy force down there, rapidly driving the i5# New York toward the R. R. Here I was joined by the "Lieutenant " of either the 8# or i5# New York (for both were in the 2nd Brigade); which, I really now cannot say.24 He always used to be consid- ered a coward, & if half that was told of him was true, it was certainly true. He was rather a fine looking man of some 45 years of age, with curly hair worn long, & a heavy dark beard. He used to wear a dark velvet jacket with velveteen corduroy pants, heavy cavalry boots, & altogether presented the appearance of an Officer got up for show & not service. I was watching very intently the i5# New York . . . when I saw the Lieutenant Colonel approaching, leading his pony. As he joined me, he apologized rather for leaving his command, saying his horse was wounded, but where, I could not see. It would seem that he had not looked behind for awhile . . . after talking a short time I told him that we had better get out of this, for the 15# New York were being driven, & the enemy rapidly nearing us. This put him in a terrible flurry. He sprang back, buckled the girths & sprang into his saddle utterly regardless of his wounded beast, & urged me to fall back with him, saying he did not know where to find our line. I saw we must retreat, & knew that it must be across the line of the artillery

14 fire, & so rapidly were the pieces served that I felt sure it was impossible to do so between the discharges. Waiting until the discharge of grape & cannister had passed us. I started in, calling on him to follow. The road was rough & it was quite dusk & we had to go slow. We were but very little more than half way across the line of fire (150 yards) when the two pieces bellowed out & we were immediately surrounded above & on every side by the hurtling, whistling shower of iron & lead. Dusk as it was, I saw a grape shot nearly as large as a hen's egg, strike the ground, scattering & throwing the leaves before it, some 30 yards to my right. It made one bound over my mare's back & struck me on the upper part of my pelvis bone two or three inches from the spine. The greatest force of it was broken as it struck the ground; it also struck first the corner of my cartridge box . . . this it jammed against the cantel of the saddle, also striking the sling of my carbine. All these combined broke the blow materially; still, there was force enough to tear a large hole in my blouse & strike me a hard blow, making a large black & blue lump. As I felt the blow, I gave a grunt .... The Lieutenant Colonel immediately called out & asked if I was hit. I told him I was. Without another word he put spurs to his horse, & passed me like a whirlwind, never stopping to ask how & where I was wounded or if I needed assistance. That was the last I saw of him. . . . Before another discharge I was safely across, then turned to see the i5# New York. They had lost much ground ... & were making for the woods near the R. R. It was now too dark to see the forms of the men, but the flash of their guns showed . . . distinctly how matters stood. The foremost of the "rebs" were nearly half-way across the open field, yelling as the[y] went. I opened on them with my Spencer, calling on some 4 or 5 others to do the same, which they did, thus taking them on the right flank. Whether this had any influence I cannot say; it might only have been the darkness; certain it is that [the] enemy halted & then fell back. Lucky indeed for us was it that there was not left an hour of day- light, for this would have enabled . . . [them] to have reached the R. R. in our rear. This, in the scattered disposition in which our Division was, would have I feel certain . . . resulted in our dispersion & defeat, in which many men would be killed & more captured, & our trophies on the track would have been recap- tured. Very anxious was I as I saw the rebels so rapidly driving the i5# New York, well knowing that Custer, who at the head of a few brave spir[i]ts, was making charge after charge on the enemy up near the old log cabin, was entirely ignorant of it, as the following proves: as I opened on the "rebs" in the field, some staff Officer came riding up to me, ordering me with terrible oaths to stop firing, saying they were our own men, the i5# New York being down there. He called me everything he could lay tongue to, swearing he would shoot me if I did not stop ... I knew he was ignorant of the situation, so answered him very coolly that the i5# New York were there a few minutes ago, but they had been driven & now were back almost to the woods. Look, said I, see from the flash of the guns if the i5# New York are not back to our right & that those are "rebs."

15 As he looked, it was plain to be seen . . ."Why, why, that's so. They are Johnnies. Give it to them, boys. I must go back & report," said he, & away he went on the lope. In a few minutes the frightful yelling ceased, the musketry in the field began to droop & soon ceased to my great joy, for by this time I began to feel very sick & was in great pain . . . Reaching the main road, I fell in with one of Company C. Soon we came to the Provost Marshal, & the Company C man, wishing an ex- cuse to get to the rear, said he was helping a wounded man . . . The Captain wanted to know if the wounded man could not ride alone, & ordered him to the front, saying that while wounded men would be directed to the rear, no one should be allowed to sneak away.25 For my part, I did not know what to do. I could learn nothing about my Company or Regiment, & soon beginning to feel much better, I rode up toward the log cabin, in back of beyond which the fight- ing at times was brisk. By this time knowing I was but severely bruised, I began to feel ashamed of myself, & the excuse of the Company C man disgusted me, & I felt I really had no better excuse to sneak away than he had. Near the cabin & in & near the open field C I found numbers of our Regiment . . . nothing seemed to be doing, & all I could learn was that Custer at the head of a few men was still leading charges on the "rebs" who were stationed in the open field "F." Here they made a most determined stand, but just about this time Custer succeeded in driving them out of this field, capturing in it several pieces of artillery . . . .26 By this time it was 8 o'clock, & the moon was just beginning to rise over the tree tops. There are several small woods roads running from Appomattox Sta- tion toward the fieldF , centering finally in the main road to Clover Hill, & it was on these little roads that Custer led the charges & was at last successful by sending a force well around to the left, coming in on the enemy's flank & rear .... From what Quince & others who were in it told me . . . [there] must have been altogether nearly a dozen different charges, Custer leading every one, calling on the men to follow him. The rebels fought as though they had indeed reached the last ditch & knew it, & I expect were too tired to run. As for our men, it was impossible to gather up more than a dozen to a score at each charge .... Said Quince, "We expected Custer would be killed every time, but he was not scratched, tho he had a horse or two killed under him. He really appeared to lead a charmed life.". . . It may be thought curious that no more could be brot together, but it must be considered that it was dark, & no man likes to fight in a new & perfectly strange country after dark. Many a brave man at noon is a very coward at midnight ... Of course in the darkness it is very easy to evade Officers who if they could only see would soon force larger numbers to the front & let me add that many an Officer who when hunting up skulkers in the rear is a terrible man, likes that work much better than heading a charge, & fervently prays that skulkers may be plenty. But as I say, at last Custer succeeded in driving the enemy . . . Away off to the North West a rebel battery still kept firing, but none of the shells came near

16 A South Carolina fire eater, who knew nothing of the truce, shouted "South Carolinians never surrender," and ordered his unit to attack thinking the Union forces were scattered and would easily be beaten. us; they were shelling the Clover Hill road, nearly a mile beyond us. There was a small party of our men that charged fairly into the rebel camp at Appomattox Court House, or Clover Hill, as it is more generally called, riding over & between the tired & sleeping rebels & out again before they were sufficiently awake to stop them . . . Our bugle call recalling & gathering together numbers of scat- tered men, after half an hour's waiting our Regiment moved ... In a short time we halted . . . After a hasty supper, during which firing was heard all around us nearly, we remounted & went south of the R. R., somewhat west of the sta- tion, camping in a heavy piece of woodland. Sunday, April g#. I was up in good time. We soon had breakfast, but no movement was made for an hour or two after. We curried & fed our horses, took them down to a little brook ... to water, allowing them to graze in an open field there, chatted together over the events of the previous evening as we washed ourselves, Hen Lewis showing me a large hole in his pants where he was struck by a grape shot, & I well reccollect seeing then an Infantry straggler slowly wending his weary way westward on the R. R., showing us that some of the Infantry were up.27 It was 8 o'clock . . . when I slowly went back to camp, find- ing the men lying around, some sleeping, some of the lazy ones eating breakfast, others in the groups talking about Geophard & others who had died the night before. Just after I got back, Jack Gray came back from watering his horse. I saw that he was dressed in full suit of rebel grey which he had found in some house when out foraging the day before. I saw too that already ... he was much under the influence of liquor, or rather it is doubtful whether he had sobered off at all during the night. "Boys," said he with considerable of a flourish, "boys, I am going to the front. I am going to see what they are doing out at the front." So away he rode . . . We never saw him afterward, and for a long time we knew not what had become of him. At last Dote McCoy (his brother) reed a letter from a Hospital Chaplain at Farmville . . . saying that Jack was there in General Hospital, very dangerously wounded, & in a few days after he died there. We afterward learnt from a Captain of the 13 # Ohio Volunteer Cavalry that as that Regiment was hurriedly falling back, who should he come across but Jack Grey (alias McCoy) shot thro' both hips. He recognized him in a moment, both being from Oxford, O., & Jack knew him; it was impossible at the time to remove him & later in the day, when the rebels fell back . . . [and] the Captain returned to find him he was already removed . . . Poor Jack! If it had not been for apple jack, he might have been living now. Our Division being withdrawn from the front. . . the 2nd Division held the advance on the morning of April g#. As soon as it was possible to see, the enemy, bringing his whole force up, made a most furious attack on the 2nd Division, who, being dismounted & behind slight works, held them a short time in check, but they were soon forced to fall back, fighting stubbornly, as they went, taking advantage of every knoll... in that broken, uneven country, but it

18 was plain as could be to us that the fighting was drawing nearer, & just after I came back from watering . . . the bullets began every once in awhile to crash among the tree-tops overhead.28 This made us very anxious, & much specula- tion was indulged [in] as to how many & what Infantry were already up, for overestimating as we did Lee's strength ... & feeling certain that we had all of it to cope with, we felt sure we would be thrashed. Nearer came the fighting, oftener flew the bullets among the tree tops, & more anxious we grew. Our horses were already saddled, & we were waiting for the order to mount, which we felt must soon come; come it did, finding us all in our saddles in a trice. Moving down toward the R. R. . . . we saw a sight that revived our drooping spirits wonderfully. The main road was full of colored troops of the 25 # Corps, who, though it was plain to see were almost ready to drop from fatigue, having been marched all night, much of it on the double quick, were now hurrying by ... as we saw the poor tired fellows, many of them reeling with fatigue, others with their mouths wide open, & most all limping from foot sores, we gave them a hearty cheer, which brought forth a quick response & seemed to infuse new life for a moment in the poor, footsore, weary fellows.29 As we neared the top of the ridge north of the R. R., we came on two lines of battle, the men lying flat on their faces, & glad enough no doubt to rest after their terrible march; they were the 24 # Corps ... & so worn out were most of the men that but very few lifted their heads to observe the passing Cavalry .... It was no road we were on; we were only making for a road. As we were crossing the hill we could [see] Lee's wagon train strung out, very slowly moving east. It seemed they were in such a position that they knew not what to do, & were now taking the back track . . . our orders were to capture that wagon train, which we now could plainly see less than a mile distant. . . when all of a sudden the column came to a sudden halt. Why, no one knew, but soon rumors flew like wildfire that Lee had sent in a flag of truce. Not many minutes elapsed before General Custer, in an almost frenzied excitement, hat in hand, rode along the column, informing us that General Lee had sent in a flag of truce to arrange terms of surrender. Often have I seen men excited, but never in all my experi- ence did I see men so utterly beside themselves. Every one seemed to catch the excitement of our beloved commander in ten fold strength, & so wild a body was never before seen or heard. We yelled & cheered, threw our caps in the air, shook hands, danced, & cut such capers as at any other time we would have been ashamed of ... Not until we were almost exhausted, which was in about 10 minutes, did we begin to talk about it in a rational manner. The idea was universal —even the dullest seem[ed] to understand the great fact —that the war was over. Another thing we did not have the least doubt. . . but that Lee would surrender; we knew at least that we would soon force him to. How my thoughts went back ... to the time when I used to read the oft re- peated sentence, "all is quiet on the Potomac," & longfed] ... to hear of the success of the Army of the Potomac .... If Lee's army could only be defeated &

19 Richmond taken, every one was sure the war would be over .... Never then did I have the least thought that I would be one of the atoms to bring this about. But to return, while we were all eagerly talking, we saw a General on a black horse, followed by his staff, coming rapidly down the road toward us, & we all supposed it to be little Phil.30 Our Regiment was in the rear of the column, & we determined to give him an ovation, so we drew up in line on the north side of the road, waiting for his approach. When he came a little nearer we saw it was little General Merritt. . . but this made no difference.31 We were ready to cheer a man much less popular than Merritt, so when he came opposite us, such a cheer went up ... [as] is seldom heard, caught up by each succeeding Regiment. So sudden was the outburst that his horse, though well used to cheering, was frightened, bounding off with a quick jump to the left, bringing up in a deep mud hole, from which he with difficulty withdrew himself. An awkward horse- man would have found himself floundering beside the horse in the mud hole, but Merritt scarcely swerved in his saddle . . . but with his cap in his hand, his face wreathed in smiles, he bowed continually to the men as he passed along .... As he disappeared we saw another General mounted on a black horse. This we knew must be Sheridan, "so now boys be all ready" passed along the line & we arranged ourselves as before, waiting caps in hand for little Phil. As he came at "A" we opened, giving him 3 rousing cheers.32 Off flew his hat, but only for a moment, & he allowed a smile to appear on his stern features, as we swung our caps & cheered, the whole column taking up the cheers .... After Sheridan passed by most of the men moved out into the woods, being very eager to see if we could see anything of the rebels ... I had got about 100 yards from the main road & was peering toward the Court House, being anxious to see where the enemy was . . . All at once we were aroused by hearing firing & I saw a column of rebel Cavalry coming up the ridge road . . . We all saw this column . . . forming in line, but stood . . . looking at them, & it was only when they opened on us with a regular volley, & began to move forward with a yell, that we understood that they were in earnest, & that it was not a little mistake. The command now rang out "to your horses, men," & we began to see work on hand. In a trice we were back to our horses . . . the order "forward march" was given, & with tremendous cheer the whole line went for the "rebels." They . . . stood bravely up to the work, & [we] were fully half way toward them, & were breaking into a trot before they broke & turned, then our whole line dashed after them, the enemy retreating . . . down the ridge . . . Several of the Cavalry men were captured, the most ridiculous part of the thing being some drunken "rebel" riding toward us, just as we closed on them, with a small dirty white rag some 6 or 8 in. square, hoisted on a little switch, yet it was respected by most every soldier, the result being an immediate halt & no more firing. The whole story came out afterward; it seemed that this Brigade or Division of rebel cavalry had been off east somewhere & knew nothing of the flag of truce . . . until he came to the battery & the Infantry support, the Officers of which told him all about it,

20 ./ Jl

Another of Hannaford's sketches shows the position of Union troops and Sheridan's route into the Court House area. After he had passed by, most of the Union men anxious to see where the rebels were moved into the woods. General Philip Sheridan, having blocked General Lee's last escape route, rode into the Appomattox Court House region and received rousing cheers from the troops.

General Philip H. Sheridan w. but he was a fool as well as a South Carolina fire-eater ... so, supposing . . . this an excellent time to immortalize himself, uttered that famous remark, "South Carolinians never surrender,". . . so gave orders for his command to attack, sup- posing us so scattered that we would be easily beaten, but he soon found out his mistake . . .33 The battery at "D," six large guns . . . never fired a gun, altho we rode almost up to the guns' muzzle[s] & few of our men even passed by them & the Infantry support, yet not a musket was fired, as it was well known that [the] Cavalry Commander began the fight in point blank violation of a flag of truce . . . Yet one life (if not more) was to be here wasted; that was Sergeant Ben Werry, Company A [of] our Regiment.34 The story was related by some Officer of the Regiment that killed him . . . Ben rode in between the guns, & came to the right of some Alabama Regiment that was one of the batteries' support . . . Ben rode up to the Colonel, demanding the surrender of the whole Regiment. They laughed at him . . . asking him what he meant? Ben swore that he meant just exactly what he said. They . . . again only laughed. This rose Ben's ire, & riding up to their battle flag, which was stuck in the ground ... he snatched it, drew it out & turned to ride away on the gallop, but he had not gone more than 10 to 12 yards before both horse & rider fell, riddled with balls, the whole right of the Regiment firing at him .... It was known that he was pretty full of apple-jack; this would make even a sensible a man as Sergeant Werry a fool. This made the tenth man of Company "A" killed within ten days ... It threw a gloom over the whole Regiment .... After the redoubtable South Carolinians had been defeated, the men turned, eagerly inquiring for Sheridan, the idea being almost universal that some mis- hap had befallen him, for it was not 5 minutes after he passed us before we were fired into ... & for a few minutes the men were perfectly wild, as many thought the "rebs" would kill him on sight, others that he was captured, & rumors of his death & capture spread like lightening, but in a short time quiet was restored, the facts fully ascertained .... When the men were quieted down, our Brigade was taken into the woods & drawn up in Regimental lines, while Custer established his Headquarters . . . directly across the road . . . Here General Custer rode up & down before each line, informing the men of what had been so far done, that Grant & Lee had met, that commissioners on each side had been appointed to agree on terms, that the final meeting for surrendering (or not) was set for 2 o'clock; again the men cheered & yelled, & then like sensible men they all began getting dinner, so as to [be] ready for emergencies if at 2 P.M. it should happen Lee refused to sur- render. Very little doubt was ascertained of this, for from the ridge on which we lay we could [see] enormous long lines of our Infantry lying perfectly still on the west & south-west of the Court House, & we knew that it was the same on the south, south-east & East. We all knew that if Lee refused to surrender . . . his whole force would be butchered. The affair might be bloody, but it must be short, even giving Lee credit for the number of men we imagined to be left with

23 him . . . Lucky indeed was it that it was not one week later, when the news came of the foul murder of our martyred President. Why, I much doubt if the com- bined influence of all the Generals could have controled the fury of the men .... One thing our men did not much fancy . . . was that guards were placed not only in our front but in front of the rebels (they putting out a line) & no man was allowed to cross that line, orders being given to fire on any one persisting ... & even after the surrender strict orders were given to us not to move beyond a certain line.35 About i o'clock the rebel battery "D" & its supports, also the Alabama Reg- iment at "E" were withdrawn . . . This enabled the Company "A" boys to search for Sergeant Werry . . . They soon found him lying stiff & stark, covered with blood & wounds, & close beside him his faithful horse; when I saw him they had wrapped his blanket around him & he lay ready for his grave which his comrades were busy digging . . . Leaving there I went over to "F", that being as far as we dared go, & watched the rebs who were in the ravine below. I noticed them carrying water from the run & rails from a fence; no doubt the poor fellows were doing their best to recruit after the hardships of the past week or ten days. We all gazed too with curious & anxious eyes at the small low cottage from the top of which floated a large red flag, ensignia of Lee's Headquarters, from which mounted men occasionally rode to & from. I begged the privelege ... of some Officer of a glance thro his field glass, & then I could almost discern the features, tho' they were half a mile distant. Before this, however . . . while most of the men were in camp, having just finished dinner, I noticed two rebel Officers come riding up the road . . . They stopped immediately in front of Custer's Headquarters at "C." The General was lying, or lounging rather, at the foot of an enormous oak, having finished dinner a short time before. Near bye was the Division flag stuck in the ground, & his staff (the few with him) were taking it easy also. As the rebel Officers halted, Custer looked up, then with a smile on his face he sprung up, came eagerly forward, calling each of them by name, shaking them by the hand most heartily, then calling orderlies to take charge of the horses, he led his guests back to the oak, & for an hour or two chatted & laughed with his visitors, as freely & unconcernedly, as if they never had been pitted against each other in deadly battle . . . One of the Officers' horses had not a shoe on his feet, so Custer sent for the blacksmith & had him shoe the horse all around. While they were still chatting, the Division Band came up to Headquarters & began playing. They played several patriotic tunes, such as Hail Columbia, Yankee Doodle, then too Dixie & many others, some Scotch songs I know among them. At last, in imitation of others who had been calling for their favorite songs, I stepped up to the Band Leader ... & said, "now give us something we all can enjoy, all appreciate. Give us Home Sweet Home." He turned to the Band, saying, "boys, I expect you are pretty tired, we will play sweet home, then stop." By this time rumors came (but rather premature) that the surrender was

24 In the middle of the afternoon a small party of officers as seen coming from the Court House. From the actions of the Confederate soldiers Hannaford's men determined it was General Lee himself. complete ... & now the men from every Regiment of our Brigade were crowded & jammed around the Band by the hundreds, all laughing, joking, Planning & hoping ... all indeed were nearly wild with delight. Just then the Band began "Sweet Home," & before the first verse was finished, an almost unearthly si- lence had fallen on the assembly . . . the men stood around . . . with their heads bowed on their bosoms, with that peculiar far away look in their eyes, showing their thoughts had flown far distant, & I saw tears well up in many an eye . . . I looked up at Custer's guests, for I am not ashamed to own that they were prom- inent in my thoughts when asking for the song, & altho the General & the older of the guests still kept up the semblance of conversation, it was plain to be seen that their thoughts were truant. As for the younger visitor, he appeared to be lost to his present surroundings, his thoughts were far distant, & as the music died away, something very like a sigh broke from his lips as he glanced quickly up .... It was two or three minutes before the hushed stillness was broken & the hilarity of the hour resumed. . . . It must have been about the middle of the afternoon when a small party of Officers were seen coming from the Court House toward General Lee's Head- quarters; from the actions of the men & also from what could be seen thro the glasses, we knew it was Lee himself; as he moved very slowly eastward, his men crowded around him, rushing toward him as he rode; as near as I could tell at the distance, they seemed to be shaking hands with him. At last when he came near the cottage containing his Headquarters, & when the crowd around him was very large, we could see them dash away & run toward the wagons, & then we could hear great & continued cheering, & could observe them swarming around the wagons; we heard afterward that General Lee, after telling them that he had surrendered, told them to help themselves to whatever they could find in the wagons, & the poor starved wretches quickly availed themselves of the privelege, but found but little. . . . It was between 4 & 5 o'clock when I went back to camp, just in time to hear the Official notification that Lee had really & truly surrendered his entire army. . . . Toward the middle of the afternoon it grew hazy & by evening there was every prospect of rain before midnight, so Bill [Maxel] & I put up our tent & then got supper, which finished, we lay watching several of the Company E boys getting supper; one mess in particular seemed to be getting an extra supper & were just sitting down when 4 lank forms were seen looming up thro' the dark- ness by the staring Company C boys.36 They seem[ed] to be electrified, jumping up & welcomed the [new]comers enthusiastically, they proving to be 4 of their Comrades who had been captured at Sailor's Creek the Thursday before . . . That they enjoy[ed] the supper is easily believed, as they had been nearly starved, yet they said that they believed they fared as well as Lee's common soldiers. The story they told of the hardships, destitution & demoralization of Lee's army, has since become history. Most of Lee's Infantry had thrown away their arm[s], being too weak to carry them, & it was this that made the rebel

26 army give cheer after cheer when General Lee informed them that he had sur- rendered. Any change was acceptable, as 'twas impossible it could be for the worse. They had conversed freely with the rank & fileo f the enemy, & all without one single exception agreed that the Southern Confederacy had, to use their sig- nificant expression, "gone up," & most all said that for six months past they knew that Lee must leave Richmond, but hoped he would be able to join Johns- ton, & then they hoped "something would turn up," but now they all considered the war virtually at an end. . . . That night we went early to bed, & never shall I forget the feeling that passed over my soul just before retiring, the knowledge that now we could go to bed & feel sure of enjoying a full night's rest... be certain that we would not be aroused by war's wild alarm; the feeling of perfect quiet & safety, the feeling of being able now to enjoy perfect peace, was delightful, & occupied my mind until I went to sleep. The thought that I was certain, yes certain, of having a quiet night, the idea of security, was ineffable.

STEPHEN Z. STARR is Director of The Cincinnati Historical Society and author of two books on the Civil War: Colonel Grenfell's Wars and Jennison's Jayhawkers.

(1) Hannaford's narrative begins on the general, commands the 3d Division of morning of April 7, 1865, the day fol- the Cavalry Corps. A great showman, lowing the fight at Sailor's or (Sayler's) as well as a conspicuously able and Creek. Gen. Lee's army, forced to evac- aggressive cavalryman, Custer was uate the Richmond and Petersburg brevetted or promoted five times for defenses on April 2, was making a "distinguished services . . . gallant desperation march southwestward, to conduct . . . untiring skill and energy join Gen. Joseph E. Johnston's army in . . . personal gallantry and high North Carolina. Hounded by Sheridan's ability." Cavalry Corps and the full strength of (2) The 2nd Ohio, together with the 2nd the Army of the Potomac reinforced New York, 1st Connecticut and 3d by the Army of the James, the ragged New Jersey, made up the and starving "rebels" were attacked of the 3d Cavalry Division. The 2nd and badly beaten at Sailor's Creek, Brigade consisted of the 8th and 15th with the loss of perhaps 7,000 men New York and the 1st Vermont; the (including seven generals) taken 3d Brigade, of the 1st New York and prisoner. Custer (invariably spelled the 1st, 2nd and 3d West Virginia. "Custar" by Hannaford) was George A. (3) "Quince" Park was First Sergeant Custer, a native of Ohio, graduate (last John Q. Park of Company M, mustered in his class) of West Point, Class of in as a private Nov. 6, 1862. 1861. After service in the Regular (4) The Wilson Raid, June 21-29, 1864, Cavalry in 1861-62, Custer was pro- was led by Gen. James H. Wilson, then moted to brigadier-general and given in command of the 3d Cavalry Divi- command of the Michigan Cavalry sion. Reinforced by the small Cavalry Brigade in 1863. As Hannaford's ac- Division of the Army of the James, count opens, Custer, now a major- under Gen. August V. Kautz, Wilson's objective was to destroy the Southside final stages of his great (Shenandoah) (Petersburg & Lynchburg) and Rich- Valley Campaign, ordered his Chief of mond & Danville Railroads, on which Cavalry, Gen. A. T. A. Torbert, to give Gen. Lee's army, defending Richmond Gen. Thomas Rosser's Confederate and Petersburg, chiefly depended for cavalry "a drubbing next morning or its supplies. The raid was successful get whipped himself." With the divi- in accomplishing its purpose, but sions of Custer and , Wilson was intercepted on his return, Torbert attacked and routed Rosser at and barely escaped, losing all his Tom's Brook. The 26-mile pursuit of artillery, wagons and supplies, and the beaten Confederates became upwards of 1,300 of his men killed, known as the "Woodstock races." wounded or missing. (12) August V. Kautz: a native of Germany, (5) Rice's Station (or Rice's Depot) : on the grew up in Ripley, Ohio; served in the Petersburg & Lynchburg R.R., a short Mexican War; West Point Class of distance sw. of the Sailor's Creek 1852. Capt., 6th U.S. Cavalry, 1862; battlefield. Col., 2nd Ohio Cavalry, Sept., 1862; (6) The XXIV Army Corps, commanded by Brig.-Gen. and Chief of Cavalry, Army Maj.-Gen. John Gibbon, was part of the of the James, April 1864; promoted to Army of the James. command the 1st Division (infantry), (7) Maj.-Gen. Horatio G. Wright's VI Army XXV Army Corps, Army of the James. Corps, of the Army of the Potomac, His former command, the Cavalry Divi- operated under Sheridan's direct orders sion of the Army of the James, was throughout the pursuit of the Confed- led in the by erate army. Brig.-Gen. Ranald S. Mackenzie. (8) On the morning of April 7, Sheridan (13) Under normal circumstances, the ordered his cavalry to march to Prince building of fires at a picket post (thus Edward (or Edward's) Court House, revealing its position) was strictly seven miles sw. of Farmville, to block forbidden. Gen. Lee's escape route to North (14) Prospect Station: on the Petersburg & Carolina via Danville. Later that day Lynchburg R.R., approx. 8 miles w. of Sheridan discovered that as a result of Farmville, and the same distance nw. the defeat at Sailor's Creek, Lee had of Prince Edward Court House. given up the plan to escape to North (15) The 2nd Division of the Cavalry Corps, Carolina, and was now marching west, under Maj.-Gen. , had with Lynchburg as his immediate been ordered to press the rear of the objective. Confederate army, while the 1 st and (9) The 1st, 5th, 6th and 7th of 3d Divisions attempted to hem it in Michigan Cavalry made up the 1st (or from the south and west. On April 7, Michigan) Brigade of the 1st Cavalry Crook attacked the Confederate rear- Division. Custer had commanded the guard near Farmville. His 2nd Brigade, brigade with notable success, before leading the attack, rode into a cleverly- his promotion to the command of the laid trap and was badly beaten, its 3d Division. commander, Col. J. Irvin Gregg, being (10) Wilson had commanded the 3d Divi- taken prisoner. sion from shortly before the start of (16) The 13th Ohio Cavalry, commanded by Grant's Wilderness Campaign in May, Lieut.-Col. Stephen R. Clark, was a 1864 until October, 1864, when he was part of the 3d Brigade, 2nd Cavalry promoted to major-general and sent Division. West to become Chief of Cavalry under (17) One of Sheridan's scouts reported that Gen. Sherman. four trains, loaded with supplies sent (11) On Oct. 8, 1864, Sheridan, then in the from Lynchburg to meet the Confed-

28 erate army, had reached Appomattox spring of 1865, most of the Federal Station. Custer, leading the advance cavalry was armed with it. Generally of Sheridan's cavalry, reached the considered to have been the best fire- station and captured the trains arm of the Civil War. moments before the advance elements (23) Grape and canister (not "cannister") of Gen. Lee's army, coming from the were artillery projectiles, used at short direction of Appomattox Court House, and intermediate ranges. Grape was a 2V2 miles to the ne., arrived on the number (usually 9) of large iron balls, scene. made to scatter when the shell con- (18) See Hannaford's rough but adequate taining them exploded. Canister was sketch map, p. 13. a tin can filled with small cast iron (19) In the absence of Lieut.-Col. A. Bayard or lead balls; the can burst when it Nettleton, the 2nd Ohio was com- left the muzzle of the gun, scattering manded by Major Albert Barnitz, who a deadly hail of bullets for a distance had enlisted in the regiment as a of one to two hundred yards. private, and through successive pro- (24) The officer whose behavior Hannaford motions, became Senior Major. describes must have been the lieut.-col. (20) Higgins was Charles Higgins, and of the 8th New York, for Lieut.-Col. Geophard, Peter Geophard, both of August. J. Root of the 15th New York, whom had enlisted in Co. M at the "a noble and brave man," was killed age of 18 on Dec. 31, 1862. The roster in the last charge that evening, on the of Co. M does not list a "Jack Gray"; outskirts of Appomattox Court House. there was, however, a Miles B. Gray in Co. G of the regiment, who had enlisted (25) One of the principal duties of the in April, 1862, at the age of 18. The brigade or division provost marshal number of troopers who appear in the was to send back into action un- regimental roster as having enlisted wounded men who had left the ranks without authority. at the age of 18, causes one to suspect that, as was commonly the case, many (26) The action Hannaford describes was of them were boys of 15, 16 and 17, between Custer's division and the ad- who lied about their ages to be allowed vance units of Gen. Lee's infantry. to enlist. At a later point in his narra- The fight ended well after dark, with tive, Hannaford speaks of "Dote the Confederates driven away from McCoy" as Gray's brother. "Jack Gray" the Station back to the town, with the may have been a nickname or an loss of 25 pieces of artillery and a large alias, but that does not assist identifi- park of wagons. cation, for there were four McCoys (27) Realizing that he was now astride Gen. (Samuel, William, Robert, and Lee's only remaining escape route, but Theodore ) in the regiment, but none knowing also that he could not hold of them was killed on April 9, as the position with cavalry alone against Hannaford reports "Jack Gray" as a determined attack by Lee's infantry, being. Sheridan sent staff officers to hurry on (21) Bauer was Conrad Bauer, who had the march of the Federal infantry, and enlisted in Co. M on Oct. 21, 1862, also in fact (and as indicated later in at the age of 18. Hannaford's narrative) elements of (22) The 7-shot, breech-loading Spencer the V, XXIV and XXV Army Corps carbine was adopted on the initiative began to arrive soon after daybreak, of Gen. James H. Wilson, while serving following a gruelling all-night march. as Chief of the Cavalry Bureau in the "Hen Lewis" was Pvt. Almond Lewis, War Department, and over the objec- Co. D, mustered in March 12, 1864, tions of the Ordnance Bureau. By the aged 18. (28) On the night of April 8-9, Gen. Lee Allen of his own staff. Told by Allen decided that Gen. John B. Gordon's to stop firing, as "there had been a infantry, assisted by 's surrender," Gary replied that he would cavalry, should at daybreak attempt not accept orders from an officer of the to cut through the Federal lines and , that he knew of no sur- open the road to Lynchburg. Sheridan render, and, he added, "We are South ordered his cavalry to withdraw slowly, Carolinians and don't surrender." The to allow time for the Federal infantry dispute ended with the arrival of Col. to get into position behind them. The W. W. Blackford, C. S. A., whose fighting Hannaford describes was authority Gary was willing to recog- Gordon's attack, which came to a halt nize, with Gordon's orders to halt the when the Confederates discovered the firing. The incident of the "white rag masses of Federal infantry in line of ... on a little switch" is also historical, battle behind the cavalry. except that the "white rag" was a (29) The troops Hannaford describes were none-too-clean handkerchief, and the a part of the 1st Division, made up of bearer was not a "drunken rebel" but Negro regiments, of the XXV Army one of Gen. Gary's orderlies, sent down Corps, Army of the James. the line with his "white flag" to halt (30) "little Phil" was Philip Sheridan, whose the firing. stature was short, even by Civil War (34) "Werry" was Srgt. Benjamin F. Weary, standards. Co. A. (31) Brig.-Gen. Wesley Merritt, West Point (35) Unknown to Hannaford, the orders he Class of i860, was in immediate objected to had been issued at Gen. command under Sheridan of the 1st Lee's request, "to prevent unpleasant and 3d Cavalry Divisions. individual rencounters that may take (32) For the positions at Appomattox Court place with a too free intercourse." As House at the time of the surrender, Hannaford subsequently makes clear, see Hannaford's sketch map on p. officers on both sides disregarded the (33) The incident Hannaford describes orders, and there was much visiting actually occurred. Brig.-Gen. Martin B. between the lines to hunt up West Gary's cavalry brigade, made up of the Point classmates and "Old Army" 7th Georgia, 24th Virginia, 7th South friends. Carolina and the Hampton ( South "Bill" was Hannaford's "bunky," Carolina) Legion, arrived on the scene Private William Maxel, another 18- ignorant of the fact that hostilities had year-old enlistee, who had joined the been suspended, and opened fire on the regiment Dec. 31, 1862. Federal cavalry. Sheridan at once (36) One of the returned prisoners was requested Gen. Gordon to send a staff William S. Davenport, who had been officer to Gary with orders to stop the promoted to sergeant six days before firing. Gordon had no one to send, so he was taken prisoner. Sheridan lent him Lieut. Vanderbilt