Constitution Making, Peace Building, and National Reconciliation © Copyright by the Endowment of the United States Institute

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Constitution Making, Peace Building, and National Reconciliation © Copyright by the Endowment of the United States Institute 14 Constitution Making, Peace Building, and National Reconciliation The Experience of Poland Lech Garlicki and Zofia A. Garlicka he history of the Polish parliament May 23, 1935. It established the supremacy dates back to the fifteenth century. of the presidency over the other branches of Poland’s first written constitution— government, leaving only residual powers to Tthe first constitutional instrument in Eu- the parliament. World War II broke out four rope—was adopted on May 3, 1791, but years later, and Poland lost its independence unfortunately, it was never implemented due once again. to the collapse of the Polish state in 1795. After World War II, effective control over Nevertheless, it became a symbol of inde- the Polish territory passed to the Soviet- © Copyrightpendence and progress referred by to by historithe- Endowmentcontrolled government, which imposedof a ans as well as politicians. Soviet-style constitution on July 22, 1952. theIt Unitedwas the rebirth of aStates fully independent InstituteTheoretically, it granted of Peacequite formidable Poland after World War I that allowed powers to the unicameral parliament (the the creation of a modern constitution. The Sejm), but in reality, the Communist Party so-called March Constitution, adopted on (Polish United Workers Party) monopolized March 17, 1921, was inspired by concepts un- power. The party’s totalitarian grip on Poland derlying the constitution of the Third French relaxed after the social unrest of 1956, but Republic. It provided for a system of gov- the 1952 constitution remained intact. It was ernment based on the preeminent position significantly amended in 1976, but even then, of the parliament, especially its first chamber, its Soviet-oriented nature was preserved. In traditionally referred to as the Sejm. The par- summer 1980, the Solidarity movement, led liamentary system failed, however, to secure by Lech Walesa, started the final decline of proper functioning of the state machinery. the communist system, but another seven- A coup d’etat in 1926 was followed by the teen years passed before the first democratic so-called April Constitution, adopted on constitution in two centuries was adopted. 391 392 Lech Garlicki and Zofia Garlicka 1989: Round Table Agreement ing some of the most sensitive issues. Finally, and April Amendment the Round Table was convened in Febru- Poland’s democratic constitution entered into ary and early April 1989, and a compromise life on October 17, 1997, but the real begin- on most issues was reached and formulated into what became colloquially known as the ning of the end of the communist system 1 began in 1980. The shipyard strikes in sum- Round Table Agreement. The Round Table mer 1980 found their conclusion in so-called as such met only a few times; the real work agreements signed between the workers’ rep- was conducted in smaller committees (so- resentatives and the government. The Poro- called subtables) and working groups, and zumienie Gdanskie (Gdansk Agreement) the most important decisions were made by is the best-known example. This agreement agreement of the leaders of both camps. provided not only for social and economic The April agreement provided for several changes but, at least to some extent, inter- important political changes. First, the exist- vention in the very essence of the structure of ing parliament, the Sejm, would be dissolved 2 government: While it confirmed the “leading and new partly democratic elections would role of the Communist Party,” it allowed the be held in June 1989. Second, the 1952 con- establishment of independent trade unions. stitution would be amended to create the None of the agreements ever found a transla- second chamber of parliament, the Senate, as tion into constitutional law, but they exem- well as a new and powerful office of the pres- plified conflict resolution through peaceful ident. Because it was assumed that General means. In effect, the opposition—centered Jaruzelski would hold that office, the Com- around the Catholic Church and the Soli- munist Party felt assured that it would pre- darity trade union—gained sixteen precious serve control over the executive branch. Thus, months of legal existence. Even if the im- the president was given important indepen- position of martial law in December 1981 dent state powers at the expense of parlia- disrupted attempts at compromise and rec- ment, which the party no longer regarded as onciliation, the idea of political dialogue had reliable. not been discredited and would be revived In implementing the agreement, the first toward the end of the 1980s, in a completely step was for the Sejm, still in its old compo- ©different Copyright international and dome sticby setting. thesition, Endowment to amend the constitution. On Aprilof With the idea of political dialogue intact, 7, 1989, the so-called April Amendment the idea of a roundtable, gathering both the transformed the structure of both political quasi-illegalthe United opposition and representativesStates branches Institute of government. 3of While Peace the Sejm of the official regime, found understanding formally adopted it, the amendment was the and acceptance on both ends of the political product of political compromises concluded spectrum in summer 1988, even though there at the Round Table; the role of the members was no sign of economic recovery in sight and of parliament was limited to voting for what strikes were sweeping the country. The eco- was submitted to them. The amendment was nomic crisis led the moderate wing within the designed to satisfy both sides, and for this Communist Party, led by General Wojciech reason, it was much easier to see it as a tem- Jaruzelski and General Czeslaw Kiszczak, to porary compromise mechanism than it was seek cooperation with the opposition. The to appreciate its later role in restoring demo- parties then spent six months negotiating cratic constitutionalism in Poland. Most organizational aspects of the Round Table. people in April 1989 anticipated a long pe- These negotiations were held in secret, with riod of cohabitation between the old regime the Catholic Church mediating talks involv- and new political forces. Only a few could Framing the State in Times of Transition 393 sense that the entire communist system in and each of the committees established sev- Eastern Europe would collapse within the eral subcommittees and working groups, next nine months. inviting the advice of numerous Polish and foreign experts. The idea was to adopt a new constitution on May 3, 1991, to commemo- 1989–91: Transitory Parliament rate the anniversary of Poland’s first demo- and Constitution Writing cratic constitution, voted on May 3, 1791. The Round Table Agreement and April But the parallel existence of two consti- Amendment, as originally conceived, func- tutional committees resulted in a political tioned only for a very short time. By summer struggle. As Wiktor Osiatynski relates, 1989, it was clear that the Communist Party political ambitions and institutional rivalries could no longer maintain control over the surfaced at this point and have remained central newly elected Sejm, and consequently, Ta- to the entire constitution-making process . deusz Mazowiecki, one of the Solidarity lead- Initially, the Senate committee was willing to ers, became the prime minister. Six months cooperate with the freely elected 35 percent of later, the Communist Party ceased to exist4 the Sejm committee, but as the relationship be- tween the two houses gradually deteriorated, co- and the amended constitution began to op- operation between the two committees ceased. erate in a completely new setting. Political The Sejm and the Senate eventually produced parties used the democratic potential of the two different drafts. The versions were basically April Agreement to construct rules of parlia- irreconcilable and no arbiter existed who could mentary government. While Jaruzelski kept decide which draft should be submitted to a ref- the presidency until the end of 1990, he never erendum. Constitutional momentum was thus dissipated even before the first transitory Par- attempted to use his constitutional preroga- liament dissolved itself in the Fall of 1991.6 tives. Thus, the April Agreement ceased to guarantee the political distribution of power, Nevertheless, the process of constitution its originally intended principal function. writing had begun, and the drafts prepared At the same time, it became clear that and published by both committees delivered the old constitution had to be replaced with a starting point for further discussion. At the a new document.5 The existing constitu- same time, several political parties and pri- © Copyrighttion was adopted in 1952, atby the peak the of the Endowmentvate persons submitted their own of drafts or Stalinist regime in Poland. It was drafted in theses for the new constitution.7 language redolent with communist slogans Already in autumn 1989, political elites theand lackedUnited sufficient Statesguarantees and pro- Instituteas well as most scholars of realized Peace that some cedures to be judicially enforceable. While changes should be introduced immediately some important improvements were intro- into the existing constitution. Therefore, duced in the 1980s—particularly the 1982 another method of constitution writing amendment providing for the establishment emerged: fragmented amendments that re- of a constitutional court—there was no way moved most of the obsolete provisions of the to adjust the old text to new conditions and 1952 constitution and introduced new insti- no reason to keep the old constitution alive. tutions and concepts into its text.8 Toward Already in autumn 1989, both chambers the end of 1989, the so-called December of parliament separately appointed constitu- Amendment deleted the first two chapters tional committees and entrusted them with of the constitution and introduced new prin- the task of preparing full drafts of the new ciples of constitutional order, mainly follow- constitution. Both committees were com- ing Western concepts of the rule of law, po- posed of members of the respective houses, litical pluralism, and protection of property.
Recommended publications
  • The Image of Poland in Russia Through the Prism of Historical Disputes
    THE IMAGE OF POLAND IN RUSSIA THROUGH THE PRISM OF HISTORICAL DISPUTES Report based on a public opinion poll carried out by the Levada Center in Russia for the Centre for Polish-Russian Dialogue and Understanding Warsaw 2020 Report on public opinion research THE IMAGE OF POLAND IN RUSSIA THROUGH THE PRISM OF HISTORICAL DISPUTES Report based on a public opinion poll carried out by the Levada Center in Russia for the Centre for Polish-Russian Dialogue and Understanding CENTRE FOR POLISH-RUSSIAN DIALOGUE Warsaw 2020 AND UNDERSTANDING Report on public opinion research THE IMAGE OF POLAND IN RUSSIA THROUGH THE PRISM OF HISTORICAL DISPUTES Survey: Levada Center Analyses and report: Łukasz Mazurkiewicz, Grzegorz Sygnowski (ARC Rynek i Opinia) Commentary: Łukasz Adamski, Ernest Wyciszkiewicz © Copyright by Centrum Polsko-Rosyjskiego Dialogu i Porozumienia 2020 Graphic design and typesetting: Studio 27 (www.studio27.pl) Cover photo: Lela Kieler/Adobe Stock ISBN 978-83-64486-79-1 Publisher The Centre for Polish-Russian Dialogue and Understanding 14/16A Jasna Street, 00-041 Warsaw, Poland tel. + 48 22 295 00 30 fax + 48 22 295 00 31 e-mail: [email protected] http://www.cprdip.pl Contents Commentary 4 Introduction – background and purpose of the study 8 Information about the study 9 Detailed findings 11 Summary 26 www.cprdip.pl 3 THE IMAGE OF POLAND IN RUSSIA THROUGH THE PRISM OF HISTORICAL DISPUTES Commentary By pursuing their particular, excessive ambi- peace in Europe, and of anti-semitism. Putin tions it was the politicians in interwar Poland played down to vanishing-point the totalitarian who submitted their nation, the Polish nation, to character of the USSR, its tactical coopera- the German war machine and generally contrib- tion with the Third Reich in destroying peace in uted to the outbreak of World War II.
    [Show full text]
  • James Albert Michener (1907-97): Educator, Textbook Editor, Journalist, Novelist, and Educational Philanthropist--An Imaginary Conversation
    DOCUMENT RESUME ED 474 132 SO 033 912 AUTHOR Parker, Franklin; Parker, Betty TITLE James Albert Michener (1907-97): Educator, Textbook Editor, Journalist, Novelist, and Educational Philanthropist--An Imaginary Conversation. PUB DATE 2002-00-00 NOTE 18p.; Paper presented at Uplands Retirement Community (Pleasant Hill, TN, June 17, 2002). PUB TYPE Opinion Papers (120) EDRS PRICE EDRS Price MF01/PC01 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS *Authors; *Biographies; *Educational Background; Popular Culture; Primary Sources; Social Studies IDENTIFIERS *Conversation; Educators; Historical Research; *Michener (James A); Pennsylvania (Doylestown); Philanthropists ABSTRACT This paper presents an imaginary conversation between an interviewer and the novelist, James Michener (1907-1997). Starting with Michener's early life experiences in Doylestown (Pennsylvania), the conversation includes his family's poverty, his wanderings across the United States, and his reading at the local public library. The dialogue includes his education at Swarthmore College (Pennsylvania), St. Andrews University (Scotland), Colorado State University (Fort Collins, Colorado) where he became a social studies teacher, and Harvard (Cambridge, Massachusetts) where he pursued, but did not complete, a Ph.D. in education. Michener's experiences as a textbook editor at Macmillan Publishers and in the U.S. Navy during World War II are part of the discourse. The exchange elaborates on how Michener began to write fiction, focuses on his great success as a writer, and notes that he and his wife donated over $100 million to educational institutions over the years. Lists five selected works about James Michener and provides a year-by-year Internet search on the author.(BT) Reproductions supplied by EDRS are the best that can be made from the original document.
    [Show full text]
  • The Archives of Poland and Where to Find Online Genealogy Records for Each - Sheet1
    The Archives of Poland and where to find Online Genealogy Records for each - Sheet1 This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported License Archives of Poland Territorial coverage Search theGenBaza ArchivesGenetekaJRI-PolandAGAD Przodek.plGesher Archeion.netGalicia LubgensGenealogyPoznan in the BaSIAProject ArchivesPomGenBaseSzpejankowskisPodlaskaUpper and Digital Szpejenkowski SilesianSilesian Library Genealogical Digital Library Society Central Archives of Historical Records All Poland ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ National Digital Archive All Poland ✓ ✓ Central Archives of Modern Records All Poland ✓ ✓ Podlaskie (primarily), State Archive in Bialystok Masovia ✓ ✓ ✓ The Archives of Poland and where to find Online Genealogy Records for each - Sheet1 Branch in Lomza Podlaskie ✓ ✓ Kuyavian-Pomerania (primarily), Pomerania State Archive in Bydgoszcz and Greater Poland ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ Kuyavian-Pomerania (primarily), Greater Branch in Inowrocław Poland ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ Silesia (primarily), Świetokrzyskie, Łódz, National Archives in Częstochowa and Opole ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ Pomerania (primarily), State Archive in Elbląg with the Warmia-Masuria, Seat in Malbork Kuyavian-Pomerania ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ State Archive in Gdansk Pomerania ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ Gdynia Branch Pomerania ✓ ✓ ✓ State Archive in Gorzow Lubusz (primarily), Wielkopolski Greater Poland ✓ ✓ ✓ Greater Poland (primarily), Łódz, State Archive in Kalisz Lower Silesia ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ Silesia (primarily), State Archive in Katowice Lesser Poland ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ Branch in Bielsko-Biala Silesia ✓ ✓ ✓ Branch in Cieszyn Silesia ✓ ✓ ✓ Branch
    [Show full text]
  • Rechtsstaat Und Rechtsstaatlichkeit in Germany Matthias Koetter
    Matthias Koetter / Gunnar Folke Schuppert Understandings of the Rule of Law in various Legal Orders of the World http://wikis.fu‐berlin.de/display/SBprojectrol/Home Rechtsstaat und Rechtsstaatlichkeit in Germany Matthias Koetter Rechtsstaat (the law‐based‐state) and Rechtsstaatlichkeit (the German variant of the rule of law) are core concepts of German constitutional thought. Canonized together with the principle of democracy, the concepts of the republican, federalist and social welfare state and the indispensable guarantee of the human dignity they refer to a 200‐year‐tradition. From the perspective of a formal understanding, the term Rechtsstaat describes the type of state architecture and political order system in which all publicly applied power is created by the law and is obliged to its regula‐ tions and underlies numerous fragmentations of power and control mechanisms (ʺBindung und Kontrolleʺ). Rechtsstaatlichkeit in this sense is a collective term for numerous (sub‐)principles that allow the taming of politics by the law and shall avoid arbitrariness. From the perspective of a more substantive understanding, Rechtsstaatlichkeit also expresses democratic concerns and the respect to individual human freedom and equality and thus the commitment to a liberal and just constitu‐ tional order. In Germany, both perspectives are represented and both relate to the totalitarian unlawful regime established inbetween 1933‐45 as an anti‐model. The discourse is strongly characterized by the self‐certainty of a role model Rechtsstaat formed by the Grundgesetz (GG), the German constitution. From this, integrating the German state into transnational networks will always require adequate provi‐ sions for the strict law‐based exercise of power.
    [Show full text]
  • {Journal by Warren Blatt 2 0 EXTRACT DATA in THIS ISSUE 2 2
    /N TH/S /SSUE... POLISH STATE ARCHIVES IN SANDOMIERZ by Warren Blatt 3 OPATÔWYIZKORLIST by Steven Weiss 7 JEWISH RECORDS INDEXING UPDATE POLISH STATE ARCHIVES PROJECT by Stan Diamond and Warren Blatt 1 1 THE SYNAGOGUE IN KLIMONTÔW by Adam Penkalla 1 3 Qpedd interest Qroup BIULETYN ZYDOWSKIEGOINSTYTUTU HISTORYCZNEGO w POLSCE {journal by Warren Blatt 2 0 EXTRACT DATA IN THIS ISSUE 2 2 • PINCZÔ W DEATHS 1810-182 5 by Heshel Teitelbaum 2 4 glimmer 1999 • KLIMONTÔ W BIRTHS 1826-183 9 by Ronald Greene 3 8 • KLIMONTÔ W MARRIAGES 1826-183 9 by Ronald Greene 4 9 o • C H Ml ELN IK MARRIAGES 1876-188 4 covering tfte Qufoernios of by David Price 5 7 and <I^ GLOSSARY, PRONUNCIATION GUIDE ... 72 ...but first a word from your coordinator 2 ojtfk as <kpne as tfie^ existed, Kieke-Radom SIG Journal, VoL 3 No. 3 Summer 1999 ... but first a word from our coordinator It has been a tumultuous few months since our last periodical. Lauren B. Eisenberg Davis, one of the primary founders of our group, Special Merest Group and the person who so ably was in charge of research projects at the SIG, had to step down from her responsibilities because of a serious journal illness in her family and other personal matters. ISSN No. 1092-800 6 I remember that first meeting in Boston during the closing Friday ©1999, all material this issue morning hours of the Summer Seminar. Sh e had called a "birds of a feather" meeting for all those genealogists interested in forming a published quarterly by the special interest group focusing on the Kielce and Radom gubernias of KIELCE-RADOM Poland.
    [Show full text]
  • Report on the Rule Of
    Strasbourg, 4 April 2011 CDL-AD(2011)003rev Study No. 512 / 2009 Or. Engl. EUROPEAN COMMISSION FOR DEMOCRACY THROUGH LAW (VENICE COMMISSION) REPORT ON THE RULE OF LAW Adopted by the Venice Commission at its 86 th plenary session (Venice, 25-26 March 2011) on the basis of comments by Mr Pieter van DIJK (Member, Netherlands) Ms Gret HALLER (Member, Switzerland) Mr Jeffrey JOWELL (Member, United Kingdom) Mr Kaarlo TUORI (Member, Finland) This document will not be distributed at the meeting. Please bring this copy. www.venice.coe.int CDL-AD(2011)003rev - 2 - Table of contents I. Introduction ............................................................................................................... 3 II. Historical origins of Rule of law, Etat de droit and Rechtsstaat.................................. 3 III. Rule of law in positive law ......................................................................................... 5 IV. In search of a definition ............................................................................................. 9 V. New challenges....................................................................................................... 13 VI. Conclusion .............................................................................................................. 13 Annex: Checklist for evaluating the state of the rule of law in single states ......................... 15 - 3 - CDL-AD(2011)003rev I. Introduction 1. The concept of the “Rule of Law”, along with democracy and human rights,1 makes up the three
    [Show full text]
  • Polish-Jewish Genealogical Research Handout
    Polish-Jewish Genealogical Research Warren Blatt HISTORICAL OVERVIEW OF POLISH BORDER CHANGES: 1795 — 3rd and final partition of Poland; Poland ceases to exist as a nation. Northern and western areas (Poznañ, Kalisz, Warsaw, £om¿a, Bia³ystok) taken by Prussia; Eastern areas (Vilna, Grodno, Brest) taken by Russia; Southern areas (Kielce, Radom, Lublin, Siedlce) becomes part of Austrian province of West Galicia. 1807 — Napoleon defeats Prussia; establishes Grand Duchy of Warsaw from former Prussian territory. 1809 — Napoleon defeats Austria; West Galicia (includes most of future Kielce-Radom-Lublin-Siedlce gubernias) becomes part of Napoleon's Duchy of Warsaw. 1815 — Napoleon defeated at Waterloo; Congress of Vienna establishes “Kingdom of Poland” (aka “Congress Poland” or “Russian Poland”) from former Duchy of Warsaw, as part of the Russian Empire; Galicia becomes part of Austro-Hungarian Empire; Western provinces are retained by Prussia. 1918 — End of WWI. Poland reborn at Versailles, but only comprising 3/5ths the size of pre-partition Poland. 1945 — End of WWII. Polish borders shift west: loses territory to U.S.S.R., gains former German areas. LOCATING THE ANCESTRAL SHTETL: _______, Gemeindelexikon der Reichsrate vertretenen Königreiche und Länder [Gazetteer of the Crown Lands and Territories Represented in the Imperial Council]. (Vienna, 1907). {Covers former Austrian territory}. _______, Spis Miejscowoœci Polskiej Rzeczypospolitej Ludowej [Place Names in the Polish Peoples' Republic]. (Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Komunicacji i Lacznosci, 1967). _______, Wykas Wredowych Nazw Miejscowoœci w Polsce [A List of Official Geographic Place Names in Poland]. (Warszawa: Wydawnictwa Akcydensowe, 1880). Barthel, Stephen S. and Daniel Schlyter. “Using Prussian Gazetteers to Locate Jewish Religious and Civil Records in Poznan”, in Avotaynu, Vol.
    [Show full text]
  • LETTER to G20, IMF, WORLD BANK, REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT BANKS and NATIONAL GOVERNMENTS
    LETTER TO G20, IMF, WORLD BANK, REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT BANKS and NATIONAL GOVERNMENTS We write to call for urgent action to address the global education emergency triggered by Covid-19. With over 1 billion children still out of school because of the lockdown, there is now a real and present danger that the public health crisis will create a COVID generation who lose out on schooling and whose opportunities are permanently damaged. While the more fortunate have had access to alternatives, the world’s poorest children have been locked out of learning, denied internet access, and with the loss of free school meals - once a lifeline for 300 million boys and girls – hunger has grown. An immediate concern, as we bring the lockdown to an end, is the fate of an estimated 30 million children who according to UNESCO may never return to school. For these, the world’s least advantaged children, education is often the only escape from poverty - a route that is in danger of closing. Many of these children are adolescent girls for whom being in school is the best defence against forced marriage and the best hope for a life of expanded opportunity. Many more are young children who risk being forced into exploitative and dangerous labour. And because education is linked to progress in virtually every area of human development – from child survival to maternal health, gender equality, job creation and inclusive economic growth – the education emergency will undermine the prospects for achieving all our 2030 Sustainable Development Goals and potentially set back progress on gender equity by years.
    [Show full text]
  • 45627 WBI DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Public Disclosure Authorized
    45627 WBI DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Public Disclosure Authorized Legislative Oversight Public Disclosure Authorized and Budgeting A World Perspective Editors Rick STAPENHURST Riccardo PELIZZO David M. OLSON Public Disclosure Authorized Lisa von TRAPP Public Disclosure Authorized Legislative Oversight and Budgeting WBI Development Studies Legislative Oversight and Budgeting A World Perspective Rick Stapenhurst, Riccardo Pelizzo, David M. Olson, and Lisa von Trapp, Editors Washington, DC © 2008 The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / The World Bank 1818 H Street, NW Washington, DC 20433 Telephone: 202-473-1000 Internet: www.worldbank.org E-mail: [email protected] All rights reserved 1 2 3 4 :: 11 10 09 08 This volume is a product of the staff of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Develop- ment / The World Bank. The fi ndings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this volume do not necessarily refl ect the views of the Executive Directors of The World Bank or the govern- ments they represent. The World Bank does not guarantee the accuracy of the data included in this work. The boundaries, colors, denominations, and other information shown on any map in this work do not imply any judgment on the part of The World Bank concerning the legal status of any territory or the endorsement or acceptance of such boundaries. Rights and Permissions The material in this publication is copyrighted. Copying and/or transmitting portions or all of this work without permission may be a violation of applicable law. The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / The World Bank encourages dissemination of its work and will normally grant permission to reproduce portions of the work promptly.
    [Show full text]
  • Deutscher Bundestag Dor Präsident
    Deutscher Bundestag Dor Präsident Ihrer Exzellenz der Marschallin des Sejm der Republik Polen Frau Ewa Kopacz WARSCHAU REPUBLIK POLEN Berlin, 13. April 2012 Sehr geehrte Frau Präsidentin, Prof. Dr. Norbert Lammert, MdB Platz der Republik 1 ich danke Ihnen und Präsident Bogdan Borusewicz für den mit 11011 Berlin Schreiben vom 29. März 2012 übermittelten zweiten Kompro- Telefon: +49 30 227-72901 Fax: +49 30 227-70945 missvorschlag betreffend die Ausgestaltung der Interparlamen- [email protected] tarischen Konferenz zur Begleitung der Gemeinsamen Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik und der Gemeinsamen Sicherheits- und Verteidigungspolitik. Da wir uns bei meinem Besuch in Warschau vor acht Wochen bereits über die Frage der Delegationsgrößen ausgetauscht ha- ben, wird es Sie nicht überraschen, dass ich der von Ihnen nun vorgeschlagenen freien Teilnehmerformel ("formula of open participation") nicht zustimmen kann. Mit dem Ihnen bereits übermittelten Beschluss des Deutschen Bundestages vom Juni 2011, der nicht nur eine feste, sondern darüber hinaus auch eine nach der Größe der Mitgliedstaaten gestaffelte Zahl von Delegationsmitgliedern aus den nationalen Parlamenten for- dert, ist eine in das Ermessen der jeweiligen Parlamente gestell- te Delegationsgröße nicht vereinbar. Sie haben die bei Ihnen eingegangenen Stellungnahmen aus 32 Kammern zu Ihrem ersten Vorschlag analysiert und stellen in Ihrem Brief vom 29. März 2012 fest, dass die Zahl derer, die auf einer gleichen Delegationsgröße sowohl aus nationalen Parla- menten als auch aus dem Europäischen Parlament beharren, sich mit denen die Waage hält, die sich für Ihren Vorschlag der sechsköpfigen Delegationen aus den nationalen Parlamenten und den 16 Delegierten aus dem EP aussprechen. Eine völlige Freigabe hatte kein Mitgliedsparlament gefordert.
    [Show full text]
  • The Collective Action Problems of Political Consolidation: Evidence from Poland1
    The Collective Action Problems of Political Consolidation: Evidence from Poland1 Marek M. Kaminski University of California, Irvine The problem of collective action, while noticed early by Rousseau and Hume, received its first model in the 1950s in the celebrated Prisoner's Dilemma introduced by Flood and Drescher and motivated by Albert Tucker's familiar story. Later, with the development of game theory, problems of collective action were thoroughly formalized as variants of the Prisoner's Dilemma, coordination games, or just strategic games with a unique Nash equilibrium that is strictly Pareto dominated (Hardin 1982; Sandler 1992). Among the early social scientists who analyzed social dilemmas with simple models was Thomas Schelling. Mancur Olson, Schelling's student, focused in his dissertation on the intersection of economics and politics. He made studying the problems of collective action his lifetime research program. He applied his framework and its variants to the workings of professional associations and labor unions (1965), maintaining the NATO (1966, with R. Zeckhauser), interest group formation and their impact on the aggregated welfare (1982), revolution-making (1990), or incentives facing various rulers to cultivate economic growth (2000). He demonstrated that political and economic collective action problems are not mere curiosities, paradoxes, or aberrations of otherwise efficient markets. They underlie every aspect of human activity and have profound political and economic consequences. Since Olson's seminal dissertation-turned-book on collective action, systematic failures of various social, economic, and political players to coordinate on mutually beneficial solutions received increasingly more attention from political scientists and economists. The 1989 Eastern European revolutions produced a new crop of such failures.
    [Show full text]
  • The Infirmity of Social Democracy in Postcommunist Poland a Cultural History of the Socialist Discourse, 1970-1991
    The Infirmity of Social Democracy in Postcommunist Poland A cultural history of the socialist discourse, 1970-1991 by Jan Kubik Assistant Professor of Political Science, Rutgers University American Society of Learned Societies Fellow, 1990-91 Program on Central and Eastem Europe Working Paper Series #20 January 1992 2 The relative weakness of social democracy in postcommunist Eastern Europe and the poor showing of social democratic parties in the 1990-91 Polish and Hungarian elections are intriguing phenom­ ena. In countries where economic reforms have resulted in increasing poverty, job loss, and nagging insecurity, it could be expected that social democrats would have a considerable follOwing. Also, the presence of relatively large working class populations and a tradition of left-inclined intellec­ tual opposition movements would suggest that the social democratic option should be popular. Yet, in the March-April 1990 Hungarian parliamentary elections, "the political forces ready to use the 'socialist' or the 'social democratic' label in the elections received less than 16 percent of the popular vote, although the class-analytic approach predicted that at least 20-30 percent of the working population ... could have voted for them" (Szelenyi and Szelenyi 1992:120). Simi­ larly, in the October 1991 Polish parliamentary elections, the Democratic Left Alliance (an elec­ toral coalition of reformed communists) received almost 12% of the vote. Social democratic parties (explicitly using this label) that emerged from Solidarity won less than 3% of the popular vote. The Szelenyis concluded in their study of social democracy in postcommunist Hungary that, "the major opposition parties all posited themselves on the political Right (in the Western sense of the term), but public opinion was overwhelmingly in favor of social democratic measures" (1992:125).
    [Show full text]