2018 Papers of the Bibliographical Society of Canada 2018 Cahiers de la Société bibliographique du Canada

Volume 56, 1-2 The Bibliographical Society of Canada La Société bibliographique du Canada Toronto, Canada, 2018

8371 - Cahiers-papers 56-1-2 - Final.indd 1 2019-04-23 17:37:04 ∞ Printed on acid-free paper. Imprimé sur papier sans acide. ISSN 0067-6896 Copyright © 2018 The Bibliographical Society of Canada http://www.bas-sbc.ca

Typeset by COMPOMAGNY in AGaramond type. Printed by Marquis Printing Inc.

Composé par COMPOMAGNY avec le caractère AGaramond. Imprimé par Marquis imprimeur inc.

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Numéro spécial Documents et outils

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Editorial: Documents and Tools 9 ruth bradley-st-cyr

From Threshold, to Living Room, to Kitchen: On the Architectonics of Books 21 patricia demers

Canadian Comic Books at Library and Archives Canada 37 meaghan scanlon

Revisiting the Library of Edward Gibbon 53 richard virr

An Index of Nelson Ball’s Little Magazines: Volume 63 (1963–1967), Weed (1966–1967), and Hyphid (1968) 75 cameron anstee

Table of Contents: Testimony to the Royal Commission on Book Publishing 119 rudh bradley-st-cyr

The Writers’ Union Meets the Royal Commission 141 archives of ontario, royal commission fonds

Books in Review / Comptes rendus kristine smitka and/et stéphanie bernier

Micheline Cambron, Myriam Côté et Alex Gagnon, dir., Les journaux québécois d’une guerre à l’autre : Deux états de la vie culturelle québécoise au XX e siècle 179 (Dominique Marquis)

Richard Dufour, Bibliothèque de l’Université Laval : 150 ans d’histoire, 1852-2017 (Marcel Lajeunesse) 183

Elyse Graham, The Republic of Games: Textual Cultures Between Old Books and New Media (Jon Saklofske) 186

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Marie Philip, Books that Matter (Peter Midgley) 188

Richard Landon, A Long Way from the Armstrong Beer Parlour: A Life in Rare Books: Essays by Richard Landon 192 (Bruce Whiteman)

Laura K. Davis and Linda M. Morra, eds., Margaret Laurence & Jack McClelland, Letters (Janet B. Friskney) 195

Lise Jaillant, Cheap Modernism: Expanding Markets, Publishers’ Series and the Avant-Garde 198 (David Buchanan)

Dean Irvine, Vanessa Lent, and Bart Vartour, eds., Making Canada New: Editing, Modernism, and New Media 201 (Anna Sajecki)

François Séguin, D’obscurantisme et de lumières : la bibliothèque publique au Québec des origines au 21e siècle; Claude Corbo (dir.), avec la collaboration de Sophie Montreuil et d’Isabelle Crevier, Bibliothèques québécoises remarquables 204 (Peter F. McNally, trans. by Marie-Claude Rochon)

François Séguin, D’obscurantisme et de lumières : la bibliothèque publique au Québec des origines au 21e siècle; Claude Corbo (dir.), avec la collaboration de Sophie Montreuil et d’Isabelle Crevier, Bibliothèques québécoises remarquables 208 (Peter F. McNally)

Tony Tremblay, ed., New Brunswick at the Crossroads: Literary Ferment and Social Change in the East 211 (Rachel Bryant)

David McKnight, Experiment: Printing the Canadian Imagination (Gregory Betts) 214

Marie-Claire Boscq, Imprimeurs et libraires parisiens sous surveillance (1814-1848) (Anthony Glinoer) 216

Ad Stijnman and Elizabeth Savage, eds., Printing Colour 1400–1700: History, Techniques, Functions and Receptions 218 (Ruth-Ellen St. Onge)

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Bart Layton (writer-director), American Animals 221 (Linda Quirk)

Means and Purposes: A Suggestion to Our Members and Friends 225

‘Qui veut la fin veut les moyens’ 226

Information for Authors 227

Information à l’intention de nos collaborateurs 228

Call for Contributions: LGBTQ+ Print in Canada: Overviews and Perspectives 229

Appel à contributions : L’imprimé LGBTQ+ au Canada et ailleurs : bilans et perspectives 230

Call for Reminiscences: Memorial section for William F.E. Morley, Francess Halpenny, and Greta Golick 231 Appel à contributions : Section commémorative en l’honneur de William F.E. Morley, Francess Halpenny et Greta Golick 232

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Ruth Bradley-St-Cyr

Abstract

This editorial, written by the new editor of the Papers of the Bibliographical Society of Canada, introduces a new thrust for the journal, that of publishing documents and tools that will be interesting and useful to the book studies community. The editorial also gives a brief overview of the papers in the current issue and themes for upcoming issues, as well as an overview of the editor’s own research on The Ryerson Press and Ontario’s Royal Commission on Book Publishing, which is the source of the feature document for this issue—“The Writers’ Union Meets the Royal Commission”—as well as one of the tools, a table of contents of Royal Commission testimony. Patricia Demers’s keynote speech from Congress 2018, articles by Meaghan Scanlon and Richard Virr, and an index compiled by Cameron Anstee are featured in the issue.

Résumé

Cet éditorial, rédigé par la nouvelle rédactrice en chef des Cahiers de la Société bibliographique du Canada, donne une nouvelle impulsion à la revue, avec la publication de documents et d’outils que la communauté d’études sur le livre trouvera assurément intéressants et utiles. L’éditorial donne par ailleurs un petit aperçu des articles réunis dans le présent numéro et des sujets abordés dans les prochaines parutions. Il trace aussi un portrait de la recherche même de la rédactrice en chef sur The Ryerson Press et l’Ontario Royal Commission on Book Publishing, qui est la source du document vedette dans le présent numéro – « The Writers’ Union Meets the Royal Commission » – et présente un des outils, une table des matières des témoignages de la Royal Commission. Figurent dans ce numéro le discours liminaire qu’a donné Patricia Demers au Congrès 2018, les articles de Meaghan Scanlon et de Richard Virr, ainsi qu’un index élaboré par Cameron Anstee.

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As the new editor of the Papers of the Bibliographical Society, following Eli MacLaren’s impressive 5-year term, I am very pleased that the first issue I am editing introduces a new thrust to our academic work: Documents and Tools. The purpose of this new, ongoing initiative, which adds to the variety of articles published in the journal, is to share useful tools (indexes, bibliographies, descriptions of archival or special collections, non-digital finding aids, etc.) and previously unpublished primary sources (documents or images) of interest to the book studies community. In this issue, Meaghan Scanlon offers us a tour of the Canadian comic book holdings at Library and Archives Canada, explaining the difference between the frequently confused John Bell Collection and Bell Features Collection, and reminding us not to forget the collection amassed via legal deposit. Richard Virr analyzes two documents that help illuminate the library of Edward Gibbon (1737–1794), author of The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire (1776–1788). Cameron Anstee provides an index of Nelson Ball’s magazines Volume 63, Weed, and Hyphid, which sequentially ran from 1963 to 1968. The index is a great boon to those looking to track down some of those ever-elusive periodical publications of such authors as Margaret Atwood, Earle Birney, bill bissett, George Bowering, Barbara Caruso, Victor Coleman, John Robert Colombo, Phyllis Gotlieb, Patrick Lane, Pat Lowther, Gwendolyn MacEwan, Seymour Mayne, David McFadden, bpNichol, Al Purdy, Miriam Waddington, and many others both well-known and unknown. The keynote speech of Patricia Demers—“From Threshold, to Living Room, to Kitchen: On the Architectonics of Books”—given at the BSC conference in 2018 in Regina, Saskatchewan, opens this issue with a wonderful reminder of the joys of reading, even for— especially for—those of us who have chosen careers studying books rather than just loving them as we did as children. As academics, critics, librarians, and the like, we begin to read new, sometimes forgotten writers, enter into the conversation about them and, if we are lucky, work our way into the kitchen to discover how their texts are made. Or, as Demers puts it, we find ourselves on a journey “from curiosity, to revelation, to experimentation.”

* * *

With this editorial, I also wanted to take the opportunity to introduce myself and my own book studies research to BSC members and PBSC

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readers and to say how extremely pleased I am to be taking on the stewardship of this journal that is as old as I am, both founded in 1962. After spending almost thirty years in book publishing myself, mostly as an editor, I’ve taken that base of knowledge and applied it to researching the publishers and cultural policy of this endlessly fascinating industry. While most of my English major colleagues study texts and authors, I study the structure that makes all of that possible—publishers. In other words, I’m interested in the factory and its business conditions, not so much in what the factory is producing, whether it be poetry or textbooks, or in its customers (a.k.a. readers). In many studies of authors and their readers or authors and their critical reception, publishers are seen as the people who “interfere” with authorial intent, often in an unjustified way, rather than the people who facilitate it. So I’m keenly interested in what draws people into publishing, and what makes them stay, since it is such a thankless business, and in Canada, intensely non-lucrative. When a publisher’s work is done well, it is quite invisible, and the author gets all the credit anyway. This interest is a natural outcome of these decades of work in the publishing industry. Often portrayed as a glamourous string of book launches hob-knobbing with the literati or long, intelligent discussions between author and editor hammering out the rough places in a manuscript (think Colin Firth as Max Perkins and Jude Law as Thomas Wolfe in the movie Genius)—publishing, or Canadian publishing at least, is rather a hard slog for survival in an unforgiving environment where the profit margin is razor thin but the authors complain about the size of their royalty cheques, the readers complain about the price of books, and the politicians complain that funding for publishers is going to “for-profit” businesses. My PhD thesis looked at why the United Church of Canada sold The Ryerson Press in 1970 and my ongoing research looks at how that sale influenced the book publishing cultural policy that followed. The first step in crafting these new policies to help ensure the health of the industry was Ontario’s Royal Commission on Book Publishing of 1971–1973, which resulted in two thoughtful and comprehensive volumes: the Background Papers (1972) and the report itself, Canadian Publishers and Canadian Publishing (1973).1

1 Both volumes were published by the Queen’s Printer for Ontario. As well as these final reports, the commission also issued several important interim reports. The first was essentially a bailout of McClelland & Stewart (23 March

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After the Canadian Centennial in 1967, the 1970s became a very fertile and hopeful time for Canadian publishing, for which the culturally wrenching sale of The Ryerson Press to McGraw-Hill, an American branch plant, was, ironically, the catalyst.2 Direct results of the November 1970 sale included the founding of the Association of Canadian Publishers and The Writers’ Union of Canada, the bailout of McClelland & Stewart, the establishment of grants for publishers at the Canada Council and the Ontario Arts Council, the expansion of the Ontario Media Development Corporation to include book publishers, and the passing of new laws to protect Canadian ownership and culture. The Royal Commission on Book Publishing, itself founded as a response to the sale, set much of this activity into motion. Because Ontario was the centre of English- language publishing in Canada, what happened in Ontario affected the entire publishing industry on a national scale. Before the sale was finalized, The Ryerson Press had approached both the federal and provincial governments for help and had been ignored. There were those who thought that the press, owned by the United Church of Canada, should not be helped because they believed the church was rich or, since it did not have to pay business taxes, that it was already unfairly subsidized. There were also those who believed it didn’t deserve help because the books it published were ugly, or not cutting edge enough. But many understood that the real value of the press was not necessarily in its poetry but in its

1971) while the third extended this Ontario government loan program to other Canadian-owned book publishers (20 August 1971). The second (8 June 1971) and fourth (27 March 1972) reports dealt with problems in the distribution of paperbacks and periodicals, with the second interim report resulting in Bill 64 on ownership issues in order to curb the predatory activities of Metro News. 2 Ironically, almost fifty years after the sale, the educational publishing industry, including McGraw-Hill Ryerson, is crumbling under its own weight, the easy availability of educational material online, and the current educational exemption in the Canadian Copyright Act. One of the presentations at the joint Bibliographical Society of Canada/Canadian Association for the Study of Book Culture conference at Ryerson University in May 2017 (“Bound by Three Oceans: Reading, Writing, Printing & Publishing in Canada since Confederation”) was by Clive Powell, Production Manager at McGraw-Hill Ryerson when I met him there in 1993, and then promoted in 1998 to Executive Vice President. His retirement project has been cataloging the 3000-title collection of Ryerson Press publications, contracts, and select author correspondence dating from 1862 to 1970, which was transferred to McGraw-Hill with the sale of The Ryerson Press. This collection was donated to the library at Ryerson University in 2017. See his blog about this project at www.mychangingtimes.wordpress.com.

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textbooks, and that turning over control of one of the top educational publishers to Americans was a form of betrayal, especially since Ontario prided itself on its education system. Like the Press itself, Ontario’s education system was founded by Egerton Ryerson. The furor about the sale reached a high point when author Graeme Gibson draped an American flag over the statue of Egerton Ryerson, which still stands on the campus of Ryerson University in Toronto, and led those assembled to protest in a chorus of “I’m a Yankee Doodle Dandy.” Having failed to help The Ryerson Press avoid the sale, the Ontario government did at least mount the Royal Commission to investigate the publishing landscape. The reasons why the United Church decided to sell The Ryerson Press were complicated. Some had to do with market conditions and some had to do with the internal workings of the United Church.3 The Royal Commission could not address internal church workings, of course, but they did try to deal with the market forces still threatening McClelland & Stewart and other publishers. The first action, then, of the commission was to bail out McClelland & Stewart (M&S), which had also threatened to sell itself to the highest bidder. Their government subsidy—a forgivable loan—amounted to almost a million dollars.4 The commission was made up of three commissioners—lawyer Richard Rohmer, political strategist Dalton Camp, and publisher Marsh Jeanneret. Rohmer was the chair, but Jeanneret was definitely the brains of the commission; Rohmer characterizes him as an “extremely learned man” and “absolutely brilliant.”5 Dalton Camp, Conservative political insider, sometimes seemed to be just along for the ride, though he did point the commission in the critical direction of investigating children’s publishing.6 As the director of University of Toronto Press, Jeanneret was the only one of the three actually

3 These are all covered in my PhD dissertation, The Downfall of The Ryerson Press, available through the University of Ottawa library website: https://ruor.uottawa .ca/bitstream/10393/31080/3/Bradley-St-Cyr_Ruth_2014_thesis.pdf. 4 To read about M&S’s long-term legacy, see Kristine Smitka’s book review of Elaine Dewar’s The Handover: How Bigwigs and Bureaucrats Transferred Canada’s Best Publisher and the Best Part of Our Literary Heritage to a Foreign Multinational, in PBSC 55, no. 2 (Fall 2017): 397–99. 5 Interview with Richard Rohmer, 11 October 2016. 6 As explained in my 2018 Congress presentation, “Ontario’s Royal Commission on… Children’s Literature?” (2018 Annual Meeting of the Bibliographical Society of Canada, The Book at the Crossroads of Diversities, 28–29 May 2018, Regina, Saskatchewan).

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knowledgeable about the publishing industry. He was the one who asked the most intelligent questions and he was the one who poured himself into writing up the final report, much to the detriment of his own health.7 Whatever good came out of the commission is his legacy, though predictably Rohmer got the credit, even from people who should have known better. The commission also had an executive secretary, Bob Fleming, assisted by Marc Couse, and a research staff headed by Sonja Sinclair, assisted by Gail McNaughton and Susan Keene. The commission accepted written briefs and heard testimony but also did its own research. Those who sent written briefs and were then asked to testify before the commission included everyone from the publishers of the day, like Anansi and Clarke Irwin, to a mother complaining about the lack of Canadian children’s books, to the schoolchildren from London, Ontario, who wanted more Canadian content in their textbooks, to university professors. The commission researched, received submissions, and heard testimony on all aspects of Canadian publishing, providing important perspectives on what had gone wrong to cause the sale of the “mother” of all Canadian publishers, The Ryerson Press, or on the many other matters that could be improved in a book publishing industry in a vast country with a tiny population and two official languages, though the focus was almost entirely on the English side of the business. The questions that the commission investigated involved not just the impact of the sale, but also the forces—cultural, economic, political, public policy—that continue to shape the publishing business today. Another of the commission’s critical jobs was to deal with the infiltration of organized crime into the newsstand market, which included the distribution of magazines and mass market paperback books. Emergency legislation was hastily brought in to deal with the strong-arm tactics of the Molasky family, based in St. Louis, Missouri, in trying to buy up all the distribution territories in Southern Ontario,

7 Canadian Publishers and Canadian Publishing (1973), written largely by Jeanneret, was released on 22 February 1973 and Jeanneret was admitted to hospital for exhaustion soon afterwards. The Staff Notes section of the UTP newsletter of 7 September 1973 reported that Jeanneret would be on leave for an indefinite period and Eleanor Harman, Associate Director, would be in charge while he was gone. Jeanneret resigned from UTP in January 1977 at the age of 59, having had two bouts of ill health in the four years since the Royal Commission. He died at the age of 73. University of Toronto Archives, fonds A1989-0009, University of Toronto Press, file Jeanneret, Marsh.

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which would have given them one of the biggest, most lucrative territories in North America had they been successful. While the regular testimony to the commission was collegial and polite, the Molasky testimony was done in a more courtroom-like fashion, with lawyers and objections and mysterious memory lapses on the part of some witnesses, including 22-year-old Mark Molasky, answering for the family business. This is how I spent my summer holidays and my Tremaine Fellowship in 2016, immersing myself in this particularly unsavory testimony and trying to make sense of it all. Ultimately, the Molasky family was prevented from taking over the newsstand markets of Southern Ontario by the commission- sponsored emergency legislation (Bill 64) and was forced to sell off what they had already bought. Maclean-Hunter, which had been unsuccessful in its bid to buy The Ryerson Press, did manage to buy Metro News, the Toronto-based centre of the Molaskys’ erstwhile Canadian empire. Almost forgotten in all this testimony were the writers themselves. It wasn’t until Farley Mowat bumped into Richard Rohmer at a party and demanded to know why the commission wasn’t talking to writers—the probable answer being that the writers had not sent in a brief—that a day was set up for the authors to testify as a group. This was the fledgling Writer’s Union of Canada, not officially formed yet. Rohmer’s memoir, Generally Speaking, characterizes this meeting as dramatically blustery at first—thanks to Mowat pulling out a whiskey bottle with a flourish and placing it on the table—but cordial overall.8 Memory is a funny thing, though, and as you read the official transcript of the testimony, a completely different picture emerges—one of author after author speaking quite intelligently and rationally to the commission and then being systematically shot down by fellow author Hugh Garner, the proverbial skunk at the garden party. Things got so bad, in fact, that a group of authors—Margaret Atwood, Graeme Gibson, June Callwood, and Ian Adams—simply walked out. So delightful a read it is that we are making it the centrepiece of this issue. My eternal gratitude goes to the Archives of Ontario for permission to publish this testimony, which would not be out of place as a Fringe Festival play. The final recommendations of the Royal Commission, written up by Jeanneret, were exemplary and comprehensive and although

8 Richard Rohmer, Generally Speaking: The Memoirs of Major-General Richard Rohmer (Toronto: Dundurn Press, 2004), 395.

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they were never quite taken up by the provincial government that founded and funded the commission, some action was taken at the federal level. This action included, most importantly, the initiation of grants to publishers, not just to authors, both at the Department of Canadian Heritage of the day and at the Canada Council for the Arts. As well, the Association for the Export of Canadian Books (now Livres Canada Books) was founded to assist with co-operative international marketing. And more stringent foreign ownership regulations were brought in. Though Rohmer blames the fact that there was “no Deputy Minister who understood what we said or how to implement”9 it for the lack of immediate take-up in Ontario, the results of the commission’s recommendations did filter back down from the federal to the provincial level, in part, thanks to the efforts of Robin Farr, the founding director of McGill University Press, who had worked at The Ryerson Press as editor-in-chief in the two years before the sale. He was one of The Ryerson Press staff who had approached the Ontario government seeking financial backing for an employee takeover bid that would have kept the press Canadian owned. After the sale, he then went to work at the Canada Council and brought in block grants for publishers and then moved to the Ontario Arts Council and brought in the half-back program, in which losing Lottario tickets could be used as coupons towards the purchase of Canadian books. I am presently working on creating an accurate account of the impact of the Royal Commission and the cultural policy progress that it jumpstarted. The accounts currently available are those in the biographies and autobiographies of the three commissioners. Unfortunately, those of Rohmer (13 pages) and Camp (1 page) are inaccurate and that of Jeanneret (8 pages) is not widely read, perhaps because of the ponderous title of his book, God and Mammon: Universities as Publishers.10 In 2015, when I began researching the 100 boxes of Royal Commission files at the Archives of Ontario, the only “finding aid” was a list of box titles. The archivist apologized that the files had never been properly organized and itemized, saying that no one had

9 Interview with Richard Rohmer, 11 October 2016. 10 Rohmer, Generally Speaking, 389–402; Geoffrey Stevens, The Player: The Life & Times of Dalton Camp (Toronto: Key Porter Books, 2003), 252–53; Marsh Jeanneret, God and Mammon: Universities as Publishers (Toronto: Macmillan of Canada, 1989), 304–12.

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ever really looked at them before, neither researcher nor archivist. I owe a great debt to my research assistant, Hien Lam, who is still patiently itemizing the contents of those 100 boxes in order to create the missing finding aid, and whose spreadsheet now numbers well over a hundred pages. My research could not have progressed without him. For my part, I have also created a table of contents of the official “blue books” of testimony (pictured on the front cover of this issue) given before the commissioners. This table of contents, which also appears in this issue, is quite a useful “mini finding aid” to the official Royal Commission material. The rest of the boxes include newspaper clippings, correspondence, research notes and documents, surveys, exhibits from some of the testimony, and so on. The testimony makes fascinating reading, especially in instances where a presenter says something like, “It would be really helpful to the industry if we had X…” and X is something that was actually implemented after the commission. The part that The Ryerson Press played in this cultural policy progress is not as appreciated as it should be. Essentially, the sacrifice made by the church led to the resurrection of the Canadian publishing industry because of the policies recommended by the Royal Commission and taken up by the government. Almost fifty years later, it is time to re-evaluate that progress in order to make sure that our cultural policy is not backsliding but is still doing its job to protect our publishing industry and the authors and the literature that it supports. My archival research, along with my interviews of commission chair Richard Rohmer, executive secretary Bob Fleming, other commission staff, and publishers who testified before the commission—such as Bill Clarke, Dennis Lee, and Jack Stoddart, Jr.—is part of my book project on the impact of the sale of The Ryerson Press, planned to be published shortly after the 50th anniversary of the sale in November 2020. Although we are still many months away from this important date in Canadian publishing history, it is not too early to share with you that the Fall 2020 issue of PBSC (Vol. 58, #2) will focus on The Ryerson Press. As well, the upcoming issue for 2019 (Vol. 57, #1–2) focuses on LGBTQ+ Print in Canada: Overviews and Perspectives as well as a memorial section for William F.E. Morley, Francess Halpenny, and Greta Golick. We are still looking for contributions to the memorial section of short texts, reminiscences, and photos. Further down the road, special themes include Indigenous Publishing, Children’s

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Literature, Reading through the Wars, and Editing, Designing, Sales: The People Who Work in Publishing. Calls for papers for some of these are included at the back of this issue for handy reference; the rest will follow in the next issue. We look forward to your contributions of articles, notes, documents, tools, book reviews, interviews, and photos. Of course, we always welcome articles on any topic, which can be uploaded to our Online Journal System (OJS), now in its new 3.1 iteration, which is promised to be “a more intuitive navigation and customizable interface.” Besides written contributions to the journal, we are also looking for new volunteers to help produce it. We have openings for two new Assistant or Associate Editors—one French, one English—as well as translators and proofreaders (both languages). If you have experience and expertise to offer, we would very much welcome your assistance. If you are a grad student looking for experience, this is a great opportunity to be mentored in editing and producing a print publication by people who actually study these things. If you are interested, please email the editor, Ruth Bradley-St-Cyr: editor@ bsc-sbc.ca. Thanks for reading!

Editor Biography Ruth Bradley-St-Cyr is a writer, editor, and publisher with a PhD in English/Canadian Studies from the University of Ottawa. She has been the Director of University of Ottawa Press, Managing Editor of the United Church Publishing House, Publisher of Winding Trail Press, Production Manager of Stewart House Publishing, Associate Editor at McGraw-Hill Ryerson (School Division), Project Editor at Prentice-Hall Canada (College Division), Marketing Assistant at Stoddard Kids, and more. She is the only person since 1970 to work at both the United Church Publishing House and McGraw-Hill Ryerson. She is currently a freelance editor with her own company, Bradley-St-Cyr & Associates, and a part-time professor at the University of Ottawa.

8371 - Cahiers-papers 56-1-2 - Final.indd 18 2019-04-23 17:37:05 Collections Development Librarian/BSC Local Arrangement Convenor Michael Shires (centre) shows members of the Bibliographical Society of Canada around Archives and Special Collections in University of Regina’s Dr. John Archer Library on 28 May 2018. Left to right: Susan Cameron, Michael Shires, Karen Smith, George Parker, and possibly Peter McNally behind George. (Photo by Ruth-Ellen St. Onge)

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Patricia Demers

Abstract

This article is the keynote speech given at the 2018 Annual Meeting of the Bibliographical Society of Canada, The Book at the Crossroads of Diversities, 28–29 May 2018, Regina, Saskatchewan. Demers reminds readers of the joys of discovering books and stories for the first time and suggests that we should not forget that joy as adults, especially those of us who have chosen careers studying stories—either books or films or theatre—rather than just loving them as we did as children. As academics, critics, librarians, and the like, we begin to read new, sometimes forgotten writers, enter into the conversation about them and, if we are lucky, work our way into the kitchen to discover how their texts are made, finding ourselves on a journey “from curiosity, to revelation, to experimentation.”

Résumé

Cet article reprend le discours prononcé à la Rencontre annuelle 2018 de la Société bibliographique du Canada, Le livre à l’intersection des diversités, tenue les 28-29 mai 2018 à Régina, Saskatchewan. Demers rappelle aux lecteurs les joies de découvrir les livres et les histoires pour la première fois, et suggère que nous ne devrions pas oublier cette joie comme adultes, surtout ceux et celles d’entre nous qui avons choisi comme carrière d’étudier les histoires – qu’il s’agisse de livres, de films ou de théâtre – plutôt que de simplement les aimer comme nous le faisions dans notre enfance. En tant qu’universitaires, critiques, libraires et autres, nous commençons à lire de nouveaux auteurs, parfois des auteurs oubliés, nous amorçons la conversation à leur sujet et, si nous avons de la chance, nous nous dirigeons vers la cuisine pour découvrir comment leurs textes sont construits, nous retrouvant dans un voyage « de la curiosité, à la révélation, à l’expérimentation ».

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I had my first experience of a gift book, a repurposed book, the ideology of classism, the difference between hall and cottage, the phonetics of cockney speech, narrative as a form of historical fantasy, and the book as a medium of character revelation, when I was four. And I was unaware of most of it, beyond the joy of holding an object in my hands. I’d broken my arm, news of which my sister, a page at the local public library branch, had reported to the children’s librarian. I was almost fully recovered—the cast was going to be removed soon—when a lady in a navy blue suit and hat came onto the verandah and knocked at our door. Miss Adams, the head of the children’s division, introduced herself and gave my mother the present for me. Dark green painted linen covers with a typed title in a white banner in the middle of the front cover, pasted sheets of text and illustration on each of the inside pages. The book was Ameliaranne and the Green Umbrella,1 which I assumed Miss Adams had written, illustrated, and made for me. I loved the minimal, engaging story and especially the illustrations about a resourceful little girl, the eldest of washerwoman’s Mrs. Stiggins’ children, going to the Squire’s tea party with the aim of bringing home special treats in the umbrella for her sick siblings. The round-faced crew of young Stigginses did everything together—sitting in a ring with their feet in a tub of mustard and water and propped up in a single bed drinking hot gruel. When the Squire’s angular and angry-looking sister, Miss Josephine, thrust open the umbrella in an attempt to expose Ameliaranne as a greedy thief, the more rubicund and amiable Squire understood immediately since he’d noticed that the girl herself had not eaten at all but had transferred everything to her umbrella. He ensured that a special basket be prepared for the Stiggins’ cottage. The thrill of holding the stiff, almost cracking covers, turning the heavily pasted sheets, whisking my Canadian self an ocean, and several decades and registers of language away, travelling with Ameliaranne to the splendid tea party with tiered plates of delicate tarts and cakes, stayed with me as a visual and gastronomic dreamscape. Of course while admiring Ameliaranne and thinking about all those sugary delights, I had nagging persistent questions. Why is the Squire’s sister so cross? Shouldn’t she apologize? Where is Mr. Stiggins? How does Mrs. Stiggins manage to feed her household of seven? She must work very hard. There are no thermometers to take

1 Constance Heward, Ameliaranne and the Green Umbrella (Philadelphia: G.W. Jacobs, 1920).

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Patricia Demers (Photo by Ruth-Ellen St. Onge)

the children’s temperature, no doctor visits, no prescriptions are issued. What do mustard water and gruel do, I wondered. Could the Squire not help this family more regularly? It took a few years for me to realize that Miss Adams had not written this story for me. She had, however, reassembled a remaindered book, likely read to pieces by youngsters before me. She had cropped the colophon, painted, pasted, sewn, and presented Ameliaranne as a gift, a repurposed text, a scrapbook, arguably an early form of artist’s book. My discovery of Constance Heward (1884–1968), for whom no DNB entry exists, as the author, and of Susan Beatrice Pearse (1878–1980) as the better- known illustrator did not diminish my gratitude to Miss Adams because her gift opened up a whole vein of inquiry much later. This first of the twenty Ameliaranne books, published in 1920, launched the adventures of the generous young heroine as she goes to the farm, keeps school, camps out, gives a concert, and goes touring. Heward authored eight instalments of the series, which lasted for thirty years, with Pearse contributing illustrations throughout; Eleanor Farjeon wrote two titles. My childhood home furnished one of several threshold moments. In the case of Ameliaranne the limen for me was full of misunderstandings, unanswered questions, and sobering realizations about the circulation and reproducibility of authorship. The long journey from not getting it to the slow and continuous scaling of Alps on Alps began with the book—mine but not for me alone,

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in its own way multimedial, shaping and for a time distorting a reading experience in its representation of inherently kind-spirited, picturesque poverty. Gradually I have discerned many thresholds of interpretation through an attentiveness to the materiality, circulation, and resonance of the text, to paratext and peritext, virtual research environments and access, geographic mapping, and qualitative analysis of music, images, and text as expression and adaptation. The metaphor of domestic architectural blueprints can trace this passage from the doorstep of excited curiosity, to the living room of critical discourse, and into the kitchen of combinative, experimental creation and re- creation. For me the awareness begins with the book and understanding the Baconian distinctions among tasting, swallowing, chewing, and digesting. The synaptic signal between the reader and the page— watermarked vellum, news stock, lemon-juice coded, or mass market print—is the motif threading together these remarks on the cognitive architecture of the plan, design, construction, and emotional effect of multimedia textuality. Of course architecture itself exerts powerful responses. As we know from bold designs for libraries in Halifax, Regina, Winnipeg, Calgary, and Edmonton, the material reality of buildings where texts reside—which encompass sites for gathering, reading, disputation, making, teaching, shelter, and retreat—affords the physical and virtual space to discover, discuss, or reconfigure texts. In the midst of the battle over the Central Library Plan of the NYPL to remove the stacks to off-site storage and de-accession art, Pulitzer Prize-winning architecture critic Louise Huxtable, at age 91, entered the fray, reminding readers of The Wall Street Journal that the seven floors of the stacks, on top of which the Rose Reading Room stands, actually hold up the building. She stressed the architectural logic: “All of Carrère and Hasting’s elegant classicism is not just window dressing. Their wonderful spatial relationships and rich detail are intimately tied to the building’s remarkable functional rationale.”2 In his study of reading in the electronic age, Andrew Piper prefaces his analysis of pages as windows, as frames, as mirrors, and as folds that lead to a gradual unfolding by commenting on the importance of the page as the “text’s architecture … that plays as much a role in shaping our reading experiences as the underlying material profile of the book or screen, … the basic unit of reading” allowing us to enter

2 Louise Huxtable, “Undertaking Its Destruction,” The Wall Street Journal, 3 December 2012.

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“into new conceptual terrain.”3 Concentration on the page’s offer of a new terrain is evident in the serene but detailed interior of the monk’s cell of Dürer’s “Saint Jerome in His Study.” The engraving conveys the contemplative atmosphere through recurrent horizontals of repose and harmony that the subjective spectator encounters. Bursts of colour surrounding a heart-shaped face in Picasso’s “Reading” suggest the power of reflection to look beyond the viewer. The page or collections of pages can address the reader eye to eye to reveal corroborating evidence and uncover concealed information. In Honouring the Truth, Reconciling for the Future, the summary of the final report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada,4 it is remarkable how recorded testimony corroborates, intensifies, and personalizes the reality of photos and documentation housed in religious, provincial, regional, and national archives about kitchens, laundries, classrooms, dormitories, punishment rooms, and cemeteries. Rehearsing his own journey through books and encounters with elite libraries as “custodians of culture and civilization”5 offering “the lost a gesture of belonging,”6 PMLA editor Simon Gikandi documents some of their “subtle form[s] of concealment,”7 as in the Codrington Library at All Souls College, Oxford, donated by Christopher Codrington, “a major slaveholder in Barbados,”8 and Princeton’s Firestone Library, the bequest resulting from Harvey Firestone’s huge rubber plantation in Liberia. My own movement from curiosity, to revelation, to experimentation within the timespan of a continuing project on contemporary women’s writing in Canada, which extends from the Massey Commission to the Sesquicentennial, has involved moments perched on the threshold, in the conversation of the living room, and in the observation of kitchen mixings. With the page drawing me in each instance, I was initially attracted to writers of fiction, poetry, and drama who appear to be forgotten, for different reasons excluded from an inner circle.

3 Andrew Piper, Book Was There: Reading in the Electronic Age (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2012), 48. 4 The 388-page report can be downloaded at http://publications.gc.ca/collections /collection_2015/trc/IR4-7-2015-eng.pdf (Ottawa: Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, 2015). 5 Simon Gikandi, “The Fantasy of the Library,” PMLA 128, no. 1 (2013): 12. 6 Ibid., 19. 7 Ibid., 13. 8 Ibid., 14.

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Two novelists, Grace Irwin and Patricia Blondal, summoned me from the threshold. Though contemporaries of Gabrielle Roy, Anne Hébert, and Ethel Wilson, as well as Margaret Laurence and Alice Munro, their work explored the introspective space of identity in rare, arresting ways. The first three of Irwin’s seven novels appeared in the 1950s. Set in the Toronto of her own childhood and adult life, Least of All Saints (1952) and Andrew Connington (1954) revolve around Emmanuel College at Victoria University and the intellectual struggles of a young minister in a well-heeled downtown parish. Later publications include a dramatized biography of the Seventh Earl of Shaftesbury, the autobiography Three Lives in Mine, and, when she was in her late nineties, the novel she wrote as a 20-year-old undergraduate at Victoria College, Compensation. A Classics major at the University of Toronto, Irwin was a high-school teacher of Latin for 39 years, all but one of them at Humberside Collegiate, experiences reflected in teacher Aran Waring in the novel In Little Place (1959).9 With a protagonist who opts for living “fully and excitingly in a fairly circumscribed area,” Irwin takes her title from the Prologue to Henry V praising the imaginary force of the theatre in which a single zero or “the wooden O” of the stage may multiply a number or “attest in little place a million.” Her evocation of this little place conveys the synecdochic importance of Aran’s life and decisions, so rooted in and loyal to her family background and milieu. The opening scene of In Little Place serves as a frame for what Andrew Piper calls the “material arguments of individualization.” During a University of Toronto reception at the Royal Ontario Museum, as guests wander from the Chinese galleries to the refreshment table, 45-year-old, self-possessed but “manless” Aran surveys the scene and observes that “shameful to admit and dark with abnormal portent since Freud made Kinsey possible, was her own [unmarried] state.”10 Longing to “remove her frozen expression of animation” and struggling with “her Methodist conscience between what she wanted and what was, she felt, expected of her,” Aran acknowledges that she herself is an exhibit, a curiosity, as awkward in this gathering as she would be in a Harlequin romance. Yet Irwin ensures that her protagonist’s rational position resonates with a joint conviction: Why did people not realize that an incurable tendency to be guided by the head did not indicate lack of heart; that an instinctive

9 Grace Irwin, In Little Place (Grand Rapids, MI: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 1959). 10 Ibid., 11.

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prescience concerning the passing and dissipation of unguided emotion by no means quelled the violence of the emotion itself? In the first of Blondal’s two posthumously published novels, A Candle to Light the Sun, the agony of the quest for identity leads protagonist David Newman away from his native Manitoba small town of Mouse Bluffs, modelled on Blondal’s own home town of Souris, to college in Winnipeg. In her title this “poet’s novelist”11 echoes both the Bible’s apocalyptic promise of eternal light to obviate candle and sun12 and William Blake’s reduction of presumed knowledge to “only hold[ing] a candle in sunshine.”13 Shuttling back and forth between realism and symbolism in weaving its meaning, the novel exposes the lack of substance in the light of the candle and the sun. In broad strokes the preface, serving as a mirror for what Piper calls “the logic of iterability,”14 introduced Depression-bound Mouse Bluffs: How thin we were upon the land. 1936. How untouching we were, with all the miles between us. How thin the land made us, parching our lips, stretching fine the bones to unmuscled waiting. […] Our sins stood thick upon the thinness of our worth, thick between us and the low red sun.15 The novel’s large cast of characters, with cautionary examples and scarring episodes exerting their effects in both settings, constitutes the tissue of reality and the wells of loneliness, loss, and frustration. As Aritha van Herk has observed, the “untouching” quality of the couples in Mouse Bluffs is perceptible, especially in view of the explicit treatment of sexuality, “the strangely contemporary ... examination of the psychological and the sexual.”16 Irwin’s novel has not been reprinted; Blondal’s has been re-issued as part of OUP’s Wynford Books series. Poet Edna Jaques is not associated with the Modernist group of Dorothy Livesay, P.K. Page, Anne Wilkinson, and Miriam

11 Laurie Ricou, “Patricia Blondal’s Long Poem,” in The Winnipeg Connection: Writing Lives at Mid-Century, ed. Birk Sproxton (Winnipeg, MB: Prairie Fire Press, 2006), 294. 12 Revelation 22:5. 13 William Blake, The Marriage of Heaven and Hell, introduction and commentary by Sir Geoffrey Keynes (London: Oxford University Press, 1975), plate 22. 14 Piper, Book Was There, 49. 15 Patricia Blondal, A Candle to Light the Sun (1960), introduction by Laurie Ricou (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1976), 10. 16 Aritha van Herk, “Second Thoughts: A Nation Reflected in the Tensions of a Small Town,” The Globe and Mail, 7 September 1991: C 17.

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Waddington. She stands alone as a popular poet, based largely on her vernacular directness and windows onto a prairie world. For all its beneficent cheer, the homespun style is not interested in “little foolish trivial things” like “curtains or the polish of a floor,”17 but rather wants to probe beneath the surface. I wanted to reach down and touch her heart Beneath the thin veneer that shut me out, And let our true selves speak ... to hear her tell The secret hidden things she dreamed about.18 Most of Jaques’s twelve books were published by Thomas Allen in Toronto, although undated chapbooks such as Verses for You and Drifting Soil were printed in Moose Jaw. In genuinely populist work, Jaques spoke directly to women, yet, as Carole Gerson has remarked, her popularity was dismissed “among primarily male by gender and values” members of the academic literary establishment.19 E.K. Brown in his “Letters in Canada” review disliked her “cosiness,” fearing the emergence of another “Eddy Guest,”20 while his successor Northrop Frye judged her work as part of “the doggerel school.” Gerson points to these assessments as evidence of “some of the biases of class, gender and ethnicity that have been unquestioningly accepted by the profession that constructs literary value.”21 Some might argue that Gwen Pharis Ringwood,22 the first Canadian playwright to be anthologized, is hardly neglected, since the establishment of the Gwen Pharis Ringwood Award for Drama by the Writers’ Guild of Alberta and the naming of the theatre in Williams Lake both honour her. Yet she is not widely known or performed today. For this foremother of women’s dramatic writing in Canada, whose career spanned four decades, the recurring issue in her award-winning plays of the 1940s, Still Stands the House, Pasque Flower, Dark Harvest, and beyond was sharp, irreconcilable, and often

17 Edna Jaques, “At a Tea,” in Aunt Hattie’s Place (Toronto: Thomas Allen, 1941), 4. 18 Ibid. 19 Carole Gerson, “Sarah Binks and Edna Jaques: Parody, Gender, and the Construction of Literary Value,” Canadian Literature 134 (Autumn 1992): 66. 20 E.K. Brown, “Letters in Canada,” University of Toronto Quarterly 5 (1935–36): 367. 21 Gerson, “Sarah Binks and Edna Jaques,” 70. 22 Gwen Pharis Ringwood, Collected Plays, edited by Enid Delgaty Rutland, biographical note by Marion Wilson, prefaces by Margaret Laurence and George Ryga (Ottawa: Borealis Press, 1982).

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tragic contrasts in character. Atmospheres of repression involving implacable or taciturn people are prominent. As Margaret Laurence wrote of Ringwood’s plays, “she saw, early on, the need to write out of our own people, our own land, and she has remained true to that vision.”23 Situated in a variety of settings, Ringwood’s later plays continue to explore ruptures within relationships and communities. The Stranger captured my attention, its pages as folds that lead to a gradual unfolding. The arrival of the Chilcotin woman Jana on a Palomino stallion signals trouble for the Shuswap, who insist that she leave. The realization that her common-law partner for five years and father of her child is engaged to marry the white ranch owner further isolates the Chilcotin woman. Ringwood penetrates to the heart of the woman’s despair, overlaid with a sense of invasion of a homeland by a settler. Jana’s curse of her former lover and his “white whore” is charged with the vehemence of a discarded woman: “Tell her I wish your children born blind and hideous and twisted with hate as I am now.”24 With an interspersed lullaby in Chilcotin and the chants of a chorus, the play fulfils its gruesome Medea prophecy. Although the terrain of women dramatists was very sparse at the beginning of the 67-year period of my research, it was even less developed in filmmaking. Since I place film on the “same semiological plane as literary art,”25 addressing social relations and identity formation, my last example of a threshold moment is The Far Shore26 by painter, mixed-media artist, and filmmaker Joyce Wieland, who had been only known to me through her experimental landscape documentary Reason over Passion.27 Set in 1919, The Far Shore narrates the escape from a doomed marriage between the Québécoise Eulalie, who dreams of earning a living as a concert pianist, and Ross, a Toronto industrialist. Their arrival, on a rainy evening the day after the marriage, in Ross’s Rosedale mansion, heavy with mahogany and rosewood, presages the entrapment of stiffness and convention. Eulalie’s artistic talent is admired by painter Tom McLeod, a fictionalized version of Tom Thomson. Unappreciated at the time of its release in 1975 by avant-garde and popular critics alike, The Far Shore impresses today as a remarkable achievement.

23 Margaret Laurence, “Preface” in Gwen Pharis Ringwood, Collected Plays, xi. 24 Ringwood, “The Stranger” in Collected Plays, 397. 25 Christian Metz, Film Language: A Semiotics of the Cinema, translated by Michael Taylor (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1991), 96. 26 Joyce Wieland, The Far Shore (Far Shore Inc., 1975). 27 Joyce Wieland, Reason Over Passion (Corrective Films, 1969).

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The iris shots in the film are exceptional and revelatory. When she and Tom meet in his studio-cabin, each in turn uses a magnifying glass to talk to the other, a soundless but intimately magnified communication, with their animated faces filling the circle. The final chase scene between Ross and the now-united lovers, shot on Lake Mazinaw and its magnificent rock face in Bon Echo Provincial Park, is itself the far shore. After two gunshots are heard, Tom’s blood-soaked body appears but the only evidence of Eulalie is her floating hat. Of this ambiguous ending Lauren Rabinovitz concludes that Eulalie, “not integrated into the dominant order,” only accedes “to an as yet unactualized territory.”28 The contrasts between Tom’s philistinism and Eulalie’s “cultured modernism” lead Kay Armatage to view Wieland’s melodrama as “a radical understanding of Canada’s political and cultural history throughout the period of industrial modernization.”29 While the threshold experiences have clearly been extended and influenced by critical comment, in the living room section of this talk I will concentrate on the work and discursive analysis of one writer, dramatist Judith Thompson.30 Admittedly this choice complicates an understanding of the page as play texts always gesture toward, enable, and envision a staged performance. Thompson’s fourteen multi-act stage plays, along with one-acts and screenplays, force us to look inside ourselves to acknowledge the pettiness, explosive anger or aloneness we usually keep muffled and concealed. The repressed returns with visceral intensity in her work. As Craig Stewart Walker argues about Thompson’s glimpses of death, judgement, heaven, and hell, “to transcend the barrier between our conscious selves and these four last things hidden deep within marks the first step towards transcending the barriers between us and our fellow human beings.”31 From the striking début of The Crackwalker (1980) with its fool saint Theresa to her one-woman Watching Glory Die (2014),

28 Lauren Rabinovitz, “The Far Shore: Feminist Family Melodrama,” in The Films of Joyce Wieland, ed. Kathryn Elder (Waterloo, ON: Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 1999), 127. 29 Kay Armatage, “Fluidity: Joyce Wieland’s Political Cinema,” in The Gendered Screen, eds. Brenda Austin-Smith and George Melnyk (Waterloo, ON: Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 2010), 108. 30 Judith Thompson, Late 20th Century Plays 1980–2000 (Toronto: Playwrights Canada Press, 2002). 31 Craig Stewart Walker, The Buried Astrolabe: Canadian Dramatic Imagination and Western Imagination (Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2001), 411.

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fictionalizing the Ashley Smith tragedy in which a teenager took her life in an Ontario correctional centre, the dark corners of her plays, which have won two Governor General’s Awards, continue to shock some readers. Thompson expresses her own surprise at this reaction: I am always very, very shocked when people are shocked. The last thing I ever want to do is offend. ... It just doesn’t occur to me that these characters would offend anybody because they’re people and I care about them. And you just don’t care about people because they’re nice or they’re pretty.32 Critical commentary on national and international performance of her work underscores the range of her innovative theatre and its unsparing language. Her characters “get into our blood,” Robert Nunn observes, “they become the Other-within-us, and in the moment of recognition they remind us of something we are likely to resist: that we too are Other.”33 Analyzing British reviews of The Crackwalker and Lion in the Streets, Ann Wilson notes that reviewers’ voyeuristic focus on what is perceived as “new-world despair” misses essential elements: “The failure to recognize the underlying religiosity of Thompson’s work blinds the English reviewers to the notions of redemption, grace and forgiveness.”34 Claudia Barnett concentrates on the dead or ghostly characters to whom Thompson gives voice, allowing them—despite their incorporeality—to gain the insight and agency after death, which they were denied in life.35 The intriguing pursuit to gain forgiveness and raise a ghost consumes the figure of Patsy in Perfect Pie (2000),36 who labours to re-create a fast friendship of two girls, possibly to expiate her own sense of guilt. Patsy recalls that she and Marie “hung around together

32 Judith Rudakoff, “Judith Thompson: Interview,” in Ric Knowles, ed., The Masks of Judith Thompson (Toronto: Playwrights Canada Press, 2006), 29. See also Judith Thompson, “Offending Your Audience,” in Knowles, ed., The Masks of Judith Thompson, 50–51. 33 Robert C. Nunn, “Strangers to Ourselves: Judith Thompson’s Sled,” Canadian Theatre Review 89 (1996): 29. See also Robert C. Nunn, “Spatial Metaphor in the Plays of Judith Thompson,” in Ric Knowles, ed., Judith Thompson (Toronto: Playwrights Canada Press, 2005), 20–40. 34 Ann Wilson, “Canadian Grotesque: The Reception of Judith Thompson’s Plays in London,” Canadian Theatre Review 89 (1996): 27. 35 Claudia Barnett, “Judith Thompson’s Ghosts,” Canadian Theatre Review 114 (2003): 33–37. 36 Judith Thompson, Perfect Pie, in Late 20th Century Plays 1980–2000 (Toronto: Playwrights Canada Press, 2002), 407–90.

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near Marmora, Ontario, like Siamese twins till you left town when you were fifteen or sixteen.”37 Patsy also knows from the first scene that Marie, ventriloquized as Francesca, an actor living in an urban high-rise for the rest of the play, is dead. “I know in my heart that you did not survive, Marie. So how is it? How is it that I see you there, out there, in the world?”38 The play, which began as a monologue for Patsy, explores the lasting imprint of the event twenty years ago on the train tracks when both friends agreed to a suicide pact, but Patsy either reneged or was pushed aside by Marie as the train approached. Patsy’s act of kneading the pastry for her pie is the accompaniment or impetus for the series of revelations about their friendship, the rape and abuse of Marie by the boys at a party, and Patsy’s sense of loss. She admits in the closing scene that her conversation with Francesca is “like you were a dream”39 punctuated by the kneading of the dough. “I think I’m like making you. I like ... form you; right in front of my eyes, right here at my kitchen table into flesh.”40 Thompson’s themes of ambiguous subjectivity and the haunting power of the past propel Perfect Pie. Walker pursues the implications of Francesca’s presence being a dream. “Is Patsy’s relationship to Marie more than a memory; is it a dark place of awful power hidden within herself that she revisits privately to reacquaint herself with the thrilling terrifying experience of being open to the ‘unimaginable world’”?41 Drawing connections between Patsy’s description of her epileptic seizures (transferred from Marie) and Thompson’s own experience of epilepsy,42 Jenn Stephenson sees Patsy creating herself as an artist and a storyteller, as “a metafictional autobiographer, a playwright within the play, whose subject is her own life with a blank hole at its centre.”43 Although Marlene Moser presents epilepsy as a motif of the “dissolution of self”44 in the play, she is one of the few readers who maintains the reality of Marie/Francesca who, as a character, seeks subjectivity to the same degree and in the same way as Patsy does.

37 Ibid., 407. 38 Ibid. 39 Ibid., 490. 40 Ibid. 41 Walker, The Buried Astrolabe, 406. 42 See Judith Thompson, “Epilepsy and the Snake: Fear in the Creative Process,” Canadian Theatre Review 89 (1996): 4–7. 43 Jenn Stephenson, “Kneading You: Performative Meta-Auto/biography in Perfect Pie,” Theatre Research in Canada 31 (2010): 62. 44 Marlene Moser, “Identities of Ambivalence: Judith Thompson’s Perfect Pie,” Theatre Research in Canada 27 (2006): 93.

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Thompson’s characters, ambivalent yet recognizable, and environments, both natural and surreal, fashion ethical encounters for her viewing and reading audiences. In paying tribute to “the beautiful people who inspired” The Crackwalker, she also neatly pinpoints the continuing resonance of her whole gallery of subjects: “looking at and engaging with those whose very existence illuminates our insularity, our selfishness and greed, and worst of all, our abject fear of the Crackwalker in all of us.”45 The move to the kitchen of combination and adaptive experiments illustrates the openness of living room and kitchen, the overlap of many figures, and the constant mutation and afterlife of stories in the human imagination that make adaptation, Linda Hutcheon observes, “the norm, not the exception.”46 Since, as Peter Dickinson argues convincingly in his study of adapting Canadian literature to film, “different institutional and cultural codes” can be called upon, “questions of infidelity, incoherence, and non-equivalency often provide more productive starting points for adaptation studies than the traditional measuring sticks of fidelity, coherence, and equivalency.”47 Three examples, Lynne Stopkewich’s Kissed (1996),48 an adaptation of Barbara Gowdy’s short story “We So Seldom Look on Love,” Léa Pool’s Lost and Delirious (2001),49 as adapted by Judith Thompson from Susan Swan’s novel The Wives of Bath (1993), and Sarah Polley’s multi-vocal, multifaceted recreation of family memories in Stories We Tell (2012)50 are the focus of this kitchen group observation. Stopkewich (b. 1964) made Kissed as her MFA thesis at the University of British Columbia. The figure of the female necrophile in Gowdy’s story, Sandra Larson, is still prominent in the film; no longer a first-person narrator, she fills the role of voiceover, telling the viewer mildly and softly that she has always been “fascinated with death” wanting “to get inside it” and “understand perfection.” Instead of the middle-aged independent Sandra of Gowdy’s story, the film presents a 20-something Sandra along with recalled childhood scenes of Sandra wrapping a dead bird in toilet paper, burying a mouse, and massaging

45 Judith Thompson, “The Crackwalker Thirty Years Later,” in The Crackwalker, 2nd ed. (Toronto: Playwrights Canada Press, 2010), vii. 46 Linda Hutcheon, A Theory of Adaptation (New York: Routledge, 2006), 177. 47 Peter Dickinson, Screening Gender, Framing Genre: Canadian Literature into Film (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2007), 211. 48 Lynne Stopkewich, Kissed (Samuel Goldwyn Company, Orion Pictures, 1996). 49 Léa Pool, Lost and Delirious (Cité-Amérique, 2001). 50 Sarah Polley, Stories We Tell (National Film Board, 2012).

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a dead chipmunk’s blood on her throat. The fascination leads to her study of embalming and her job at the funeral parlour, as well as her encounter with the sometime med student, Matt, who becomes a sexual partner. “One of the most radical narrative treatments of non-normative heterosexual female desire in Canadian film,” Kissed also succeeds in presenting “a more youthful and accessible figure of deviant desire” in line “with late feminism’s preference for female icons who combine various degrees of surface empowerment with sexual availability.”51 The visual medium is especially riveting when the funeral parlour owner demonstrates to a rapt Sandra how to vacuum the liquids by thrusting a cannula into a corpse and when a naked Sandra, experiencing orgasm over a body, tells us “I’m out of myself.” The most startling image is the hanging naked body of Matt who, having been convinced that “love is about crossing for transformation,” finally offers his corpse for Sandra’s delectation. Homosexual female desire centres both Swan’s The Wives of Bath and Lost and Delirious, the first English film by Swiss-Québécoise filmmaker Léa Pool (b. 1950). The three teenaged girls, Paulie, Victoria, and Mary, students at a private boarding school, are present in both texts. But differences in time, characterization, and plot, with which Swan declared herself in the introduction to a re-issue of her novel “shamelessly satisfied,”52 separate them. The film, shot on the campus of Bishop’s University in Lennoxville, Quebec, sets the novel’s 1960s narrative in the present. The combination of dramatist Thompson and filmmaker Pool, not concentrating on Paulie’s desire to be seen as a man, turns the novel’s murder and castration of the janitor into Paulie’s suicide from the parapet of the school building in the film’s breathtaking conclusion. Each girl experiences alienation: Paulie, adopted at birth, searches for her “blood mother”; Tori chafes against parental expectations that she will be “the perfect Junior League girl”; and Mary, initially “Mouse” and then “Mary Brave,” mourns her dead mother. The newcomer to Paulie and Tori’s room of “lost girls,” Mary observes their lovemaking and narrates as the heterosexual other. Seeing Mary’s role as working to “expel same-sex desires,” Catherine Silverstone also interprets Paulie’s borrowings from Twelfth Night and Antony and Cleopatra to try to regain Tori’s

51 Lee Parpart, “Feminist Ambiguity in the Film Adaptations of Lynne Stopkewich,” in The Gendered Screen, eds. Austin-Smith and Melnyk, 43–66. 52 Susan Swan, The Wives of Bath (Toronto: Vintage Canada, 2001), ix.

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love as “markers of unhappiness and melancholy.”53 While Sara Ahmed views Paulie’s descent as ascent, arguing that “she and the bird [the falcon whom Paulie nurses to health] rise above the heads of the teachers and schoolgirls who look upon the scene with passive horror and disbelief,”54 Silverstone sees the ending quite convincingly as sacrificing the threat to the community, occluding “Paulie as an embodied desiring queer subject.”55 By tracing the philological root of “lost” to the Germanic root for “cut apart” and “delirious” to the Latin delirare “to go off the furrow,” Maria Anita Stefanelli concludes that Lost and Delirious “hints at a disjunction, a separation leading to somewhere off: off space, off time, off the mind.”56 Sarah Polley’s filmography reflects her decades of involvement in television series and full-length features. As an actor she is recognizable in her large body of work, from roles in Road to Avonlea (1994–1996) to movie roles in, among many others, Atom Egoyan’s The Sweet Hereafter (1997), David Cronenberg’s eXistenZ (1999), Thom Fitzgerald’s The Event (2003), and Isabelle Coixet’s The Secret Life of Words (2005). Her filmmaking art in the screenplay for Take This Waltz (2011) explores the routes and impasses of communication in a marriage. Her adaptations of Munro’s “The Bear Came Over the Mountain” as Away From Her (2006) and of Atwood’s Alias Grace for a CBC miniseries (2018) have been award-winning. My interest here, however, is in the ways she adroitly hybridizes the genre of autobiography to fashion an accumulation of mediated yet personalized truths. Polley spent five years documenting family history in her NFB production Stories We Tell. Being told at age thirteen that Michael Polley was not her father and later having this fact confirmed with DNA analysis are the pretexts for this question-filled exploration of parents, family, and connections. Disclosing the secret of her own paternity, the film splices interviews with actor-turned insurance man Michael Polley, Montreal producer Harry Gulkin, her siblings, and her mother’s confidantes along with Michael’s narration of his own

53 Catherine Silverstone, “Shakespeare, Cinema and Queer Adolescents: Unhappy Endings and Heartfelt Conclusions,” Shakespeare 10, no. 3 (2014): 309–327. 54 Sara Ahmed, The Promise of Happiness (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2010), 105. 55 Silverstone, “Shakespeare, Cinema and Queer Adolescents.” 56 Maria Anita Stefanelli, “Queering Spectatorship in Léa Pool’s and Judith Thompson’s Lost and Delirious,” in Modes and Facets of the American Scene: Studies in Honour of Cristina Giorcelli (Palermo, Italy: Ila Palma, 2014), 364.

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scripted memories, all of which Polley directs and edits. Recreated home movies in which look-alike actors stand in for Polley’s mother Diane (Rebecca Jenkins), Michael Polley when younger (Peter Evans), and Harry Gulkin (Alex Hatz) during his brief affair with Diane when she was appearing in a Centaur Theatre production impart a sense—a manufactured sense—of memories obscured by sadness. Although Gulkin delights in connecting with his long-lost daughter, he does not like her pursuit of what he sees as “very woolly” documentary that “never touches bottom.” Most engrossing for me about this filmmaker’s pursuit of family secrets are the ways in which discrepancies and the inclusion of so many participants and witnesses, from different angles and time frames, bring someone to life through stories. Whether the person is a recognized, nonfictional human being like Diane Polley, or an authorial stand-in and reflection like Aran Waring and David Newman, or excluded, occluded outsiders like Jana, Eulalie, and Paulie, or a remorseful figure seeking forgiveness like Patsy, the text—in print, on the screen, or vivified on stage—invites us to come to know them. Through filters of memory, exposures of fear, and intimate encounters, stories excite our curiosity on the doorstep, usher us into a living room discussion, and welcome us to the kitchen of re-mixings and new tastes.

Author Biography

Patricia Demers, CM, FRSC, is a Distinguished University Professor in the Department of English and Film Studies at the University of Alberta. She teaches and researches in the areas of early modern, eighteenth-century, and contemporary Canadian women’s writing. She chaired the Royal Society of Canada Expert Panel report, The Future Now: Canada’s Libraries, Archives, and Public Memory (2014). Women’s Writing in Canada is forthcoming (Fall 2019) from the University of Toronto Press.

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Meaghan Scanlon

Abstract

Library and Archives Canada (LAC) has what is likely the largest collection of Canadian comic books in a Canadian library. LAC’s collection has three distinct parts: comics acquired via legal deposit, the John Bell Collection of Canadian Comic Books, and the Bell Features Collection. These holdings, which span the history of the comics medium in Canada, represent a significant resource for researchers studying Canadian comics. This article looks at each of the three main parts of LAC’s comic book collection, giving an overview of the contents of each part, and providing information on how researchers can discover and access these comics. The article also briefly explores other comics-related holdings at LAC. Its purpose is to provide a starting point for researchers seeking to make use of LAC’s comic book collections.

Résumé

Bibliothèque et Archives Canada (BAC) recèle ce qui constitue vraisemblablement la plus vaste collection de bandes dessinées canadiennes dans une bibliothèque canadienne. La collection de BAC comporte trois parties distinctes: les bandes dessinées acquises grâce au dépôt légal, la collection de bandes dessinées canadiennes de John Bell et la collection Bell Features. Ce fonds documentaire, qui couvre l’histoire du médium bandes dessinées, représente une ressource importante pour les chercheurs qui étudient les bandes dessinées

1 This article draws on research I have previously presented in two conference papers: “Drawn Across the Border: Canadian Comic Books at Library and Archives Canada,” Canadian Association for the Study of Book Culture, Brock University, St. Catharines, ON, May 27, 2014, and “‘Written, Drawn, and Printed in Canada—by Canadians!’: Bell Features, CanCon, and the Perception of Comics in Postwar Canada,” Society for the History of Authorship, Reading and Publishing, Montreal, QC, July 10, 2015.

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canadiennes. Cet article examine chacune des trois principales parties de la collection de bandes dessinées de BAC, offrant une vue d’ensemble du contenu de chaque partie ainsi que de l’information pour aider les chercheurs à découvrir ces bandes dessinées et à y accéder. Cet article se penche aussi brièvement sur les autres fonds de BAC reliés à la bande dessinée. Son objectif est de fournir un point de départ pour les chercheurs qui souhaitent utiliser les collections de bandes dessinées de BAC.

Library and Archives Canada (LAC) has what is likely the largest collection of Canadian comic books in a Canadian library. This statement requires some clarification. First, what is a comic book? The umbrella term “comics,” or “bandes dessinée” in French, can refer to many different forms of graphic storytelling. For example, there are the single panel gag comics perhaps typified by the ones seen in The New Yorker. There are editorial cartoons, the biting political drawings traditionally printed in newspapers. There are comic strips, also found in newspapers: stories told in sequences of three or four panels, some, like Lynn Johnston’s For Better or for Worse, running over the course of many years. Readers tend to encounter the forms named above as subordinate works placed within larger, mostly text-based items: magazines or newspapers. A comic book, by contrast, is a standalone publication. It may include pages of text, but the most significant part of the content is comic art. Comic books are usually about 30 pages long, and are published in a pamphlet format bound with staples. They are often—but not always—serials, in both the bibliographic sense of periodical publishing, and the literary sense of serialized storytelling. The comic book’s serial nature and its magazine format distinguish it from its more respected relation, the graphic novel, which is a book-length and book-format work of comic art. Librarians will note that a graphic novel is generally assigned an International Standard Book Number (ISBN), while a comic book receives an International Standard Serial Number (ISSN). Graphic novels are now fixtures in public and school library collections, but comic books tend to be found mainly in special collections areas of research libraries. In the United States, for example, two of the most significant collections are at the Library of Congress and Michigan State University. In Canada, the major comic

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book collections are the Dr. Eddy Smet Collection of Comic Books at the University of Western Ontario and the various collections at LAC. A second point of clarification: what is a Canadian comic book? Canadiana, LAC’s national bibliography of Canada, names two categories of material: “publications produced in Canada” and those “published elsewhere that are of special interest or significance to Canada,”2 also known as “foreign Canadiana.” Works published abroad by Canadians are considered foreign Canadiana, as are works about Canada created by non-Canadians and published abroad. Following the Canadiana inclusion criteria, Canadian comic books may be defined as comic books published in Canada, or published outside Canada by Canadians or about Canada. Three distinct parts make up the majority of LAC’s Canadian comic book holdings: the collection of comics acquired via legal deposit, the John Bell Collection of Canadian Comic Books, and the Bell Features Collection.3 These holdings represent a significant resource for researchers who wish to study Canadian comics. LAC’s collection spans the history of the medium in Canada, incorporating material from the earliest days of Canadian comic book publishing up to the present. It contains items from all regions of the country, from mainstream and alternative presses, as well as self-publishers. The collection is not complete, but it is large and very rich: despite some limitations (explored below), legal deposit is a powerful tool that allows LAC to capture a large amount of the material published in Canada. LAC’s two major special collections of Canadian comic books—the John Bell and Bell Features collections—are also outstanding in their breadth. While most of the content in its collection can be found elsewhere, LAC stands out among Canadian libraries for the sheer amount of Canadian comics material it holds. A researcher wishing to study comics publishing in Canada, specific Canadian comics creators, or any other topic related to Canadian comics has a wealth of material to draw from in LAC’s collection. This article provides an overview of each of the three main parts of LAC’s comic book collection, as identified above. It concludes with

2 “Canadiana: The National Bibliography of Canada,” Services and Programs, Library and Archives Canada, last modified April 25, 2018, http://www.bac-lac. gc.ca/ENG/SERVICES/CANADIANA/Pages/canadiana-national-bibliography. aspx. 3 The fact that “Bell” appears in the names of two of these collections is a coincidence that is often a source of confusion, as people get the two collections mixed up or mistakenly believe they are one and the same.

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a brief look at other comics-related holdings in LAC’s collection of published material, such as graphic novels. It does not attempt to examine current scholarship on Canadian comics. My goal is merely to provide a starting point for researchers seeking to make use of the extensive Canadian comic book holdings at LAC.

Legal Deposit Collection4

LAC’s core collection development tool for published material is legal deposit. Since the National Library of Canada (NLC) was established in 1953, the federal government has legally required all publishers to deposit copies of every publication made available in Canada with the organization filling the national library function (from 1953–2004, the NLC; from 2004–present, LAC).5 LAC thus seems extremely well placed to collect comic books published in Canada. Indeed, legal deposit has enabled LAC to develop a large collection of these comic books (and graphic novels). Its holdings from the 1980s are particularly strong. This was a “boom” period for Canadian comic books,6 with publishers such as Vortex Comics, Aardvark-Vanaheim, and Aircel Comics all producing multiple titles and depositing them with LAC.7 Searches in LAC’s National Union Catalogue database and international union catalogue WorldCat suggest that LAC is the only Canadian location for the physical versions of most of these publishers’ titles.8

4 I would like to acknowledge the assistance of my colleagues Ivan Basar, Alison Harding-Hlady, Natalie LeBlond, Bill Leonard, Nathalie Mainville, and Kristen Wylie, who helped this special collections librarian understand and navigate the world of serials acquisitions and comic book cataloguing at LAC. 5 Though legal deposit at first applied only to books, it expanded to cover serials in 1965. There are still some exceptions to legal deposit; for example, publications printed in very small editions. Source: “Legal Deposit,” Services and Programs, Library and Archives Canada, last modified August 14, 2018, https://www.bac- lac.gc.ca/eng/services/legal-deposit/Pages/legal-deposit.aspx. 6 Bell, Invaders from the North, 121–36. 7 Aardvark-Vanaheim’s co-founder, Deni Loubert, left the company in April 1984 to start a new firm. Though her new company, Renegade Press, was located in California, Loubert continued to publish the work of a number of Canadian creators (see Bell, Invaders from the North, 128). Interestingly—and fortunately for LAC—she also continued to comply with Canadian legal deposit! 8 Searches conducted in August 2018 for titles such as Cerebus (Aardvark- Vanaheim), Mister X (Vortex), Yummy Fur (Vortex), Black Kiss (Vortex), Dragonring (Aircel), and Elflord (Aircel).

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A lack of stability in the Canadian comic book publishing industry, however, presents challenges to LAC’s ability to collect comprehensively using legal deposit as its primary means of acquisition. In his book Invaders from the North, John Bell lists about 30 Canadian comic book publishers that emerged between 1989 and 2006, noting that most of them “issued a handful of comics and then folded, usually after a year or two.”9 This short life span seems to be the rule rather than the exception for Canadian comic book publishers. A search conducted in the Grand Comics Database (comics.org) showed that about 90% of the Canadian publishers listed there had released five titles or fewer.10 While legal deposit becomes almost automatic for large, established publishers, smaller start-up firms and self-publishers may not be aware of their obligations. Some self-published comics are essentially what we might think of as zines: photocopied publications printed in very small editions and often distributed through informal networks. Outreach to small press comics creators is possible, but may be difficult given the short lifespans of some companies and the small scale of many self-publishers’ output. The exercise of legal deposit by staff at LAC also depends to some degree on the fact that publishers will comply with certain established standards such as the use of ISSNs for serials. LAC is the issuing body for ISSNs in Canada. All new serials titles are registered with the ISSN office. The ISSN office sends information about new titles to the legal deposit team, which then uses it to create claims for new publications. If every comic book publisher registered all its titles with the ISSN office, LAC would have a complete list of titles published in Canada. Of course, nothing is that simple. Self-published comics in particular are highly unlikely to enter the ISSN system; zine creators tend to reject the apparatus of traditional publishing.11 Still, researchers looking for comic books published in Canada have a good chance of finding what they want in LAC’s collection. That said, the institution’s practices in terms of description and storage of comic books place limitations on how users can discover the comics.

9 John Bell, Invaders from the North: How Canada Conquered the Comic Book Universe (Toronto: Dundurn Press, 2006), 176. 10 Search conducted in August 2018 using an advanced query to search for publishers whose country of origin was listed as Canada. 11 Alycia Sellie, “Backward C inside a Circle: Free Culture in Zines” (Master’s thesis, City University of New York, 2013), 3, https://academicworks.cuny.edu/ cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1150&context=gc_etds.

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Other than searching the catalogue for specific titles, there is no easy way to locate all of LAC’s legal deposit comic book holdings. A physical assessment of the collection is impossible because there is no “legal deposit comic book collection” per se. The various comic book titles received via legal deposit are not stored together in a dedicated comic book area; rather, they are integrated with the rest of LAC’s holdings. This, of course, does not necessarily mean the comic books are separated from each other: as anyone who has browsed a library’s shelves is aware, many libraries use classification as a means of keeping similar materials together. LAC uses the Library of Congress (LC) classification scheme, under which the range PN6700-6790 indicates “Comic books, strips, etc.” Cataloguers at LAC do generally assign numbers in the PN6700 range—specifically, PN6733 and PN6734, the numbers designated for Canadian works—to graphic novels. But the institution uses accession numbers rather than LC classification for serials, the category that includes the majority of comic books.12 Accession numbers are assigned to items in the order in which they are processed. Unlike LC numbers, they do not provide any intellectual context about an item’s subject matter, author, or genre. There is also no one search term that will allow researchers to identify all the comic book holdings in the catalogue. Searching by call number is, obviously, a non-starter. While there are subject and genre headings that identify comic books, these headings have been applied inconsistently at LAC, mainly due to changes in cataloguing standards and policies over time. The heading “Comic books, strips, etc.,” sometimes with various subdivisions attached (e.g., “Comic books, strips, etc.–Canada–Periodicals”), is present on some records, but many older titles have no subject headings at all. Around 2015, LAC’s cataloguers began assigning the heading “Comics (graphic works)” from the Library of Congress Genre/Form Terms for Library and

12 Serial accession numbers formerly took the format “letter-number-number” (e.g., K-12-1 for Captain Canuck). These numbers referred to an actual shelf location. In 1995, the format changed to numbers beginning with “PER” (short for periodicals), followed by a size classification (e.g., “REG” for regular), the year the title was first catalogued, and a number (e.g., PER.REG.2016.34 for the series Saskatch-a-man, published by Saskatoon’s Cuckoo’s Nest Press, which was presumably the 34th serial title catalogued at LAC in 2016). The older shelf list numbers are gradually being converted to the new format; for these converted numbers, the date element of the shelf list number will not refer to the date of cataloguing.

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Archival Materials thesaurus to both comic books and graphic novels.13 Narrower terms such as “Superhero comics” have been applied as well, where appropriate. “Graphic novels” is itself a narrower term under “Comics (graphic works),” and has been applied to LAC’s graphic novels. Unfortunately, there is no narrower term to distinguish the subset of comic books within the “Comics (graphic works)” format. It is possible, however, to do a subject keyword search for “Comics (graphic works)” in Aurora, LAC’s library catalogue, and limit the result set to the “Journal/Magazine” format. This search should capture all comic books catalogued as serials at LAC since approximately 2015.

John Bell Collection of Canadian Comic Books

LAC’s second major comic book collection is the John Bell Collection of Canadian Comic Books. Comprising approximately 4,000 items, the John Bell Collection was acquired in four accessions (1994, 1996–97, 2008, and 2011). Its creator is the writer, comic book historian, and retired LAC archivist John Bell. Bell began accumulating Canadian comic books in the 1970s with the intention of creating a checklist of every comic book ever published in Canada; the checklist was ultimately published as Canuck Comics (Montreal: Matrix Books, 1986). Among Bell’s other major contributions to the study of Canadian comic book history are the Canadian Museum of Caricature’s 1992 exhibition Guardians of the North: The National Superhero in Canadian Comic-Book Art,14 the virtual exhibition Beyond the Funnies: The History of Comics in English Canada and Quebec (co- curated with Michel Viau),15 and the book Invaders from the North: How Canada Conquered the Comic Book Universe.

13 The translation of this term in the Université Laval’s French thesaurus, Répertoire de vedettes-matières (RVM), is “Bandes dessinées.” LAC’s current practice is to assign both English and French subject headings to all materials. 14 An exhibition catalogue for Guardians of the North was published by the National Archives of Canada in 1992. A web version of the exhibition was created in 2001 and can still be found online: “Guardians of the North: The National Superhero in Canadian Comic-Book Art,” Library and Archives Canada, last modified July 12, 2001, http://epe.lac-bac.gc.ca/100/200/301/lac-bac/guardians_north-ef/2009/ www.collectionscanada.gc.ca/superheroes/index-e.html. 15 “Beyond the Funnies: The History of Comics in English Canada and Quebec,” Library and Archives Canada, last modified June 24, 2006, https://www. collectionscanada.gc.ca/comics/.

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Bell began collecting with the goal of building a complete collection of Canadian comic books. In this quest for completeness, Bell amassed a wide variety of material, including not only comics from Canadian publishers like Aircel and Vortex, but also comics published by the federal and various provincial governments, as well as self-published comics, comics published in the United States by Canadian creators, and comics issued by institutions like corporations, schools, and professional associations. These more ephemeral items—for example, the Ontario Chiropractic Association title Inspector Spine at the Rodeo—are not often found in other library collections. Bell’s comics are kept as a special collection within LAC’s Rare Book Collection. They are currently stored alphabetically by title in numbered bins (pamphlet boxes), with the first and second accessions interfiled while the third and fourth remain discrete. At the time of writing, title-level cataloguing has been completed for approximately 7% of titles in the collection. As each title is catalogued, it is assigned an alphanumeric John Bell accession number in the format “JB- number-number,” where the first set of numbers refers to the bin in which the item is stored and the second to the position of the title within its bin.16 The collection as a whole is discoverable via a catalogue record that includes a biographical sketch of John Bell as well as an overview of the collection’s contents.17 Attached to the record is a shelf list in Excel format containing an inventory of the first and second accessions.18 The spreadsheet lists a single comic book per row, with columns for bin number, title, issue number, copy number, publisher, date of publication, place of publication, notes on the item (e.g., comments on condition), and language of publication. There is some overlap between the John Bell Collection and LAC’s legal deposit holdings. But Bell has helped to fill some of the gaps in LAC’s collection created by the previously discussed issues with depending solely on legal deposit to collect comic books published in Canada. In particular, Bell made an effort to collect in the area of

16 For example, New Triumph (Montreal: Matrix Graphic Series, 1984–) has been assigned the number JB-104-03, meaning that it is the third title in the 104th bin. 17 See OCLC 1007765126. 18 The list was prepared by Rachel Richey in 2011. A list of the third and fourth accessions is in progress.

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self-published and small press comics,19 which are especially likely to fall through the cracks in legal deposit. Self-published work by notable creators such as Chester Brown, Julie Doucet, and Colin Upton would likely not have found its way into LAC’s collection if not for Bell.

Bell Features Collection

The third major comic book collection at LAC also consists of material that could not have been collected via legal deposit, in this case because it predates the existence of the NLC and the legal deposit regulations. The Bell Features Collection is much smaller in size than either the legal deposit collection or the John Bell Collection, but is perhaps equally significant in terms of content. It consists of 193 distinct issues of 17 titles published by the Toronto-based Second World War-era publisher Bell Features. Many of these 193 comic books are held in multiple copies; the total number of items in the collection is 382. The collection is Bell Features’ own library of its publications. It was acquired by the National Archives of Canada in 1972 from filmmakers Michael Hirsh and Patrick Loubert, who in turn had acquired it in 1970 from John Ezrin, one of Bell Features’ original investors. All 382 of these comic books were published by Bell Features between approximately 1941 and 1946. In December 1940, Canada’s government banned the importation of luxury goods, including comic books, from the United States.20 This created an opportunity for Canadian publishers to fill the market gap left by the absence of American comics. The result was a golden age for Canadian comics, with Bell Features being one of the main content producers. When the ban on American comics was eventually lifted, the Canadian publishers could not compete. Gradually, they all disappeared. Bell Features folded in the early 1950s. During its most significant period of activity, Bell Features published a line of six main anthology titles: Active Comics, Commando

19 “For the Greater Good,” Podcasts, Library and Archives Canada, last modified May 30, 2017, https://www.bac-lac.gc.ca/eng/news/podcasts/Pages/for-the- greater-good.aspx. 20 The history of how the 1940 passage of the legislation called the War Exchange Conservation Act led to the birth of the English Canadian comic book industry has been recounted in many different sources; e.g., Bell, Invaders from the North, 43–56.

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Comics, Dime Comics, Joke Comics, Triumph Comics, and Wow Comics. Within the pages of these comic books, the company introduced a number of distinctly Canadian heroes. The Inuit demigoddess Nelvana of the Northern Lights and the patriotic soldier Johnny Canuck are perhaps the two most well-known, both having been featured on stamps issued by Canada Post in 1995. But the company’s lineup boasted these and many other characters who were specifically identified as Canadian: • Royal Canadian Air Force pilot Crash Carson. • Toronto-dwelling clairvoyant crime fighter The Brain. • Dixon of the Mounted, a Nazi-fighting Mountie. • Jimmie Clarkson, code name “The Sign of Freedom,” a Canadian spy in Germany. • Lee Pierce, “The Invisible Commando,” a Canadian soldier who invents a pill that enables him to turn invisible. And so on. Bell Features’ comics were loaded with Canadian content. This “purposeful Canadianism,” as Hirsh and Loubert call it, was one of the company’s two dominant characteristics; the other was enthusiastic support for Canada’s involvement in the Second World War.21 Many features in the comics’ pages centred their action on the war, and the company even developed an entire title, Commando Comics, dedicated to war stories. Some of the comics read almost like propaganda, published for the purpose of encouraging their young readers to support Canada’s war effort.22 These elements make the Bell Features Collection a fascinating pop culture relic of this moment in Canadian history. Unfortunately, not many examples of Bell Features’ work have survived. In the 1940s, comic books were treated as disposable. Printed on cheap, acidic newsprint, they were read, sometimes by many children, and then discarded. As a consequence, comics from this period tend to be quite rare. The Bell Features Collection at LAC is one of the largest public collections of Canadian wartime comics.23

21 Michael Hirsh and Patrick Loubert, The Great Canadian Comic Books (Toronto: Peter Martin Associates, 1971), 14. 22 For selected examples of Bell Features’ propaganda-like content, see Meaghan Scanlon, “Collection Spotlight: Bell Features,” Signatures: The Magazine of Library and Archives Canada (Fall/Winter 2015): 14–15. 23 Another notable collection is the 181-item Canadian Whites Comic Book Collection at Ryerson University (https://archives.library.ryerson.ca/index.php/ canadian-whites-comic-book-collection). The Dr. Eddy Smet Collection of

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Though the poor quality of the paper makes older comic books prone to preservation issues, the Bell Features Collection holdings are, generally speaking, in very good condition. This is partly because, as the publisher’s own copies, they never found their way into the hands of children! Like the John Bell Collection, the Bell Features Collection is kept as a special collection within LAC’s Rare Book Collection. It is housed in acid-free comic book boxes, within which each comic book is kept in an archival paper envelope sealed only on the bottom and spine edges (think of an L shape) in order to minimize the risk of the fragile newsprint catching on its housing during handling. Each of the 17 titles in the collection has been catalogued and assigned an alphanumeric shelf list number beginning with the letters “BF.” There is also a collection-level record in Aurora that provides contextual information about the collection as a whole.24 Attached to this record is a detailed finding aid containing a series description for each title that lists the characters and creators who appear most often in the title. One copy of each of the 193 distinct issues in the collection has been digitized and is now available online in PDF form. For links to the digital issues, see the finding aid or the catalogue record for each title.

Other Comics-Related Holdings

There is a great deal of comics-related material in LAC’s published holdings aside from these three main comic book collections. This material includes miscellaneous Second World War-era Canadian comic books, Canadian graphic novels and other book-length comics publications, and comics published outside Canada. What follows is a brief overview of these holdings. It should not be considered exhaustive.

Wartime Canadian Comic Books Thanks to the Bell Features Collection, publications by Bell Features comprise the majority of LAC’s holdings of the “Canadian Whites,” as Canadian comic books from the 1940s have been nicknamed since most were not printed in colour. However, LAC also has

Comic Books at the University of Western Ontario also holds about 125 Second World War-era comics. 24 See OCLC 1007761166.

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comic books from other wartime publishers such as Montreal-based Educational Projects, Toronto-based Anglo-American Publishing, and Vancouver-based Maple Leaf Publishing. Some of these are in the John Bell Collection: in the first and second accessions are about 30 items from Anglo-American, 20 from Maple Leaf, and five from Educational Projects, as well as 30 from Bell Features, almost half of which are not in the Bell Features Collection itself. In 2011, LAC acquired a small collection of Canadian Whites from collector Philip Fry. This collection consists of 16 comic books published by Maple Leaf Publishing (issues of Better Comics, Big Bang Comics, Lucky Comics, and Rocket Comics), along with one further Bell Features publication (Slam-Bang Comics no. 8). This collection has not yet been described. Additionally, LAC has 12 issues of the Educational Projects publication Canadian Heroes. These comics have been catalogued,25 and are stored in the Rare Book Collection.

Canadian Graphic Novels and Other Book-Length Comics Through legal deposit, LAC receives book-length comics from traditional publishers who publish the occasional graphic novel (e.g., Bryan Lee O’Malley’s Seconds, from Random House Canada) and from the several well-established Canadian publishers that specialize in the comics medium. The eminent Montreal-based company Drawn and Quarterly is perhaps the most well-known of these. Others include La Pastèque and Mécanique générale, serving the French market, and Conundrum Press and Koyama Press on the English side.

Comics Published Outside Canada Foreign publishers are exempt from legal deposit, but LAC does occasionally acquire, by means of purchase or donation, the second category of material identified in the definition of Canadian comic books—works of Canadian interest published outside Canada, or foreign Canadiana. In North America, the majority of comic books are published by two mammoth U.S.-based corporations mainly known for publishing superhero comics: Marvel Comics (Spider-Man, Iron Man, Captain America, etc.) and DC Comics (Superman, Batman, Wonder Woman, etc.). Marvel and DC combined account for 73.48% of all comic books shipped to stores by comic book distributor

25 See OCLC 1006705165.

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Figure 1. “Dixon of the Mounted” by Theodore “Tedd” Steele, from the Bell Features’ Active Comics, no. 3, page 35 (ca. 1942), an example of the “Canadian Whites,” comics published without colour because of wartime printing restrictions.

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Diamond Comics in March 2018.26 Though Marvel and DC are primarily focused on the U.S. market,27 both have employed many Canadian writers and artists over the years, going all the way back to Superman’s Toronto-born co-creator Joe Shuster, who worked for DC in the 1930s. But John Bell notes that production of comics at these companies generally takes an “assembly-line approach in which a group of creators, usually including an editor, writer, penciller, inker, colourist, and letterer, is brought together by the publisher. In most instances, the publishers. [sic] not the creators, own the characters and the superhero ‘properties.’”28 This approach to authorship raises the question of how much Canadian involvement is necessary in order for a work to meet the definition of Canadiana. LAC’s collection does contain a small number of DC and Marvel titles with contributions from Canadian creators, where those contributions have been deemed notable using various criteria such as recognition through nominations for Canadian or American comic book awards. When LAC acquires this type of work, it generally does not acquire it in comic book format, but rather in trade paperbacks, which compile several comic books in one volume. With other international publishers of comic books and graphic novels that do not use the “assembly line” approach of Marvel and DC, the question of what qualifies as Canadian is generally more easily settled. Still, acquisitions in this area have been sporadic and, overall, this is a gap for LAC. Some notable titles have been missed. To give an example, Guy Delisle is a French-Canadian cartoonist best known for his travel memoirs, which were originally published in France. LAC has Drawn and Quarterly’s English translations of these books, but at the time of writing holds only one of the French editions. Around 2015, a “Comics” location was created within the Rare Book Collection, and LAC began housing all foreign Canadiana

26 “Industry Statistics,” Diamond Comics Distributors, accessed August 23, 2018, https://www.diamondcomics.com/Home/1/1/3/237?articleID=210844. 27 Between 1968 and 1987, the Quebec-based publisher Éditions Héritage owned the French rights to various Marvel and DC superheroes. They published translations of these characters’ adventures, which LAC then received via legal deposit. The activities of Éditions Héritage have also enabled LAC to gather a significant collection of French Archie comics. For more information on Éditions Héritage, see Alain Salois et al., Le guide des comics Héritage ([Prévost, Québec]: Jean-François Hébert, [2010?]). 28 Bell, Invaders from the North, 141.

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comics together in this location. Part of the rationale behind this decision was that, since the John Bell and Bell Features collections are both in the Rare Book Collection, it made sense to create a sort of “hub” for comics there. Items such as trade paperbacks of DC and Marvel titles, graphic novels published abroad by Canadian creators (including Guy Delisle), and foreign language translations of work by Canadian creators have been catalogued in this location. These titles have all been assigned LC classification numbers, many under PN6733 and PN6734.

Conclusion Some may find it surprising to learn that Library and Archives Canada collects comic books at all, let alone that it actually has quite a large comic book collection. But to some communities of researchers, the collection is well known. I have worked as a special collections librarian at LAC since 2010, and I’m fairly certain the comic books are the most frequently requested materials under my care—despite the fact that the John Bell Collection is not completely described and the Bell Features Collection was only fully catalogued in 2014. The past virtual exhibitions created by John Bell and Michel Viau helped bring attention to LAC’s comics. More recently, I curated the exhibition Alter Ego: Comics and Canadian Identity, which ran at LAC in 2016 and at the Toronto Reference Library’s TD Gallery in 2018. I drew from all areas of the collection—John Bell, Bell Features, legal deposit, foreign Canadiana—in putting Alter Ego together. My hope is that this article will help more researchers to discover this outstanding body of material, and to make use of it.

Author Biography Meaghan Scanlon is a senior special collections librarian at Library and Archives Canada (LAC). She has worked with LAC’s Rare Book Collection since 2010. Her research interests include Canadian comic books and library history, with a focus on personal libraries. Recently, her professional focus has been on exhibitions; she curated Alter Ego: Comics and Canadian Identity (LAC, 2016; Toronto Public Library, 2018) and co-curated Prime Ministers and the Arts: Creators, Collectors and Muses (LAC, 2019). She is also the Associate Treasurer of the Bibliographical Society of Canada.

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Richard Virr

Abstract

Edward Gibbon’s (1737–1794) library was fundamental to his historical work and he could not have written his great history The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire (1776–1778) without it. His library continues to attract interest and attention, and two documents held in Rare Books and Special Collections, McGill University Library and Archives, not previously known to scholars, provide new information about the books that Gibbon owned. These are an invoice from his London bookbinder, Joseph Hall, for 1773–1776, and an invoice from his Lausanne bookseller, Jules Henri Pott, for 1793. The article provides transcriptions of these two documents, examines their contents, and discusses their importance for our understanding of Gibbon’s library.

Résumé

La bibliothèque d’Edward Gibbon (1737–1794) a joué un rôle fondamental dans son travail historique, et il n’aurait pu rédiger sans elle sa riche histoire The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire (1776–1778) (Histoire de la décadence et de la chute de l’Empire romain : traduction de l’anglais publiée en 1819). Sa bibliothèque continue de susciter l’intérêt et l’attention, et deux documents conservés à la Division des livres rares et collections spécialisées, Bibliothèque et Archives de l’Université McGill, auparavant inconnus des chercheurs- boursiers, fournit de nouvelles informations sur les livres que possédait

* An earlier version of this paper, entitled “The Library of Edward Gibbon and Bibliographical Research in the 21st Century,” was presented at the 38e journée d’échanges scientifiques de l’Association Québécoise pour l’étude de l’imprimé, 29 October 2010. Rare Books and Special Collections, McGill University Library, has graciously given permission for the publication of the two documents in this article.

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Gibbon. Il s’agit d’une facture de son relieur à London, Joseph Hall, pour la période 1773–1776, et d’une facture de son libraire à Lausanne, Jules Henri Pott, pour l’année 1793. L’article présente une transcription de ces deux documents, examine leur contenu et discute de leur importance pour notre compréhension de la bibliothèque de Gibbon.

Introduction

Edward Gibbon’s library was fundamental to his historical work and he could not have written his great history The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire (1776–1778) without it. The total number of books that Gibbon owned can only be guessed at, but it must have been in the neighbourhood of 10,000 volumes. While Gibbon’s library continues to attract the interest of scholars, and attention from book dealers, and readers, our knowledge of his books is largely due to Geoffrey Keynes who in 1940 published a catalogue of his library.1 Two documents held in Rare Books and Special Collections, McGill University Library and Archives, not previously known to scholars, provide new information about the books that Gibbon owned. These are an invoice from his London bookbinder, Joseph Hall, for 1773–1776, and an invoice from his Lausanne bookseller, Jules Henri Pott, for 1793. The Hall invoice is for books that Gibbon acquired after settling in London and beginning work on the history. The Pott invoice is for books Gibbon acquired in the last months of his life just before leaving his home in Lausanne for London. Gibbon was born in 1737 at Putney, Surrey. He suffered from poor health during his early years, and after a stay at Bath to improve his health, he was sent to Magdalen College, Oxford, at the age of 15. He was unhappy, and later rued his 14 months there as the “most idle and unprofitable” of his life. On 8 June 1753 Gibbon converted to Roman Catholicism, and within weeks of his conversion, he was removed from Oxford and sent to live under the care and tutelage of Daniel Pavillard, Reformed pastor at Lausanne, Switzerland. It was here that he made one of his life’s two great friendships, that

1 Geoffrey Keynes, The Library of Edward Gibbon: A Catalogue of his Books (London: Jonathan Cape, 1940); The Library of Edward Gibbon: A Catalogue of his Books (London: Bibliographical Society, 1950); and The Library of Edward Gibbon: A Catalogue (Godalming, UK: St. Paul’s Bibliographies, 1980). References are to the 1980 edition unless otherwise specified.

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of Jacques Georges Deyverdun. Just a year and a half later, after his father threatened to disinherit him, he reconverted to Protestantism on Christmas Day, 1754. Gibbon returned to England in 1758, and he published his first book, Essai sur l’Étude de la Littérature in 1761. He served in the South Hampshire militia, and then in 1763 he embarked on the Grand Tour. When in Lausanne he met John Baker Holroyd (later Lord Sheffield) his second great friend. He returned to London in 1765. It was during this time on the continent that the Roman history had its origins and Gibbon records the occasion in his Memoirs: “It was at Rome, on the 15th of October 1764, as I sat musing amidst the ruins of the Capitol, while the bare-footed friars were signing vespers in the Temple of Jupiter, that the idea of writing the decline and fall of the city first started to my mind. But my original plan was circumscribed to the decay of the city rather than of the empire: and, though my reading and reflections began to point towards that object, some years elapsed, and several avocations intervened, before I was seriously engaged in the execution of that laborious work.”2 On the death of his father in 1770 and the settlement of the estate, Gibbon moved in 1772 to London to 7 Bentinck Street, where he installed his library, and began the writing of the Roman history, the first volumes appearing in 1776. From 1774 until 1780, Gibbon was the Member of Parliament for Liskeard in Cornwall. In 1783, he removed to Lausanne to live with his friend Georges Deyverdun, where he would remain except for a short interval in London to oversee the publication of the final volumes of the history. Deyverdun’s death in 1789 left Gibbon alone in their home until his return to England in 1793 on the death of the wife of his friend Lord Sheffield. Gibbon died the following January.3 Gibbon made no provision for the preservation of his library in his will; instead, he instructed his executors to sell his Lausanne library4 and it was dispersed. In 1777 Gibbon had a catalogue of his library prepared and this gives almost 3,300 volumes (3,226+) and 1,920 titles. This catalogue is in the British Library. Ten years later, in 1788, Gibbon wrote in his Memoirs of My Life and Writings of his

2 Edward Gibbon, Memoires of My Life and Writings in Miscellaneous Works (Basel, Switzerland: J. J. Tourneisen, 1796), vol. I, 127. See also Memoirs of My Life, edited by Betty Radice (London: Folio Society, 1991), 149. 3 For these biographical notes, see the Encyclopædia Britannica online: https:// www.britannica.com/biography/Edward-Gibbon (consulted 13 July 2018). 4 Keynes, 27.

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“chosen library of between six and seven thousand volumes.”5 In the meantime, he had moved from London to Lausanne, and had left a considerable part of his library behind. A catalogue of the Lausanne library exists; it is on the verso of playing cards.6 This catalogue is also at the British Library. Geoffrey Keynes’s catalogue of Gibbon’s library details the complex story of the fate of Gibbon’s books. It is only necessary to mention here that Keynes’s work was prompted to no small extent by the final dispersal of parts of the library in a sale at Sotheby’s in London in 1934. For his reconstruction of the library, Keynes used the two catalogues (the 1777 one and the playing cards), and a number of sale catalogues. These included Dr. Schöll’s two catalogues, 1832 and 1833, Evans’s 1833 auction catalogue, the Jarvis Library auction catalogue of 1851, the Sotheby’s sale catalogue of 1934, and the Howe catalogue of 1936.7 The information provided by many of these sources was at best rudimentary, and at worst decidedly cryptic: abbreviated titles, shortened forms of personal names, and truncated imprint information, all of which are common in older catalogues and book lists. The playing card catalogue, for example, provides the author’s name, a short title, place of publication, format, and date.8 However, determining what title each entry represents traditionally has required a wide knowledge of published works generally, specialized subject knowledge, and a spark of inspiration. Despite the problems, Keynes’s published catalogue provides a great deal of information about the books—most have been identified as to edition and sometimes there are notes of bookplates, bindings, and current owners. According to my count, there are 2,873 entries for monographs, serials, government documents, and maps and 600 entries for tracts bound in composite volumes in Keynes’s catalogue. When Keynes’s catalogue was published in 1940, the attention of most people was occupied elsewhere, and many copies of the book were destroyed in the Blitz. A reprint was issued in 1950 by the Bibliographical Society, London. A new edition—a photolithographic copy of Keynes’s own annotated copy—was issued in 1980.9 This new edition included some new information from a manuscript catalogue of Gibbon’s library held at the Morgan Library in New York, which

5 Memoires of My Life, 190. See also Radice, 178, and Keynes, 23. 6 Keynes, 23. 7 Ibid., 39. 8 Ibid., 23. 9 Ibid., 20.

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also contained several corrections. However, it did not take account of the 1975 article by Bernard Breslauer on Gibbon’s Lausanne bookbinder in which he identified a number of additional titles that had been in Gibbon’s library.10 Nor did this new edition make use of the two documents at McGill that are the subject of this study.

The Hall Invoice The first of these McGill documents is an invoice from the bookbinder Joseph Hall for work done for Gibbon between 1773 and 1776. The Hall invoice (MSG 0573) was acquired in April 1931 from Goodspeed’s Book Shop, Boston, for $5.00. It was listed in the 1962 catalogue European & American Manuscripts11 where it was item 71 in the “Non-Canadian Miscellany.” It covers work done almost immediately after Gibbon settled into his house in Bentinck Street in December 1772.12 Hall was a bookbinder, bookseller, and stationer located in the Strand, London, and active between about 1761 and his death in 1780.13 The invoice consists of one folded foolscap sheet with entries on three pages and with a docket on the fourth. The latter reads: Edwd Gibbon Esqre | per | £25.17.2. A transcription of this invoice is provided in the appendix of this article. In all, there are 85 entries for some 239 volumes bound at the cost of £25.17.2.14 The work that Hall did falls into three groups: 19 unspecified bindings (5 entries), 6 volumes of pamphlets and tracts (3 entries), and 77 identifiable titles. It is these latter that are of particular interest. Although everything listed in the invoice should be found in the Keynes catalogue, as the latter has as one of its key components the catalogue Gibbon had prepared of his library in 1777, there are problems. Identification and matching is not always straightforward. Because there is no detailed discussion in Keynes’s catalogue of the extent of the bibliographic information contained in the 1777 manuscript catalogue, it is not clear how much of the published bibliographic information comes from Gibbon and how much is the

10 B. H. Breslauer, “Valentin Kraer, Gibbon’s Bookbinder at Lausanne,” Book Collector 24 (1975): 97–105. See below for further discussion. 11 McGill University Library, Special Collections I (Montreal, 1962). 12 Keynes, 19. 13 British Book Trade Index (http://bbti.bodleian.ox.ac.uk) consulted 11 May 2018. 14 Compare this amount with the £134 12s Gibbon spent on bookbinding in the single month of July 1785 (Keynes, 23).

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result of the identifications made by Keynes and his collaborator R. A. Skelton. In most cases, this lack of precision on Keynes’s part does not matter a great deal but in some cases, it does call into question the published identification. Some examples will be found in the discussion that follows. The two compilers would have been working with bibliographic information that was at times rudimentary. The same is true of the Hall invoice, the entries are very brief—literally “key words”—and it is probable that many of the 1777 catalogue entries are equally brief. The entries in the invoice follow a standard format: date, brief author/title, number of volumes if more than one, format, binding—usually calf with gilt lettered spines—and cost. Most identifications are fairly straightforward, as in the case of the second item on the invoice (see the transcription in the appendix). The entry for 21 June 1774 (no. 2) reads: “Pagii Critica 4 vols f o. C Gilt” (see Figure 1). This is easily identified as “Pagi, A. Critica historico-chronologica in universos annales ecclesiasticos Baronii, Antwerp, 1727,” on page 211 of Keynes. Other entries require a close reading of the catalogue. For example, item 5, “Mellieurs Contes 8vo C Gt” takes some work to identify. In this case, persistent reading of the published catalogue eventually turned up the correct entry: “[Sautreau de Marsy, C.S.] Recueil des meilleurs contes en vers, Geneva, 1774” on page 246. The same situation presents itself with item 6, “Egyptiones & Chirses [sic] 2 vol 12mo C. Gt.” This proves to be “[Pauw, C. de]. Recherches philosophiques sur les Égyptiens et les Chinois, Berlin, 1773,” on page 215.

Figure 1. The top portion of page 1 of the Hall invoice, 1773 (Rare Books, McGill University Library).

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However, in other cases there are difficulties in identification. For example, for item 48, “Heineccio Elementa Jur. Civiles 8vo C Gilt.” Keynes lists two editions with similar titles on page 147: “Heinecke, J.G. Elementa juris civilis secundum ordinem Institutorum, Leyden, 1751” and “Elementa juris civilis secundum ordinem Pandectarum, Utrecht, 1772.” However, the invoice suggests that it is the first title that is meant, the second title is in two volumes. More problematic is the identification of item 76: “Smiths Nations 2 vols 12[mo] C Gt neat.” The difficulty here is the format. Keynes on page 252 lists “Smith, Adam. An Inquiry into the nature and causes of the wealth of Nations, 2 vol., 4o London, 1776.” In this case the invoice is probably wrong, as there is no recorded edition of Smith in 12mo. Finally, items 42 and 78 presents two possibilities: “Chandlers Travels 4o C Gt.” This could be either “Chandler, Richard. Travels in Asia Minor, Oxford, 1775” or “Travels in Greece, Oxford, 1776” on page 92. One entry has proven to be unidentifiable: item 52, “Richard [?] 2 vol. 18mo C Gilt.” The only entry in Keynes that approximates this is on page 237: “Richard, Jérôme. Histoire naturelle, civile et politique du Tonquin, Paris, 1778.” But from the date, this is clearly impossible, and the format is also wrong. This work by the Abbé Richard does not appear in the 1777 manuscript catalogue of Gibbon’s library, appearing only in the Lausanne catalogue and in the Schöll sale catalogues. The only thing that is certain is that Gibbon had a work in his library that his binder identified by the name Richard. There are more significant difficulties in identification. Item 50, “Lettere di Barretti 12mo C Gilt” might be identified with “Lettere familiari, Venice, 1763” on page 63 of Keynes, but the number of volumes and the format are wrong. Even greater difficulties are posed by entry 69, “Countess du Basne [?] 12[mo.] C Gt” (see Figure 2). There are two possible identifications: “[Choisy, F. T. de.] Historie de Madame la comtesse Des Barres, Amsterdam, 1735” on page 95, or “[Mairobert, M.F.P. de.] Anecdotes sur la comtesse Du Barri, London, 1775” on page 188. In both cases the format matches and the answer will depend on how one reads the handwriting of the invoice. A final example presents a situation were no reading of the printed catalogue could provide an answer; what is item 71 “Aptatus melivitanus demy fo Calf Gt neat”? This title was only identified by a keyword search of “melivitanus” as “Optatus, Saint. De schismate Donatistarum, Paris, 1700” on page 209 of the catalogue. The Hill invoice also documents Gibbon’s purchase of “odd” volumes, either as ongoing additions to a series or as single volumes

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Figure 2. The top portion of page 3 of the Hall invoice, 1776 (Rare Books, McGill University Library).

that had become available. These include item 7, “Oeuvres de Voltaire 24 Tom 4o C Gilt.” Keynes on page 279 has “Collection complete, Geneva 1768–1777; note: vol. i-xxiv have book-plate, Bentinck Street catalogue,” but clearly only some volumes of the complete set were being bound in 1774. And item 19, “Mem. de L’Acad de Belles lettd 2 vol 4o C Gt” appears in Keynes, page 44, as “Mémoires littérature, vol. 1–43, Paris, 1736–86.” Another example concerns Buffon. His works appear in the invoice as items 31 and 35: “2 vols Buffon 4o C Gt patten,” and “1 Vol Buffon C Gt Patten 4o”; these are Keynes page 81, “Buffon, G.L. Le Clerc, comte de. Histoire naturelle, générale et particulière, 35 vol., Paris, 1749–88.” Clearly, Gibbon is purchasing volumes as they appeared. He was also purchasing “second-hand” titles not in the best condition. The four-volume edition of the Oeuvres diverses (1727–1731) of Pierre Bayle (item 66) had to be re- backed (on Keynes page 65). The Hill invoice also suggests that Gibbon did not always keep track of his purchases, with the result that there are duplicates. It would appear that he purchased two copies of items 23 and 24, “L’Empire Russe 12mo C Gt” [Keynes 52, “Anville, J. B. B. d’. L’Empire de Russie, son origine, et ses accroissemens, Paris, 1772”], and “L’Empire Turc 12mo C Gt” [Keynes 52, “Anville, J. B. B. ’d. L’Empire turc considéré dans son établissement et dans ses accroissements successifs, Paris, 1772”]. These titles also figure in the invoice as items 32 and 33.

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The Keynes catalogue is also responsible for the creation of at least two ghosts, or at least a phantom and a real ghost. Item 37, “Œuvres de Rousseau 3 Vol 12mo C Glt” was identified by Keynes on page 240 as “Rousseau, J. J. Œuvres diverses, Amsterdam, 3 vol. 1734.” No such work by Jean-Jacques Rousseau is recorded and the date is far to early for someone born in 1712. Clearly this is the widely held edition of Jean-Baptiste Rousseau the playwright and poet (1671–1741). A true ghost is item 75, “Letters De Clement 2 vol. 8o C Gilt” identified by Keynes on page 98 as an edition of the letters of Popes Clement VIII and IX (1592–1605, 1667–1669) dated 1775. In fact, these volumes are the last parts of J.M.B. Clement’s nine volume Lettres à Monsieur de Voltaire, published over 1773–1776 and probably acquired by Gibbon in parts, which may account for some of Keynes’s confusion. The complete edition of Clement’s Lettres à Monsieur de Voltaire is the following item in Keynes’s catalogue. The Hall invoice provides clear evidence for Gibbon’s book purchases in the little over three years that it covers. These were years that the history was being written and that Gibbon was a member of Parliament. Many of the titles were clearly acquired to support of the writing of the history; among others, see for example, nos. 2 (Pagi), 26 (Historiæ Augustæ scriptores), 36 (Abû al-Fidā), 49 (Mosheim), and 71 (Optatus). At least twelve of the acquisitions were most probably acquired to support of his parliamentary duties; for example, nos. 16 (American Tracts), 20 (Parliamentary Reports), 21 (Pownall’s British Colonies), 45 (Election Laws in Scotland), 46 (Remarks on Acts 13th Parliament), 53–58 (various tracts), and 68 (Douglas Elections). The volumes of the Annual Register were for general reference. Even more titles reflect a general interest in the culture and literature of the day as the Louis-Sébastien Mercier novel (85) makes clear. But there were also copies of Sterne’s Sentimental Journey (51), Gray’s poems (64), as well as various continental authors including Jean-Baptiste Rousseau (37). Gibbon was also acquiring ongoing publications; there are a number of volumes of Buffon listed in the invoice (31 and 35), as are the first 24 volumes of the 30-volume Geneva edition of Voltaire, only completed in 1777 (7). Gibbon was a very active acquirer and user of books and was interested in their appearance: neat calf bindings with gilt spines filled his shelves.15 What this invoice permits, is an extended view of Gibbon’s book buying during a defined period. This is something that the catalogue

15 Breslauer, 99.

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does not allow for, as it only provides a overview of the complete library. It also gives a better sense of just how varied Gibbon’s interests were because of its limited timeframe. Gibbon was very much an omnivore when it came to acquiring books.

The Pott Invoice

The second document from the McGill collection is an invoice dated May 1793 from the Lausanne bookseller Jules Henri Pott for titles supplied to Gibbon from the first of the year. The Pott invoice was part of the autograph letter collection formed by Mrs. Charlotte (J. B.) Learmont (b. 1845) of Montreal and received by the library at some time before her death in 1934. Her collection of some 500 items focused primarily on authors of the 19th century. It also contained another Gibbon item, an invoice dated 14 July 1786, from the Lausanne lumber merchant Charles Guyaz for shelving, no doubt for books. These items are part of the Autograph Letter Collection, Rare Books and Special Collections. Pott was one of Gibbon’s principal booksellers in Lausanne, but only three other invoices have been preserved, dated 1784–1786, 1786, and 1788–1789.16 B. H. Breslauer, in his article “Valentine Kraer, Gibbon’s Bookbinder at Lausanne,” suggests that the dearth of evidence for acquisitions in the latter years of Gibbon’s life, after 1789, may be due at least in part to the completion of the Decline in 1787 and the publication of the final volumes in London in 1788.17 He writes, “There are few references to continued book purchases in his correspondence ... there were only about thirty works published after 1789 in his library, apart from some continuations of earlier publications,” and after June 1789 “both booksellers and binders bills cease.”18 The McGill invoice for 1793 suggests a rather different picture of Gibbon’s continued interest in his library; perhaps he also continued to buy books between 1789 and 1793. The invoice is for four titles and covers the period 28 January to 6 March 1793 (see Figure 3). The titles are as follows (all amounts are in “argent de France”):

16 Breslauer, 97, note 5. They are in the British Library Add MS 34, 715. 17 Ibid., 100. 18 Ibid.

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Figure 3. The top half of the Pott invoice, 1793 (Rare Books, McGill University Library).

28e Janv. 1. Viaggi di Gemelli 8o. 9 vol. fig. £36 1. Mazzuchelli scrittori d’Italia fol. 6 vol. 84 2e Mars 1. Tiraboschi storia della letteratura italiana tome 7m pars 3m 8 6e 1. Scriptores erotici graeci tomus 1us 8 [?] 4.1

These titles are respectively as follows: 1. Giovanni Francesco Gemelli Carreri, Agguenta a viaggi di Europa, Venice, 1719, 9 vols. This is a standard collection of travels, so it is surprising that Gibbon only acquired a copy in 1793. 2. Giammaria Mazzuchelli, Gli scrittori di Italia, Brescis, 1753–1763, 6 vols. Mazzuchelli’s (1707–1765) bio-bibliography had only reached the end of the letter “B” at the time of the author’s death. 3. Girolamo Tiraboschi, Storia della letteratura italiana, Modena, 1786–1790, 10 vols. Only this title on the invoice appears in the Keynes catalogue (page 268), and Gibbon was clearly acquiring it in parts. He also had Tiraboschi’s Histoire de la literature d’Italie (Berne, 1784) in his library.19

19 Keynes, 268.

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4. Christoph Wilhelm Mitscherlich, Scriptores erotici Graeci, Bipont, 1792–1798, 3 vols. Mitscherlich’s (1760–1854) work is evidence of Gibbon’s continued interest in Greek literature; only volume one of this edition of love stories and erotica was published in his lifetime.

Of these four titles, two—Gemelli and Mazzuchelli—were older publications (1719 and 1753–1763); the other two were recent. The Tiraboschi had finished publication in 1790 and the Mitscherlich was in the process of being published. These purchases do not suggest a flagging interest by Gibbon in his library; in the space of a little over a month he had added four titles comprising 10 volumes to his library. Clearly, both older materials that he had not yet acquired, and new publications were of interest. Furthermore, that three of the titles do not appear in the Keynes catalogue adds to the importance of this invoice. The invoice adds to our understanding of Gibbon’s buying practices. The Keynes catalogue records that Gibbon had the complete Tiraboschi Storia in 10 volumes. What the invoice suggests is that he was buying it in parts, unless he had a specific reason for wanting a separate copy of volume 7, part 3. Neither we nor Keynes can know for certain from the evidence in-hand, but the invoice suggests the former. It also confirms and complements the impression of Gibbon’s book buying practices that were revealed by the Hall invoice. The Pott invoice suggests that there is still more to learn about the contents of Gibbon’s library. A final remark about this invoice is worth making. Gibbon passed it for payment on 5 May 1793, five days before he left on what was to be his final trip to England. He arrived there at Dover on 2 June to join his friend Lord Sheffield, the death of whose wife in April was the reason for the trip. Gibbon would die in London on the following 16 January 1794. These four titles may well have been the last that Gibbon acquired for his library.

Conclusion

These two invoices provide important information about Gibbon’s library. They make it possible to update some of the entries in the Keynes catalogue, and perhaps, more importantly, to increase our knowledge and understanding of the contents of Gibbon’s library; of

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how he acquired books and how he had them bound for his shelves. Furthermore, having a more complete picture of Gibbon’s library adds to our understanding of the contents of libraries, both personal and institutional, in the 18th century. Gibbon’s library continues to attract our interest because Gibbon himself is one of the more engaging figures of the 18th century. His history of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire still attracts readers even 250 years after its first publication. This is largely, I believe, due to the personality of the writer and his command of English prose. And this attraction continues to move readers’ interest from the volumes of the history to the writer himself, and to the books in his library. Volumes from his library are always so-identified in booksellers’ catalogues and in auction catalogues and have found their way into libraries around the world.20 Documents such as the Hill and Pott invoices not only add to our understanding of Gibbon’s library but also contribute to our appreciation of the man himself. In many ways the most modest of authors, Gibbon still commands our attention and provides opportunities to undertake new explorations of the man himself and of his library.

Author Biography

Richard Virr, PhD, joined Rare Books and Special Collections, McGill University in 1984, and from 2006 to 2016 was Chief Curator. He retired in February 2017. He also taught Descriptive Bibliography at McGill for twenty years. He is currently a collaborator on the La bibliothèque du Collège royal de La Flèche website based at UQAM. He was co-curator with Professor Brenda Dunn-Lardeau (UQAM) of the 2018 exhibition at the Montreal Museum of Fine Arts, “Resplendissantes enluminures : Livres d’heures du XIIIe au XVIe siècle dans les collections du Québec / Resplendent Illuminations: Books of Hours from the 13th to the 16th Century in Quebec Collections.”

20 Rare Books and Special Collections, McGill University Library and Archives has one volume from Gibbon’s library: C.G.M Denina, Discoro sopra le vicende della litteratura. 8o. Glasgow: Foulis, 1763 (Keynes, 109). Calf; Gibbon’s armorial bookplate, with a few references in Gibbon’s hand in the lower margins. Bentinck Street catalogue; Hodgson’s, 21 Jan. 1937, lot 438 (Elkin Mathews); Sotheby’s, 26 June 1948, lot 166. McGill: ZY D41 Cutter. Acc no.: 447645.

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Appendix Invoice from Joseph Hall, 1773–1776, MSG 573 One folded sheet of laid paper/ 4 leaves (33 x 22 mm). Watermark: Pro Patria [VRYHEYT] (cf. Churchill, 93) no text / Countermark: Crown in circle with letters E S (?).21 This is a simplified quasi-facsimile transcription of the Hall Invoice. Square brackets are used to indicate added words and words represented by ditto marks. Each entry is followed, also in square brackets, by the relevant entry in Keynes’s catalogue. The numbers in the left-hand column have been added for reference purposes.

[1r] Edwd Gibbon Esqr. To Joseph Hall Cst [?]

[No] [Date] [Title] [Cost] [£] [s] [d]

1773 1 July 29th To binding 1 vol Annual Register Calf 1 6 1774 double Lettd [Keynes, 50 (Annual Register. vol. 1–27. Index to vol. 1–23. 8o. London, 1761–87] 2 June 21 [To] binding Pagii Critica 4 vols fo. 1 1 C Gilt [Keynes, 211 (Pagi, A. Critica historico-chronologica in universos annales ecclesiasticos Baronii. 4 vol. fol. Antwerp, 1727)] 3 [T. b.] Voyages de montaigne C Gilt 4o 3 6 [Keynes, 200 (Montaigne, M. de. Journal du voyage de M. de Montaigne en Italie. 4o. Rome and Paris, 1774)] 4 [T. b.] Fables de Dorat R 8vo C Gt [Keynes, 2 6 113 (Dorat, C.J. Fables. 8o. The Hague, 1772)] 5 [T. b.] Mellieurs Contes 8vo [C Gt] [Keynes, 2 246 ([Sautreau de Marsy, C.S.] Recueil des meilleurs contes en vers. 8o. Geneva, 1774)]

21 W. A. Churchill, Watermarks in Paper in Holland, England, France, etc. in the XVII and XVIII Centuries and their Interconnection (Amsterdam: M. Hertzberger, 1935, c1965), LXIII.

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6 [T. b.] Egyptiones & Chirses [sic] 2 vol 1 6 12mo C. Gt [Keynes, 215 ([Pauw, C. de.] Recherches philosophiques sur les Égyptiens et les Chinois. 2 vol. 12o. Berlin, 1773)] 7 August 23 [T. b.] Oeuvres de Voltaire 24 Tom 4o C 4 4 Gilt [Keynes, 279 (Voltaire, F.M.A. de. Collection complette des œuvres. 30 vol. 4o. Geneva 1768–1777); note: vols. i-xxiv have book-plate, Bentinck Street catalogue] 8 Octobre 27 [T. b.] Histoire des Indies 7 vol 8vo 11 8 [Keynes, 234 (Raynal, G.T.F. Histoire philosophique et politique des établissmens et du commerce des Européens dans les deux Indes. 7 vol. 8o. The Hague, 1774)] 9 [T. b.] Essay on Language 8vo [C Gilt] 1 8 [Keynes, 199 ([Mitford, William.] An Essay on the harmony of language. 8o. London, 1774)] 10 [T. b.] State of Poland 8vo [C Gilt] [Keynes 1 87 180 ([Lind, John.] Letters concerning the present state of Poland. 8o. London, 1773)] 11 [T. b.] Observation de Clement small 1 6 8vo [C. Gilt] [Keynes, 98 (Clément, J.M.B. Nouvelles observations critiques sur différens sujets de littérature. 8o. Paris 1772)] 12 [T. b.] Annual Register for 1773 C lettd 1 6 pattern [Keynes, 50] 13 [T. b.] Henry’s History 4o Calf double lettd 4 [Keynes, 148 (Henry, Robert. The History of Great Britain, 5 vol. 4o. London, 1771)] 14 [T. b.] 1 vol. ditto lettd only [Keynes, 148 6 (Henry, Robert)] 15 Novr 12th To binding Opera di Goldoni 11 vols 8vo 1 7 6 Vell Gilt [cf Keynes, 136 (Goldoni, C. Delle commedie, 17 vol. 8o. Venice 1761)] 1775 16 Febry 4th [T. b.] ½ ditto 3 vol American Tracts 8vo 3 Cutt & lettd [cf. Keynes, 269] 17 [T. b.] a Pamphlet 1 6 18 March 4 [T.] binding History of manchester 4 vol. 3 6 C Gt [Keynes, 283 (Whitaker, John. The History of Manchester, 2 vol. 4o. London, 1771, 1775); there is also a 2nd edition corrected, 1773, London, John Murray, also in two vols., but 8o.]

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19 [T. b.] Mem. de L’Acad de Belles lettd 2 vol 9 4o C Gt m leaves [?] [Keynes, 44 (Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, Mémoires de littérature, vol. 1–43. 4o. Paris, 1736–86)] 20 [T. b.] Parliamentary Repts 8vo C Gt [cf. 1 8 Keynes, 213–214 where 15 publications are listed; this is possibly: Report from the Select Committee appointed to try the merits of the petition complaining of an undue election for the borough of Hindon, Wilts. fol. London, 1775, but the format doesn’t agree] 21 [T. b.] Pownells British Colonies 2 vol 8o 3 4 [C Gt] [cf. Keynes, 229 (Pownall, Thomas. The Administration of the colonies. 8o. London, 1774)] 22 [T. b.] Messeurs Itien D’Anville 8o [C Gt] 1 8 [Keynes 52 (Anville, J.B.B. d’. Traité des mesures itinéraires. 8o. Paris, 1769)] 23 [T. b.] L’Empire de Russie 12mo [C Gt] 1 3 [Keynes, 52 (Anville, J.B.B. d’. L’Empire de Russie, son origine, et ses accroissemens. 12o. Paris, 1772)] 24 [T. b.] [L’Empire] Turc 12mo [C Gt] 1 3 [Keynes, 52 (Anville, J.B.B. d’. L’Empire turc considéré dans son établissement et dans ses accroissements successifs. 12o. Paris, 1772)] 25 May 6 [T.] ½ binding Novaes Orbie Gryacia 3 Cutt [Gilt?] Lettd [Keynes, 140 (Grynaeus, S. Nouus orbis.regionum ac insularum veteribus incognitarum. fol. Basle, 1555)] 26 [May] 12 [T.] binding Historiae Augustea fo C Gilt 6 6 [Keynes, 59 (Augustan History, Historiæ Augustæ scriptores sex. C. Salmasius recensuit. fol. Paris, 1620)] 27 [T. b.] Walpoles Painter 4o [C Gilt] 3 6 [Keynes, 280 (Walpole, Horace. Anecdotes of painting in England, 5 vol.4o. Strawberry Hill, 1762–71)]. One vol. only? 28 [T. b.] Johnsons Journey 8vo [C Gilt] 1 8 [Keynes, 161 (Johnson, Samuel. A Journey to the western islands of Scotland. 8o. London 1775)]

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29 [T. b.] Jones’s Poeseos Asiatic 8vo [C Gilt] 1 8 [Keynes, 163 (Jones, Sir William. Poeseos Asiaticæ commentariorum libri sex. 8o. London, 1774)] Carried Forwd £ 10 8 6 [1v] 1775 Brought Forward £ 10 8 6 30 May 26 To binding 4 Vols Hist de France 12mo C 5 Gt [Keynes, 196 (Mémoires particuliers pour servir à l’histoire de France. 4 vol. 12o. Paris 1756)] 31 [T.] binding 2 vols Buffon 4o C Gt Patten 7 [Keynes, 81 (Buffon, G.L. Le Clerc, comte de. Histoire naturelle, générale et particulière. 35 vol. 4o. Paris, 1749–88)] 32 June 7 [T. b.] Empire de Turc 12mo [C Gt] [Keynes 1 3 (1940), 52, (Anville, J.B.B. d’. L’Empire turc considéré dans son établissement et dans ses accroissements successifs. 12o. Paris, 1772)], a second copy? See #24. 33 [T. b.] Empire de Russie 12mo [C Gt] 1 3 [Keynes, 52, (Anville, J.B.B. d’. L’Empire de Russie, son origine, et ses accroissemens, 12o. Paris, 1772)], a second copy? See #23. 34 [T. b.] Letters de Sévigne 1 vol 12mo C Extra 1 8 [Keynes, 249 (Sévigné, Marie de. Lettres nouvelles ou nouvellement recouvrées. 12o. Paris, 1773)] 35 [June] 14 [T. b.] 1 Vol Buffon C Gt Patten 4o [Keynes, 3 6 81 (Buffon, G.L. Le Clerc, comte de. Histoire naturelle, générale et particulière. 35 vol. 4o. Paris, 1749–88)] 36 [June] 20 [T. b.] Abul feda Mohammedis Gt fo Calf 6 Extra [Keynes, 43 (Abû al-Fidā. De vita et rebus gestis Mohammedis. Latine vertit J. Gagnier. fol. Oxford, 1723)] 37 Augst 1 [T. b.] Oeuvres de Rousseau 3 Vol 12mo C 4 Glt [cf. Keynes, 240 (J.J. Rousseau, Œuvres diverses, Amsterdam 3 vol. 12o. 1734; but this is clearly not Jean Jacques Rousseau but Jean Baptiste Rousseau] 38 [T. b.] Sleidens memoire 4o C Gt Pattern 3 6 [Keynes, 252 (Sleidanus, J. Histoire de la Réformation, 3 vol. 4o. The Hague, 1767)].

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39 Thunia Opera 7 vols fo Red leaves, fresh 17 6 Gilt Lettd etc. [?] [Keynes, 267 (Thou, J.A. Historiarum sui temporis libri CXXXVIII. 7 vol. fol. London, 1733)] 40 Xenophon 5 vols 8vo [Red leaves, fresh Gilt 2 6 Lettd ] [Keynes, 286 (Xenophon. Opera quæ extant omnia. 5 vol. 8o. Oxford, 1700–03)] 41 [August] 22 binding Woods Homer 4o C Gilt [Keynes, 4 6 285 (Wood, Robert. An essay on the original genius and writings of Homer. 40. London, 1775)] 42 [T. b.] Chandlers Travels [4o C Gilt] 4 [Keynes, 92 Chandler, Richard. Travels in Asia Minor. 4o. Oxford, 1775)] 43 [T. b.] Viaggio in Dalmazia sm 4o [C Gilt] 3 6 [Keynes, 127 (Fortis A. Viaggio in Dalmazia. 2 vol. 4o. Venice, 1774)] 44 [T. b.] Chesterfields Letters 4 vols 8vo 8 [C Gilt] [Keynes, 94 (Chesterfield, P.D., Stanhope, earl of. Letters to his son. 4 vol. 8o. London, 1774)] 45 [T. b.] Election Laws in Scotland 8vo [C 2 Gilt] [cf. Keynes, 285 (Wright, – . ‘On the election laws.’ 8o. Edinburgh, 1773)] 46 [T. b.] Remarks on Acts 13th Parliamt 8vo C 2 Gilt [Keynes, 180 ([Lind, John.] Remarks on the principal acts of the thirteenth Parliament of Great Britain. 8o. London, 1775)] 47 [T. b.] Traite des Loix Civiles 8vo C Gilt 2 [Keynes, 221 ([Pilati de Tassulo, C.A. de.] Traité des lois civiles. 2 vol. 8o. The Hague, 1774)] 48 [T. b.] Heineccio Elementa Jur. Civiles 2 [8vo C Gilt] [Keynes, 147 (Heinecke, J.G. Elementa juris civilis secundum ordinem Institutorum, 8o.. Leyden, 1751)] 49 [T. b.] Moshemii Disertation 2 vols 12mo 3 [C Gilt] [Keynes, 202 (Mosheim, J.L. von. Dissertationum ad historiam ecclesiasticam pertinentium volume primum (alterum), 2 vol. 8o. Altona and Lubeck, 1767)]

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50 [T. b.] Lettere di Barretti 12mo [C Gilt] 1 6 [cf. Keynes, 63 (Barretti, G.M.A Lettere familiari a’ suoi Fratelli. 2 vol. 8o. Venice, 1763;)] but this is unlikely as both the number of volumes and format are wrong. 51 [T. b.] Sentimental Journey 2 vols 12mo [C 3 Gilt] [Keynes, 257 (Sterne, Laurence. A Sentimental journey through France and Italy. 12o. London, 1768)] 52 [T. B.] Richard [?] 2 vol. 18mo [C Gilt] [cf. 2 6 Keynes, 237 (Richard, Jérôme. Histoire naturelle, civile et politique du Tonquin. 2 vol. 12o. Paris, 1778,)] but the date is impossible. 53 ½ binding 1 vol. Tracts 8vo Cutt & Lettd 1 54 [T. b.] 4 folios Gilt and lettd Cleaned &c 10 55 [T. b.] 3 [folios gilt] & pieced up [?] back 10 56 [T. b.] 4 Quartos [& pieced up [?] back] 8 57 [T. b.] 6 Quartos [& pieced up] Cleaned 9 58 [T. b.] 2 8vo [pieced up Cleaned] 1 59 [August] 28 [T.] binding Description de France fo Calf 8 Edges [Keynes, 182 ([Longuerue, L.D. de.] Description historique et géographique de la France ancienne et moderne, 2 vol. fol. [Paris], 1722)] 60 Octobre 2 [T. b.] Sigonii Opera Omnia 6 vols demy fo 2 5 Calf Gilt [Keynes, 251 (Sigonio, C. Opera. 6 vol. fol. Milan, 1732–1737)] 61 [T.b.] Sanchez de matrimonio fo C Gt 7 [Keynes, 245 (Sanchez, T. Disputationum de sancto matrimonii sacramento tomi tres. fol. Amsterdam, 1617)] 62 [T. b.] Homera Opera small fo [C Gt] 6 [Keynes, 152 (it is not clear which this might be, but the best possibility as it is a folio is: Homer. Homeri quæ extant omnia, cum Latina versione. fol. Geneva, 1606 )] Carried Forward £ 20 2 2 [2r] 1776 Brought Forward £ 20 2 2

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63 Januy 2 To binding Voyage En Arabie 4o C Gt to 3 6 pattern [Keynes, 207 (Niebuhr, C. Voyage en Arabie. 2 vol. 4o. Amsterdam, 1776–80, 1st vol. only)] 64 [T. b.] Grays Poems 4o C Gilt [Keynes, 4 138 (Gray, Thomas. Poems. To which are prefixed memoires of his life and writings by W. Mason. 4o. York, 1775)] 65 [T. b.] 17 Vols Annual Register C double 1 6 lettd & Registerd to pattern [Keynes, 50] 66 [January] 5 [T. b.] Oeuvres de Bayle 4 vols fo new backs 10 & Gilt [Keynes, 65, (Bayle, Pierre. Œuvres diverses. 4 vol. fol. The Hague, 1727–31,)] 67 [January] 15 [T.] binding Vie de marie de mediese 3 vols 5 8vo C Gt [Keynes, 54 ([Arconville, M.G.C.T. d’.] Vie de Marie de Médicis. 8 vol. 8o. Paris, 1774)]; an incomplete set. 68 [T. b.] Douglas Elections 2 vols 8vo C 3 4 Gt [Keynes, 113 (Douglas, Sylvester. The History of the cases of controverted elections during the first session of the fourteenth Parliament of Great Britain. 2 vol. 8o. London, 1775)] 69 [T. b.] Countess du Basne [?] 12[mo] [C 1 4 Gt] [Keynes, 188 ([Mairobert, M.F.P. de.] Anecdotes sur la comtesse Du Barri. 12o. London, 1775)] but possibly 95 ([Choisy, F.T.] de Historie de Madame la comtesse Des Barres. 12o. Amsterdam, 1735)] 70 [T. b.] Severne monomenteis 12mo [C Gt] 1 4 [Keynes, 248 (Severini, J. Pannonia veterum monumentis illustrata. 8°. Leipzig, 1770)] 71 [January] 25 [T. b.] Aptatus melivitanus demy fo Calf 7 Gt neat [Keynes, 209 (Optatus, Saint. De schismate Donatistarum, fol. Paris, 1700)] 72 Febry 10 [T. b.] Macphersons Papers 2 vols 4o C Gilt 7 6 [Keynes, 186 (Macpherson, James. Original papers containing the secret history of Great Britain., from the Restoration to the accession of the house of Hanover. 2vol. 4o. London, 1775)] 73 [T. b.] [Macphersons] History 2 vols 4o 7 6 C Gilt [Keynes, 186 (Macpherson, James. The History of Great Britain. 2vol. 4o. London, 1775)]

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74 [T. b.] Dalrimples annals of Scotland 1 3 9 vols 4o Calf Gilt [Keynes, 106 (Dalrymple Sir David. Annals of Scotland. 2 vol. 4o. Edinburgh, 1776, 1779) first volume only] 75 [T. b.] Letters De Clement 2 vols 8o C 3 9 Gilt [Keynes, 98 (Clement VIII, Pope and Clement IX, Pope. “Lettres de Clément 8me & 9me”. 8o. The Hague, 1775. [not identified.]), but far more likely is: Clément, J.M.B. Lettres à Monsieur de Voltaire, 9 vol. in 3. 8o. The Hague, 1775] 76 July 10 [T. b.] Smiths Nations 2 vols 12[mo] C 9 Gt neat [Keynes, 252 (Smith, Adam. An Inquiry into the nature and causes of the wealth of nations. 2 vol. 4o. London, 1776)] note discrepancy in format 77 [T. b.] Mickles Lusiad 4[o] [C Gt] [Keynes, 4 87 (Camoens, L. de. The Lusiad, translated by W. J. Mickle, Oxford 4o. 1776)] 78 [T. b.] Chandlers Travels 4o [C Gt] [Keynes, 4 92 (either: Chandler, Richard. Travels in Greece. 4o. Oxford, 1776)] 79 [T. b.] Campbells Philosophy 2 vols 8mo [C 4 Gt] [Keynes, 87 (Campbell, George. The Philosophy of rhetoric. 2 vol., London, 1776)] 80 Augst 26 [T. b.] Whistons Memoirs 8vo C lettd 1 6 [Keynes, 283 (Whiston, William. Memoirs, London, 1773)] 81 [T. b.] Voyage de mandelsto [sic] fo C Extra 6 [Keynes, 189 (Mandelslo, J.A. Voyages celebres et remarquable, fait de Perse aux Indes orientales, Leyden, 1718)] 82 [T. b.] Voyage D’Oleasius folio [C Extra] 6 [Keynes, 209 (Olearius, Adam. Voyage, fait en Moscovie, Tartarie, et Perse, Leyden, 1718)] 83 [T. b.] Kercselich de Regnis Dalmatic fo 5 [Keynes, 167 (Kercselich, B.A. De regnis Dalmatiæ, Croatiæ, Sclavoniæ, Zagreb, 1771)] 84 Septr 13 [T. b.] Bibliographie Instructive 7 vols 14 8vo C Extra [Keynes, 82 (Bure, G.F. de. Bibliographie instructive, 7 vols. Paris, 1763–1768)]

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85 [T. b.] L’an 2440 8vo [C Extra] [Keynes, 2 196 [(Mercier, L.S.] L’An deux mille quatre cent quarante, rêve s’il en fût jamais. 8o. London, 1772) £ 25 7 2 [2v] [Docketed] Edwd Gibbon Esqr | £25.7.2

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Cameron Anstee

Abstract

Nelson Ball (1942– ), in addition to being an important Canadian poet, small press publisher, and bookseller, was an editor of little magazines in the 1960s. He co-founded and edited Volume 63 (1963–1967) and individually founded and edited Weed (1966–1967) and Hyphid (1968). This index provides full bibliographic data for each magazine (including dates, locations, and editors) and full listings of contributors and works (including information original to the magazines that identified from where a given contributor was writing). It also indexes advertisements for books, presses, magazines, and bookstores that appeared in the magazines to make possible the mapping of international small press distribution networks as they have been constructed through little magazines. This index includes an introduction that provides historical context for Ball’s small press practice and is intended to supplement existing bibliographies of Ball’s activities to continue building a literary, book-historical, and bibliographic record of his works.

Résumé

Nelson Ball (1942– ), en plus d’être un grand poète canadien, un petit éditeur et un libraire, a été éditeur de petits magazines dans les années 1960. Il a cocréé et publié Volume 63 (1963–1967), et personnellement créé et publié Weed (1966–1967) et Hyphid (1968). Cet index fournit des données bibliographiques complètes pour chaque magazine (incluant les dates, les lieux et les éditeurs) ainsi que les listes complètes de collaborateurs et d’œuvres (incluant l’information originale sur les magazines qui précisait le lieu d’où écrivait un collaborateur donné). Il répertorie aussi les publicités relatives aux livres, aux maisons d’édition, aux magazines et aux librairies mentionnés dans les magazines permettant de dresser un portrait des réseaux internationaux de

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distribution de petites maisons d’édition qui se sont constitués grâce aux petits magazines. Cet index comporte également une introduction qui présente le contexte historique du travail de Ball comme petit éditeur et vise à compléter les bibliographies existantes sur les activités de Ball afin d’enrichir la constitution d’un registre littéraire, bibliohistorique et bibliographique de ses œuvres.

“The returns we make, always seeing more.” —Nelson Ball, “Fragment on Poetics”1

Introduction Nelson Ball (1942) is a Canadian poet, publisher, and bookseller. Each of these roles supports one another as part of lifelong cultural practice that Ball has sustained from the early 1960s to the present day, and each contributes more varied cultural labour than the individual classifications suggest. To some, Ball is known primarily as a bookseller specializing in Canadian literature and the small press; he established his bookselling operation in 1972, first as William Nelson Books, and later as Nelson Ball Bookseller. To others, he is Canada’s finest and longest-practicing minimalist poet, author of collections from Coach House, Ganglia, Curvd H&z, and his own Weed/Flower Press, as well as a recent volume of selected poems (Certain Details: The Poetry of Nelson Ball, edited by Stuart Ross [Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 2017]). To others still, he is a small press hero known for publishing books such as the first North American edition of bpNichol’s Konfessions of an Elizabethan Fan Dancer through his influential Weed/Flower Press (1965–1973), and through which he also published early work from David McFadden, bill bissett, and others. Frank Davey characterizes Ball’s poetry as a practice in which “the smallest and most easily forgotten details can enshrine the deepest significance of the events in which they participate,” an observation that applies equally to Ball’s bookselling, editing, and publishing.2 Ball emerged in each of these roles alongside

1 Nelson Ball, “Fragment on Poetics,” in With Issa: Poems 1964–1971 (Toronto: ECW Press, 1991), 55. 2 Frank Davey, From There to Here: A Guide to English-Canadian Literature Since 1960 (Erin, ON: Press Porcepic, 1974), 41.

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the rise and explosion of the small press in Canada in the late 1960s, the gradual-but-growing acceptance of Canadian literature within universities and other cultural institutions, and the development of a second-hand book trade in Canada with particular investments in Canadian books. His work as a poet, influential during his earliest period of activity in the 1960s and increasingly recognized and celebrated in the twenty- first century, is reasonably well documented.3 His bookselling labour has similarly been the focus of renewed attention in recent years through interviews and articles.4 Less well-known, and certainly less thoroughly documented, is Ball’s work as a little magazine editor from 1963–1968. In the space of six years, Ball co-founded and edited one magazine (Volume 63 [1963–1967]), and individually founded and edited two others (Weed [1966–1967] and Hyphid [1968]), producing a total of 21 individual issues that published and promoted a remarkable cross-section of international small press publications and experimental literature. Despite the accomplishments of the magazines, they rarely appear in critical literature. For example, while Weed and Hyphid are mentioned in Pauline Butling and Susan Rudy’s Writing in Our Time: Canada’s Radical Poetries in English (1957–2003), none of Ball’s three magazines appear in the list of “The Little Magazines” in Ken Norris’ The Little Magazine in Canada 1925–1980.5 This particular facet of Ball’s editorial labour is the subject of this index, which is intended to build on earlier bibliographic work dedicated to Ball’s small press work. Jack David published a bibliography of Weed/Flower Press in 1976.6 Bookseller Nicky Drumbolis, one of Ball’s fiercest and most vocal champions for many years, published Nelson Ball Cited: A Bibliophilography from Stock in 1991.7 On the occasion of his reprint of Ball’s Force Movements in 1990,

3 See, for example, Frank Davey’s From There to Here (1974), Eldon Garnet’s W) here? The Other Canadian Poetry (Erin, ON: Press Porcepic, 1974), or Douglas Barbour’s “The Young Poets and the Little Presses, 1969” (Dalhousie Review 50.1 [Spring 1970]: 112–126). Ball also won the bpNichol Chapbook Award in 2016. 4 See Jason Dickson’s “The Antiquarium Vol. 3: Nelson Ball” (Canadian Notes & Queries 97 [Fall 2016]: 23–26). 5 Ken Norris. The Little Magazine in Canada 1925–1980: Its Role in the Development of Modernism and Post-Modernism in Canadian Poetry (Toronto: ECW Press, 1984), 195–196. 6 Jack David, “Weed Flower Press,” Essays on Canadian Writing 4 (Spring 1976): 34–41. 7 Nicky Drumbolis, Nelson Ball Cited: A Bibliophilography from Stock (Toronto: Letters Bookshop, 1992).

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jwcurry produced a “capsule bibliography” of Ball’s solo publications up to that year.8 Ball also published his own index of Weed in 1968, but it is fairly restricted in its information, including only author, title, and issue number.9 The present index is intended to supplement and complement these earlier works in order to continue building a literary, book-historical, and bibliographic record of Ball’s work. This index provides full bibliographic data for each magazine (including dates, locations, and editors) and full listings of contributors and works. It also indexes advertisements for books, presses, magazines, and bookstores that appeared in the pages of the magazines. Each magazine is indexed separately, and each individual index begins with writers and works and ends with advertisements. The primary purpose of this index is to document and make available the bibliographic data contained in Ball’s three magazines, it is not to pursue an adjustment of the defining terms of little magazines in Canadian literature. For my immediate purposes, Ball’s magazines most closely align with the defining terms of the working ground little magazine, borrowed from Robert Duncan via Pauling Butling and Susan Rudy. Butling and Rudy argue on behalf of the little magazine focused on “work in process rather than on work that has already received a stamp of approval. In Duncan’s words, this is work that is ‘unestablished in the Good.’”10 For Butling and Rudy, the working ground magazine exists “to encourage dialogue, to support risk-taking, to generate argument and debate, and to foreground work in process.”11 Ball’s magazines performed this work and illustrate the ways that little magazines operate as complex discursive sites that not only distribute works, but also help to build the local scenes and national and international networks that constitute the small press. In support of that labour, I have also included information that Ball provided in the original magazines identifying from where each contributor was writing.12 This information helps to trace the construction of these networks by identifying at least one site at which we can chart who might have been in contact—how someone

8 jwcurry, “to the reviews editor:” (Toronto: Room 3o2 Books, 1990). 9 Nelson Ball, WEED INDEX (Toronto: Weed/Flower Press, 1968). 10 Pauling Butling and Susan Rudy, Writing in Our Time: Canada’s Radical Poetries in English (1957–2003) (Waterloo: Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 2005), 38. 11 Ibid., 41. 12 Note that for Number 6 of Volume 63, under Jan Bartels’s editorship, the magazine no longer listed the location of writers. As such, I do not provide location information for that issue in this index.

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in Zurich might have discovered a book published by Coach House in Toronto, for example—and how friendships and correspondences might have developed. Returning to Davey’s characterization of Ball’s poetics—“the smallest and most easily forgotten details can enshrine the deepest significance of the events in which they participate”— the magazines do similar work in these paratextual details. Ball was always careful to include such information, demonstrating the attention to detail that defines his poetry, publishing, and bookselling practices. The distribution of this kind of information continued in Ball’s bookselling catalogues of the 1970s–2010s, and demonstrates a sustained commitment to making visible information about writers and publishers that was often difficult to locate. These are works and writers that more often than not existed outside of traditional larger distribution networks, and little magazines like Weed or Hyphid were sites at which an interested reader or writer could locate peers and potential outlets. In these details we can trace not only small press relationships between individuals, magazines, and presses, but also who was where and when. For example, Anselm Hollo published in Hyphid 2 (July 1968) from the Isle of Wight, England, but in Hyphid 4 (December 1968) from Iowa City, Iowa, while John Newlove published in Hyphid 2 (July 1968) from Deep Springs, California, and in Hyphid 3 (September 1968) from Prince George, British Columbia. Ball co-founded Volume 63 with poet S. G. Buri in 1963.13 It was funded by and produced at the University of Waterloo and ran for six issues from 1963 to 1967. Ball recalls, I met Steve because he was a student at Waterloo. He was older than me. He was actually there as an adult. And we got talking in the hallway outside waiting for a history lecture and learned that we both wrote poetry. And so we started meeting after that. I got invited to a writer’s group of young people in the basement of one of the Waterloo public libraries. Steve had been going to this. And so I went. And then Steve and I decided that we were going to do a magazine. And I had been working for the student newspaper and I thought, aha! I bet I can get them to pay for it. And by golly they did. The board of publications chairman said “sure, give it a go.” So the student board of publications paid for all the issues.14

13 Ball would later publish Buri in Weed and Hyphid, as well as through Weed/ Flower Press. 14 Nelson Ball, Personal Interview, 7 August 2013.

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Ball co-edited numbers 1–4 with Buri, and solo-edited number 5. Number 6 (Winter 1966), the final issue, was edited by Jan Bartels. Ball, by the time Volume 63 concluded, had begun editing and publishing Weed and Weed/Flower Press.15 Ball founded and published his second magazine, Weed, individually in 1966. It ran for twelve issues from January 1966 to December 1967. Ball recalls, “I wanted total independence as an editor, which I didn’t have with Volume 63, where I had a co-editor and we depended on the university’s funding.”16 Weed is characteristic of Ball in its material production. It is a remarkably clean mimeographed effort—though the quality of the mimeograph printing improves as the magazine progresses—printed on legal paper, folded and stapled, with a minimalist cover design done by Barbara Caruso (these are common features of many of the books published by Weed/Flower Press, as well as the later magazine Hyphid).17 Weed is distinguished by its unusual orientation—it opens like a flipbook. The pages are turned on the horizontal axis, forcing the reader to proceed through the magazine top-to-bottom, not left-to-right. It was sold initially for $0.40 per issue, six issues for $1.60, and $2.50 for institutional subscriptions, before rising to $0.50 per issue, six issues for $2.15, and $3.25 for institutions beginning in issue 7. The first issue of the magazine also included a note announcing the beginning of Weed/Flower Press: “#1 is ROOM OF CLOCKS, a first book of poems by Nelson Ball.”18 It was available for $0.75, or from the bookstores listed in the issue (Village Book Store, Toronto; Asphodel Bookshop, Cleveland; City Lights, San Francisco; University of British Columbia; and Landmann Books, Kitchener). As evidenced by the overlap between Weed and Weed/Flower Press in their names, the lines between Weed and Ball’s other publishing operations are blurry. Ball’s own checklist of Weed/Flower Press

15 Volume 63 is notably the site at which Ball first interacted with future collaborator and wife, artist Barbara Caruso, whose work appears in Number 2. 16 Jason Dickson, “The Antiquarium Vol. 3: Nelson Ball,” Canadian Notes & Queries 97 (Fall 2016): 23–26 (24). 17 It should be noted that for all types of Ball’s publications, Barbara Caruso was instrumental in the aesthetic and manual labour involved in their production. As she documents in her published journals—A Painter’s Journey 1966–1973 (Toronto: The Mercury Press, 2005) and A Painter’s Journey: Volume II 1974–1979 (Toronto: The Mercury Press, 2008)—in addition to her work designing and printing covers, she often collated and gathered pages and aided in other material ways. 18 Nelson Ball, “Weed/flower press books,” Weed 1 (Jan/Feb 1966): 16.

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included Weed and Hyphid as publications of the press (although Jack David did not include the magazines in his bibliography of the press). Weed 10 includes a correction note for Volume 63 Number 5, while Weed 11 includes the following note preparing for the transition to Hyphid: “It is our present intention to end the first series of 12 numbers of WEED with the issue Nov/Dec 1967. Subscription balances paid beyond WEED #12 will be applied to the next series unless we are requested to do otherwise. The next series (possibly with a new title) will have a new format, larger size, and quarterly publication. The first number will appear in January 1968.”19 This is followed by a note in Weed 12: “This is the final issue of WEED. In January 1968 the first issue of HYPHID, edited by Nelson Ball and published by Weed/Flower Press, will appear. HYPHID will have an improved format and will attempt to present larger selections of each poet’s work. It will appear quarterly. Subscription rates for 1 year are $2.15 to individuals, and $3.25 to institutions. Single copy price will be 75c.”20 At the level of material production, Ball’s two later magazines, Weed and Hyphid, were produced on the same mimeograph that printed Weed/Flower Press books and his bookselling catalogues. All three productions—books, magazines, and bookseller catalogues— were modest in design, but scrupulously clean, organized, and careful in their visual and bibliographic codes.21 Moreover, when launching his bookselling business in 1972, his first booklists went out to the same mailing list that was receiving Weed/Flower Press mailouts, underscoring the close relationship between these enterprises.22 Hyphid, solo-edited by Ball, ran for only four issues, from January to December 1968. Like Weed, it had a cover designed by Barbara Caruso. It was officially published by Weed/Flower Press. Despite ending after four issues, it appears that the original plan was to continue publishing the magazine on an irregular basis. Hyphid 3 included the following note: “HYPHID number 4 (December ’68)

19 Nelson Ball, “EDITORIAL NOTE,” Weed 11 (Sept./Oct. 1967): 20. 20 Nelson Ball, “This is the final issue of WEED,” Weed 12 (Nov./Dec. 1967): 2. 21 The precision of Ball’s work places Weed and Hyphid somewhat in opposition to a sprawling, nearly undocumentable project like bill bissett’s blewointment, a contemporary and peer. See Gregory Betts’ In Search of Blew: An Eventual Index of Blewointment Magazine 1963–1977 (Buffalo: The Poetry Collection of the University Libraries, University at Buffalo, The State University of New York, 2017) for discussion of the difficulties faced in attempting to document and organize that magazine’s output. 22 Ball, Personal Interview.

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will be the last regular issue. In the future HYPHID will appear at irregular intervals, when the editor has gathered sufficient material to warrant publication. Each issue will be numbered as in the past, but no pre-determined number of issues will appear in the next year. Subscriptions will not be available. Each issue will be sold individually.”23 Hyphid was arranged in a more conventional manner, folded and stapled on the vertical axis to be read left-to-right. It also typically presented longer selections from individual poets, as Ball had hoped it would. The names of his press, Weed/Flower, and of the two later magazines, Weed and Hyphid, reveal a crucial dimension of Ball’s small press attitudes. Jack David points to the name of the press as indicative of Ball’s philosophy: “The name of the press characterizes Nelson Ball himself; weeds are distinguishable from flowers only by some human definition, by intervention of value judgements that say ‘flowers are good, weeds should be pulled out.’”24 Moreover, Hyphid, following Weed, invokes both “hybrid” and “aphid” in its name, suggesting something small, alive, and transformative. In his publishing and his bookselling, Ball championed the experimental and the marginalized, bringing new and radical writers into print and seeking out lost and neglected books to add to his stock. Ball has been explicit about the attention he deliberately paid to the “weeds” and the “flowers” of Canadian literature. He explains the name as follows: “Well, weed was in the air, although I wasn’t a weed smoker. But it was sort of disreputable enough to be appealing. But, I understood at that point that there is no difference between a weed and a flower, botanically there’s no difference. It’s a social thing that’s imposed. And that was appealing to me. And my mother was a plant collector.”25 This statement illustrates the nature of Ball’s position. There is the desire to attend to the marginalized and ignored weeds he saw around him, those in disrepute. His use of botanical language also fits his practice naturally into the rhizomatic model of the small press. Pauline Butling and Susan Rudy map the rhizome, borrowed from Deleuze and Guattari, onto Canada’s poetic communities. They describe the “radical poetics field since 1960” as “a network of multiple, asymmetrical, interconnected nodes”: “With more than one line, and more than one site of intervention, the generative energy is localized

23 Nelson Ball, “EDITOR’S NOTE,” Hyphid 3 (September 1968): 3. 24 David, “Weed Flower Press,” 34. 25 Ball, Personal Interview.

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and mobile. In both the plant rhizome and the literary networks, the nodes are where the action is, where the growth occurs. At the same time, nodes are interconnected via tendrils that circulate nutrients throughout the network.”26 Ball’s magazines were precisely such nodes. The magazines contained an exciting cross-section of Canadian and North American poets, magazines, and presses of the 1960s. In Volume 63, the reader finds Margaret Atwood, George Bowering, Daphne Buckle (Marlatt), William Hawkins, Gwendolyn MacEwen, and Al Purdy, all in 1963. 1964 introduces Miriam Waddington, while 1965 sees appearances by Victor Coleman, David Donnell, Pat Lowther, and Diane Wakowski. In 1966, the final year of Ball’s editorship, bill bissett, D. W. Harris, and bpNichol are included. Issue 5 (1966) also included a section guest-edited by Carol Bergé, “7 New York Poets,” including Robert Nichols, Robert Newman, Murray Mednick, Hannah Weiner, Allen Planz, John Harriman, and Jackson Mac Low. In addition, Weed published Bruce Cockburn, David McFadden, and John Newlove. Hyphid published many of the same names, as well as Anselm Hollo. Collectively, the magazines include advertisements for The Ant’s Forefoot, Asphodel Bookshop, Blew Ointment Press, Canadian Literature, Coach House, Contact Press, El Corno Emplumado, Ganglia, grOnk, Imago, Island, Oyez, Ryerson Press, Something Else Press, Talon Books, TISH, The Village Book Store, and dozens of others. Volume 63 (1963) first appeared in the same year as blewointment, three years after Alphabet (1960) and two years after TISH (1961). Volume 63 preceded Imago and Island in 1964, and Ganglia and Open Letter in 1965. Weed (1966) began publishing in the same year as IS and the publication of the anthology New Wave Canada: The New Explosion in Canadian Poetry by Contact Press, and one year before grOnk first appeared (1967).27 Aesthetically, Ball’s solo-edited magazines were closest in spirit to Souster’s Combustion (1958–1960)

26 Butling and Rudy, Writing in Our Time, 29. 27 While Coach House is most often (and correctly) held to be the clearest spiritual successor to Contact Press, Ball’s Weed/Flower Press and Weed and Hyphid magazines must also be seen as works that followed from Contact in traceable ways. Raymond Souster explained to Ball that Ball’s work would have appeared in New Wave Canada if Souster had encountered it prior to publishing the anthology (Personal Interview). The particular poets that Ball published also held affinities for Contact’s tradition, with early and important work from emerging writers appearing from the press (Ball published bill bissett, David McFadden, and John Newlove in 1967).

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and TISH in their use of mimeograph and relatively unadorned visual codes. Serious critical evaluations of Ball’s poetry identify characteristics that allow a more full understanding of his small press work as an editor, publisher, and bookseller. Principal among these is jwcurry’s insistence in 1991 that “[Ball’s] is a highly personal gesture, opening up a world’s worth of nuance with an absolute minimum of referents, Nelson quietly standing in the middle saying ‘see?’”28 The magazines, in their varied contributor lists and relatively wide geographic distribution, asserted that little magazines are sites at which networks can be created. In the index that follows, the reader can trace Ball, quietly insisting, that readers see, and then return to see more.29

A Note on Format:

This index is organized chronologically in three parts, one per magazine: 1. Volume 63 (1963–1967) 2. Weed (1966–1967) 3. Hyphid (1968)

Each part provides an initial list of issues, the masthead for each issue, and the mailing address for each issue. Each is further broken down into two parts: 1. Writers and Works 2. Advertisements: Books, Presses, Magazines

Entries take the following forms:

Writers and Works: Last Name, First Name (Issue Number: Author’s Place of Residence) “Title.” Issue Number (Issue Date): Page.

28 jwcurry, 1cent #271 (Toronto: 1cent, 1991): n.p. 29 I would like to thank Nelson for his characteristically generous support for this index, including providing copies of missing issues and reviewing the manuscript for errors.

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Advertisements: Books, Presses, Magazines, Bookstores Presses and Books: Press Name (Place of Publication) Author of Advertised Work. Title of Advertised Work. Issue Number in which Advertisement Appears (Issue Date): Page. Note: If no specific work is advertised, the entry will provide only the issue number in which the advertisement appears, issue date, and page.

Magazines: Publication Title (Place of Publication) Advertised Issue Number. Issue Number in which Advertisement Appears (Issue Date): Page.

Bookstores: Name of Bookstore (Place) Issue Number in which Advertisement Appears (Issue Date): Page.

Capitalization, punctuation, and spacing are retained to the degree possible from the originals. The use of “Number” or “#” also follow the originals. Where no place of residence is given in this index, it is because no place of residence was given in the magazine.

As per the discussion above of the blurred lines between Ball’s magazines and press, note that some magazines and presses listed here are not definitively one or the other. I have tried to classify each appropriately, but small press activities are not always amenable to the rigid categories demanded by bibliographic convention.

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Figure 1: Volume 63 Number 3 (Summer 1965). Cover detail.

Volume 63 (1963–1967) Issues: Volume 63 Number 1 (December 1963) Volume 63 Number 2 (October 1964) Volume 63 Number 3 (Summer 1965) Volume 63 Number 4 (Winter 1965) Volume 63 Number 5 (Summer 1966) Volume 63 Number 6 (Winter 1966–1967)

Editors: Number 1: Editors and Founders: Nelson Ball and S. G. Buri Number 2: Editors: Nelson Ball, Stephen Buri Associate Editor: William Metcalf Art Editor: George Roth Number 3: Editors: Nelson Ball, Stephen G. Buri Associate Editor: William Metcalf Art Editor: George Roth Number 4: Editors: Nelson Ball, Stephen Buri Art Editor: George Roth Number 5: Editor: Nelson Ball Guest Editor: Carol Bergé Number 6: Editor: Jan Bartels

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Address: #1–6: c/o Board of Publications, University of Waterloo, Waterloo, Ontario, Canada

Page Size: 152mm × 229mm, 6” × 9”

Writers and Works

Adams, Myrtle Reynolds (London, ON) “Broken the Silver Horn.” 1 (December 1963): 71–72.

Appell, M. R. (Kitchener, ON) “Afternoon with the Ladies.” 3 (Summer 1965): 24. “Local Tragedy.” 1 (December 1963): 16. “the things that are.” 4 (Winter 1965): 34. “winter music.” 4 (Winter 1965): 33.

Atwood, Margaret (Toronto, ON) “Exhibition Rides.” 1 (December 1963): 59–60.

Baldridge, Mary Humphrey (Rego Park, NY) “Every Fallen Feather.” 1 (December 1963): 1. “little fishes.” 6 (Winter 1966–1967): 39. “space.” 6 (Winter 1966–1967): 39.

Ball, Nelson (1: Waterloo, ON; 2–3: Toronto, ON; 4–5: Kitchener, ON) “Birthday Party (not mine).” 1 (December 1963): 13. “The Children’s Dance.” 2 (October 1964): 29. “Concrete.” 2 (October 1964): 30. “Love Story.” 3 (Summer 1965): 20. “The Mountain.” 4 (Winter 1965): 12–14. “Poem.” 2 (October 1964): 31. “Rag Doll.” 1 (December 1963): 12. “Sister II.” 2 (October 1964): 30. “Spring.” 5 (Summer 1966): 5. “Summer.” 1 (December 1963): 14. “Two Poems.” 3 (Summer 1965): 20.

Ball, Nelson and S. G. Buri “Editorial.” 1 (December 1963): 73–74.

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Barbour, Douglas “It Is A Beast.” 6 (Winter 1966–1967): 36. “Poem: The Route.” 6 (Winter 1966–1967): 36.

Beissel, Henry (Edmonton, AB) “Island Song.” 1 (December 1963): 53–54. “Love Poem.” 2 (October 1964): 11.

Bergé, Carol (New York, NY) “in motion.” 2 (October 1964): 24. “A Note of Introduction.” Introduction. Seven New York Poets. 5 (Summer 1966): 24. “Poem on Nahuatl Theme.” 2 (October 1964): 25. “the teacher.” 2 (October 1964): 23.

Berry, Sylvia “Lament.” 6 (Winter 1966–1967): 35. “Petrification.” 6 (Winter 1966–1967): 35.

Birney, Earle (Vancouver, BC) “Turbonave MAGNOLIA.” 1 (December 1963): 33–35.

bissett, bill “Red Roofs Road.” 6 (Winter 1966–1967): 5. “(untitled).” 6 (Winter 1966–1967): 2. “(untitled).” 6 (Winter 1966–1967): 3. Untitled artwork. 6 (Winter 1966–1967): 4.

Blazek, Douglas (Bensenville, IL) “Free Pair of Baby Pants from CRIB Diaper Service.” 4 (Winter 1965): 36. “How Much Time is Spent in et Cetera?” 4 (Winter 1965): 37. “An Ordinary Day in Hell.” 4 (Winter 1965): 35.

Booth, Luella S. (Islington, ON) “New York Poem III.” 1 (December 1963): 38. “The Pipe.” 1 (December 1963): 37.

Bowering, George (Calgary, AB) “Fashion Elegy.” 4 (Winter 1965): 42. “History of Poets: John the Baptist.” 5 (Summer 1966): 4–5. “Moment: White.” 1 (December 1963): 51.

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“The Road Tells.” 4 (Winter 1965): 43. “Wrapt in Black.” 1 (December 1963): 52. Buckle, Daphne (Vancouver, BC) “where they danced.” 1 (December 1963): 68–70. Buri, S. G. (Toronto, ON) “Barrocos.” 6 (Winter 1966–1967): 29. “The Boil and the Tree.” 3 (Summer 1965): 32–34. “Chez Mad Goddess.” 3 (Summer 1965): 32. “Christ in a Fire Cloud.” 2 (October 1964): 47–48. “Circe in Four Scenes.” 1 (December 1963): 31–32. “Dust.” 1 (December 1963): 30. “Elephant Girl.” 3 (Summer 1965): 34. “Rakosszentmihaly 1942–3.” 3 (Summer 1965): 35–37. “‘so distinguished, so rare, so stilted.’” 6 (Winter 1966–1967): 30. “(untitled).” 3 (Summer 1965): 35. Cain, J. R. (Vancouver, BC) “Beach-Life.” 4 (Winter 1965): 18. “Journey.” 4 (Winter 1965): 19. “Spring.” 4 (Winter 1965): 18. Cain, Jack (Toronto, ON) “Paris.” 2 (October 1964): 32–35. Caruso, Barbara (2–3: Toronto, ON; 5: Kitchener, ON) “Song.” 3 (Summer 1965): 51–52. Untitled artwork. 2 (October 1964): 32. Untitled artwork. 2 (October 1964): 33. Untitled artwork. 2 (October 1964): 35. Untitled artwork. 5 (Summer 1966): 20. Untitled artwork. 5 (Summer 1966): 21. Untitled artwork. 5 (Summer 1966): 36. Cernauskas, Giovanna (Toronto, ON)30 Untitled artwork. 4 (Winter 1965): 27. Untitled artwork. 4 (Winter 1965): 41. Untitled artwork. 4 (Winter 1965): 44.

30 Cernauskas is also listed, mistakenly, in the table of contents of Number 3. However, the artwork included in that issue was done by George Roth, who is also credited in the table of contents, albeit correctly.

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Chute, Robert “Broad Street.” 6 (Winter 1966–1967): 9. “Proto.” 6 (Winter 1966–1967): 10. “Reflections in a Glass Eye.” 6 (Winter 1966–1967): 10.

Cohen, Joseph M. (Boston, MA) “Et Tu Brutus.” 1 (December 1963): 42.

Coleman, Victor (Toronto, ON) “The Frontal Appearance.” 3 (Summer 1965): 44. “Just a Dream.” 5 (Summer 1966): 18–19. “Veritables Preludes Flasques.” 3 (Summer 1965): 45–47.

Colombo, John Robert (Toronto, ON) “To Giorgio De Chirico for his ‘Nostalgia of the Infinite.’” 1 (December 1963): 9–11.

Cull, David (Ottawa, ON) “the condition.” 5 (Summer 1966): 16. “meditation as an ethical response.” 6 (Winter 1966–1967): 25–26. “Montreal Poem.” 3 (Summer 1965): 1–2. “Private School Poem.” 3 (Summer 1965): 2–3. “youve lost that lovin’ feeling.” 5 (Summer 1966): 17.

Dawson, David (Seattle, WA) “letters to gabriel.” 5 (Summer 1966): 1–3.

Donnell, David (Toronto, ON) “De Sade as a Young Man.” 4 (Winter 1965): 1. “Gothic Suburban Lovers.” 4 (Winter 1965): 4. “Maiden Fury.” 4 (Winter 1965): 3. “Pluto’s Side of the Story.” 4 (Winter 1965): 2. “The Wedding Guest.” 4 (Winter 1965): 2. “Wives and Others.” 4 (Winter 1965): 1.

Eaton, Charles Edward (Woodbury, CT) “Something for the Tree of Life.” 3 (Summer 1965): 28.

Finnigan, Joan (Waterloo, ON) “After the Lecture.” 3 (Summer 1965): 15. “At a Cocktail Party.” 3 (Summer 1965): 17.

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“From my Multi-Level House.” 3 (Summer 1965): 16. “Note on Kitchener.” 3 (Summer 1965): 15. “Sons on the Rope-Tow.” 1 (December 1963): 27–28.

Fletcher, Terence J. “Out.” 6 (Winter 1966–1967): 40. “Possibility.” 6 (Winter 1966–1967): 40. “(untitled).” 6 (Winter 1966–1967): 41.

Forchtenstein, William von (Chapel Hill, NC) “Boris Pasternak.” 3 (Summer 1965): 31. “Fox.” 3 (Summer 1965): 30.

Goodger-Hill, Trevor (Montreal, QC) “Annunciation.” 2 (October 1964): 46.

Gotlieb, Phyllis (Toronto, ON) “Crazy clean lullaby.” 2 (October 1964): 2. “a picnic of pedants.” 2 (October 1964): 1. “Petrarch’s sonnet.” 2 (October 1964): 1. “Solitaire 37½.” 2 (October 1964): 2–3.

Gott, George “Heritage.” 6 (Winter 1966–1967): 17. “A Virtuous Lady.” 6 (Winter 1966–1967): 18.

Gustafson, Ralph (North Hatley, QC) “At the Matterhorn.” 1 (December 1963): 55–56.

Haley, J. H. (Kentville, NS) “All the Time.” 1 (December 1963): 41. “The Singer.” 1 (December 1963): 40.

Harriman, John (New York City, NY) “four progressions for judith malina.” 5 (Summer 1966): 38. “julios song.” 5 (Summer 1966): 39. “(untitled).” 5 (Summer 1966): 39.

Harris, D. W. “Ecks – 2.” 6 (Winter 1966–1967): 20. “Ecks – 3.” 6 (Winter 1966–1967): 20.

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Hawkins, William (Ottawa, ON) “Almost a Poem.” 5 (Summer 1966): 15. “The Dance of the Tribe.” 2 (October 1964): 20. “Fire Girl.” 2 (October 1964): 19. “Hello.” 2 (October 1964): 18. “King Kong Meets Allen Ginsberg.” 1 (December 1963): 67. “Maryjane.” 2 (October 1964): 22. “Mysteriensonaten #1.” 4 (Winter 1965): 38. “Mysteriensonaten #4.” 4 (Winter 1965): 39. “Mysteriensonaten #5.” 4 (Winter 1965): 39. “Mysteriensonaten #6.” 4 (Winter 1965): 40. “Mysteriensonaten #7.” 4 (Winter 1965): 40. “Mysteriensonaten #8.” 4 (Winter 1965): 41. “November 17, 1963.” 2 (October 1964): 19. “Of Time & the Aging Girl.” 2 (October 1964): 18. “Put Down.” 2 (October 1964): 21.

Jenoff, Marvyne Shael (1: Toronto, ON; 3: Winnipeg, MB) “Possibility.” 3 (Summer 1965): 25. “We Have Not Yet Laughed.” 3 (Summer 1965): 25. “You in the East as Opposed to You in the West, Same Person.” 1 (December 1963): 58.

Johnson, Jane (London, ON) “Francoise.” 3 (Summer 1965): 40. “Garden Party.” 1 (December 1963): 2. “Travelogue/Half Asleep/.” 3 (Summer 1965): 40–41. “While the North Wind.” 3 (Summer 1965): 41.

Johnson, Leroy (Saint John, NB) “The Mad Doll.” 1 (December 1963): 7. “The Wedge and the Green Wood.” 1 (December 1963): 8.

Katzman, Allen (New York, NY) “In the Garden.” 3 (Summer 1965): 9. “Love Poem I.” 3 (Summer 1965): 10–11. “Solitaire.” 3 (Summer 1965): 11. “Song.” 3 (Summer 1965): 9.

Kearns, Lionel (Curepe, Trinidad) “Kinetic Poem.” 5 (Summer 1966): 13

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Kretz, Thomas (Wernersville, PA) “Gethsemane.” 4 (Winter 1965): 34.

Khatchadourian, Haig (Beirut, Lebanon) “One Poem.” 3 (Summer 1965): 38.

Labelle, Faye (Guelph, ON) “Dream Fragment.” 2 (October 1964): 14. “Jaguar Jungle.” 2 (October 1964): 13. “The Labyrinth.” 2 (October 1964): 15. “Train Ride.” 1 (December 1963): 17–19.

Labelle, Marcia (New York, NY) “Fragment.” 3 (Summer 1965): 18. “Outside Voices Bear.” 1 (December 1963): 65–66. “The Skin’s Duty.” 3 (Summer 1965): 19.

Lamb, Elizabeth Searle (New York, NY) “Duet in a Coffee House.” 1 (December 1963): 36. “Happening in Greenwich Village.” 3 (Summer 1965): 29.

Lane, Patrick “Eternal Reflections.” 6 (Winter 1966–1967): 23. “A Very Small Mouse.” 6 (Winter 1966–1967): 24.

Lane, Red (Vernon, BC) “Margins I.” 4 (Winter 1965): 16. “Margins XIII.” 4 (Winter 1965): 17.

Leach, G. C. (Toronto, ON) “And This Have They Done to the Rain (Inspired by the Contemporary Folk Song ‘What Have They Done to the Rain’).” 1 (December 1963): 3.

Locke, Duane (Tampa, FL) “Angel of Loneliness.” 3 (Summer 1965): 13. “EXORCISM: A fistfull.” 6 (Winter 1966–1967): 8. “EXORCISM: Gold Watches.” 6 (Winter 1966–1967): 7. “EXORCISM: The Mathematical man.” 6 (Winter 1966–1967): 8. “Ghosts Clog the New Rivers.” 3 (Summer 1965): 14. “The Stone Father.” 3 (Summer 1965): 14.

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Lord, Gigi (New York, NY) “‘An Eye for an Eye and a Tooth for a Tooth.’” 1 (December 1963): 21. “Locked.” 2 (October 1964): 27. “Trauma.” 2 (October 1964): 28.

Lord, Barry (Lancaster, NB) “death poem.” 5 (Summer 1966): 6–9.

Lord, J. Barry (Vancouver, BC) “coast.” 4 (Winter 1965): 20–22. “Corner Poem.” 2 (October 1964): 45. “The Oligarchs Collapse.” 2 (October 1964): 42–44. “placard poem.” 4 (Winter 1965): 23–26. “The Poem That Refreshes.” 2 (October 1964): 42.

Lower, Thelma Reid (Vancouver, BC) “Indian Children.” 2 (October 1964): 16. “Poisonous Seeds.” 2 (October 1964): 16. “At White Town Corner.” 2 (October 1964): 17.

Lowther, Pat (Vancouver, BC) “Choice.” 4 (Winter 1965): 28–29. “Christmas Poem.” 4 (Winter 1965): 29–30. “Drunk Man.” 4 (Winter 1965): 31–32.

Lowther, Roy (Vancouver, BC) “Same Old Story: scribbled by a sea-poet scratching for details.” 1 (December 1963): 57.

Mac Low, Jackson (New York City, NY) “Carol Bergé: A Critical Evaluation in the Light of Recently Uncovered Information.” 5 (Summer 1966): 44–45. “For Hildur (July 1952).” 5 (Summer 1966): 40. “The Origins of Ores – (from STANZAS FOR IRIS LEZAK: May– September 1960).” 5 (Summer 1966): 42–43. “A Sonnet for Gérard de Nerval (Spring 1958).” 5 (Summer 1966): 42. “Villanelle on the Hottest Day of the Year (31 July 1954).” 5 (Summer 1966): 41.

MacEwen, Gwendolyn (Toronto, ON) “The Bead Spectrum.” 1 (December 1963): 39.

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MacLeod, Ron (Toronto, ON) “It’s Over Now.” 2 (October 1964): 37. “Where is This Place?” 2 (October 1964): 36. MacLulich, T. D. “The Juggler.” 6 (Winter 1966–1967): 19. Mason, Stanley (Zurich, Switzerland) “Home.” 1 (December 1963): 63–64.

Mayne, Seymour “PASSING THROUGH AGASSIZ, B.C. on Supercontinental Train.” 6 (Winter 1966–1967): 46. “Wetness.” 6 (Winter 1966–1967): 45. “What It Comes To.” 6 (Winter 1966–1967): 44.

McFadden, David “Father-Music.” 6 (Winter 1966–1967): 6–7.

Mednick, Murray (New York City, NY) “The Broken Projector.” 5 (Summer 1966): 30–31. “earth angel.” 5 (Summer 1966): 31. “The Fake Melody of Friends Desire.” 5 (Summer 1966): 29. “The Meet.” 5 (Summer 1966): 30. “An Old Tale.” 5 (Summer 1966): 29. “What the Poets Say about Carol Bergé.” 5 (Summer 1966): 45.

Metcalf, William (Waterloo, ON) “Cows vs. Dinosaurs.” 2 (October 1964): 12–13.

Miller, Marcia Muth “Between The Trains of Night.” 6 (Winter 1966–1967): 37. “Those Fixed Points.” 6 (Winter 1966–1967): 37.

Mitchell, Kent (Manitouwadge, ON) “On the Beach.” 1 (December 1963): 20.

Montgomery, George (New Paltz, NY) “Poem.” 3 (Summer 1965): 49. “? Question ?” 3 (Summer 1965): 48.

Newman, Robert (New York City, NY) “Animals Alone.” 5 (Summer 1966): 28.

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Nichol, B. P. (Toronto, ON) “AI: Second Time Around.” 6 (Winter 1966–1967): 26. “from The Book of the Ox.” 5 (Summer 1966): 14. “Rake’s Progress.” 6 (Winter 1966–1967): 27.

Nichols, Robert (New York City, NY) “After Labor Day.” 5 (Summer 1966): 25. “Cadmium Red Color.” 5 (Summer 1966): 24. “On a Hot Night.” 5 (Summer 1966): 27. “Songs and Other Songs.” 5 (Summer 1966): 26. “What the Poets Say about Carol Bergé.” 5 (Summer 1966): 45.

Ó Broin, Pádraig (Toronto, ON) “Bean Shuibhne Gheilt (The Wife of Sweeney the Mad).” 2 (October 1964): 3. “Burd-Watcher, Beware.” 6 (Winter 1966–1967): 38. “Inghean Shuibhne Gheilt (The Daughter of Sweeney the Mad).” 2 (October 1964): 7. “Mac Shuibhne Gheilt (Mad Sweeney’s Son).” 2 (October 1964): 5–6. “Máthair Shuibhne Gheilt (The Mother of Sweeney the Mad).” 2 (October 1964): 4. “Revenant.” 4 (Winter 1965): 15. “Unwitting Succubus.” 1 (December 1963): 61–62.

Osterbind, Sylvia (St. Catharines, ON) “The Clown.” 4 (Winter 1965): 15.

Parr, Mitchell (Scarborough, ON) “A’Isha Bint ‘Omar.” 1 (December 1963): 29.

Planz, Allen (New York City, NY) “Autobody.” 5 (Summer 1966): 35. “Bluefish.” 5 (Summer 1966): 36. “The Deer Dance.” 5 (Summer 1966): 34. “stud’s song.” 5 (Summer 1966): 37. “What the Poets Say about Carol Bergé.” 5 (Summer 1966): 45.

Purdy, A. W. (Ameliasburgh, ON) “The Beach at Veradero.” 3 (Summer 1965): 4. “Hockey Players.” 3 (Summer 1965): 7–8. “John.” 3 (Summer 1965): 5.

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“The Old Girl Friend.” 1 (December 1963): 49. “Old Settler’s Song.” 3 (Summer 1965): 6.

Reyes, Carlos “888 North Campbell.” 6 (Winter 1966–1967): 33. “The Clown.” 6 (Winter 1966–1967): 32. “From the Pump.” 6 (Winter 1966–1967): 31.

Roberts, William (Ottawa, ON) “Three Poems.” 3 (Summer 1965): 26.

Rogers, P. T. (Detroit, MI) “grey blues.” 4 (Winter 1965): 11. “thats a plenty blues.” 4 (Winter 1965): 10. “too late blues.” 4 (Winter 1965): 11.

Rosenblatt, J. (Toronto, ON) “Philosophy.” 1 (December 1963): 26. “The World Egg.” 5 (Summer 1966): 10–11.

Rosenhouse, Archie (Los Angeles, CA) “Always on Friday.” 3 (Summer 1965): 22. “It All Started with Adam’s Grandson.” 3 (Summer 1965): 23. “Satyr and Nymph Breakfast.” 1 (December 1963): 15. “Week-end.” 3 (Summer 1965): 21.

Roth, George (Waterloo, ON) Untitled artwork. 3 (Summer 1965): 12. Untitled artwork. 3 (Summer 1965): 27 Untitled artwork. 3 (Summer 1965): 50.

Ruth, P. Anthony (Waterloo, ON) “Ubermensch.” 1 (December 1963): 22–25.

Sivrel, Christian (Montreal, QC) “Eggs.” 5 (Summer 1966): 12. “On The Street Where You Live.” 5 (Summer 1966): 12. “Spontaneous Annotation #2.” 5 (Summer 1966): 12.

St-Cyr, Napoleon “While the Partner Is Out at an Organization Meeting.” 6 (Winter 1966–1967): 11.

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Stevens, Peter “Winter Poem.” 6 (Winter 1966–1967): 42–43.

Stevenson, Warren (Vancouver, BC) “East Hastings Street.” 1 (December 1963): 4–6.

Stryck, Lucien (DeKalb, IL) “Three Whites of Hokusai.” 2 (October 1964): 38. “Haiku.” 2 (October 1964): 38.

Taft, Tom “Delacroix’s Arab Saddling His Horse.” 6 (Winter 1966–1967): 12. “Earth’s Baffled Giant.” 6 (Winter 1966–1967): 13–16. “Monet’s Boats in Winter Quarters, Etretat.” 6 (Winter 1966–1967): 12.

Thomas, Richard W. “Of This I am Least Aware.” 6 (Winter 1966–1967): 28. “Well baby, it’s like this.” 6 (Winter 1966–1967): 28.

Thompson, Tracy (Kyoto, Japan) “Before the Dawn.” 2 (October 1964): 40–41. “Birds.” 2 (October 1964): 40. “But Who’s Impressed.” 2 (October 1964): 39. “The Elder Catullus.” 2 (October 1964): 41.

Tolle, Hans Werner “Victoria Park, Kitchener.” 6 (Winter 1966–1967): 34.

Toole, Crystal (Waterloo, ON) “Prelude.” 1 (December 1963): 50.

Waddington, Miriam (Toronto, ON) “Displacements: 1.” 2 (October 1964): 8. “Displacements: 2.” 2 (October 1964): 9. “Pictures in a Window.” 2 (October 1964): 10.

Wakowski, Diane (New York City, NY) “At Welsh’s Tomb.” 4 (Winter 1965): 5–6. “Love Letter to Ron.” 4 (Winter 1965): 6–8. “Summer.” 4 (Winter 1965): 9.

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Waugh, Thomas L. (Toronto, ON) “Asking and Telling: A Discussion of Theory.” 1 (December 1963): 43–48. “Despair So Near.” 3 (Summer 1965): 43. “Exquisite Dreams.” 3 (Summer 1965): 42.

Weiner, Hannah (New York City, NY) “At the Beach: Strider.” 5 (Summer 1966): 33. “From the Book of Chilam Balam of Tizimin.” 5 (Summer 1966): 32–33.

Williams, P. “The Gull.” 6 (Winter 1966–1967): 21. “Mardi Gras.” 6 (Winter 1966–1967): 22. “Poem on a Windy Night.” 6 (Winter 1966–1967): 21.

Advertisements: Books, Presses, Magazines, Bookstores Edge (Edmonton, AB) 3. 2 (October 1964): 50.

Ganglia (Toronto, ON) 2. 4 (Winter 1965): 17.

Island (Toronto, ON) 1. 2 (October 1964): 49. 2. 2 (October 1964): 49.

M. F. Landmann Limited (Kitchener, ON) Vatsayanana. The Kama Sutra. Trans. Richard Burton and F. F. Arbuthnot. 1 (December 1963): 75. 2 (October 1964): 49.

Something Else Press (New York City, NY) Mac Low, Jackson. STANZAS FOR IRIS LEZAK. 5 (Summer 1966): 42.

Village Book Store (Toronto, ON) 1 (December 1963): 75. 3 (Summer 1965): inside back cover.

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Village Press (Thornhill, ON) Donnell, David. Poems. 4 (Winter 1965): 4.

Weed (Kitchener, ON) 1. 5 (Summer 1966): 47. 2. 5 (Summer 1966): 47. 3. 5 (Summer 1966): 47.

Weed/Flower Press (Kitchener, ON) Hawkins, Wm. Ottawa Poems. 5 (Summer 1966): 47. Reyes, Carlos. The Windows. 5 (Summer 1966): 47.

Figure 2: Weed #12 (Nov/Dec 1967). Cover detail.

Weed (1966–1967) Issues: Weed #1 (Jan/Feb 1966) Weed #2 (March/April 1966) Weed #3 (May/June 1966) Weed #4 (July/Aug 1966) Weed #5 (Sept/Oct 1966) Weed #6 (Nov/Dec 1966) Weed #7 (Jan/Feb 1967) Weed #8 (Mar/Apr 1967) Weed #9 (May/June 1967) Weed #10 (July/August 1967) Weed #11 (Sept/Oct 1967) Weed #12 (Nov/Dec 1967)

Editor: #1–12: Nelson Ball

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Addresses: #1–10 Apt. 4, 22 Young St., Kitchener, Ontario, Canada #11–12 Apt. 1, 501 Markham St., Toronto 4, Ontario, Canada

Page Size: 216mm × 177mm, 8.5” × 7”

Writers and Works Appell, M. R. (Kitchener, ON) “Dealing with a Vending Machine.” 3 (May/June 1966): 11.

Ball, Nelson (Kitchener, ON) “#12 force movement.” 8 (Mar/Apr 1967): 12. “As If . . .” 8 (Mar/Apr 1967): 12. “The Bottle.” 9 (May/June 1967): 15. “The Clearing.” 8 (Mar/Apr 1967): 11. “The Cosmic Man.” 10 (July/August 1967): 15. “Flying North.” 6 (Nov/Dec 1966): 26–27. “from Force Movements.” 3 (May/June 1966): 13–14. “Good Morning Timelessness.” 10 (July/August 1967): 14. “Interaction.” 9 (May/June 1967): 14. “Little Blue Row-Boat.” 3 (May/June 1966): 14. “Packing It In.” 9 (May/June 1967): 16. “Russ’ Hardware.” 8 (Mar/Apr 1967): 10. “The Table The Chair.” 8 (Mar/Apr 1967): 11. “Toward One’s Own Myth.” 9 (May/June 1967): 16. “The Tree.” 1 (Jan/Feb 1966): 10.

Bergé, Carol (Clinton, NY) “Alberto Dreams.” 2 (March/April 1966): 12. “Dialogue II.” 2 (March/April 1966): 13. “Etching.” 11 (Sept/Oct 1967): 4. “The First New Mexico Songs.” 11 (Sept/Oct 1967): 2–3. “The Poem of Difficult Loving.” 11 (Sept/Oct 1967): 6–7. “with.” 11 (Sept/Oct 1967): 5.

bissett, bill (Vancouver, BC) “Lebanon Voices: Phase 2.” 6 (Nov/Dec 1966): 5–10

Bowering, George (Calgary, AB) “The Universe Begins to Look.” 3 (May/June 1966): 2–3.

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Brigham, Besmilr (Dallas, TX) “doll maple.” 6 (Nov/Dec 1966): 24–25. “The Last Visit.” 6 (Nov/Dec 1966): 23. “Najua Woman.” 6 (Nov/Dec 1966): 25.

Buri, S. G. (Toronto, ON) “Of Cea Sing.” 7 (Jan/Feb 1967): 2–8. “Empty.” 12 (Nov/Dec 1967): 3. “The Europeans.” 12 (Nov/Dec 1967): 6. “Fire (I Remember the Sun).” 8 (Mar/Apr 1967): 17. “Fire (there’s a dragon in my bed).” 8 (Mar/Apr 1967): 17. “Housewifely.” 8 (Mar/Apr 1967): 19. “I Put It With Others / I’ll Go For Beer.” 12 (Nov/Dec 1967): 4–5. “In the Wind.” 8 (Mar/Apr 1967): 18–19. “Line Variations.” 9 (May/June 1967): 2–5. “Lion-Eater.” 12 (Nov/Dec 1967): 7. “Or Less.” 8 (Mar/Apr 1967): 16. “A Pretty Woman.” 8 (Mar/Apr 1967): 20. “We Will.” 12 (Nov/Dec 1967): 6.

Byrd, Bobby (Seattle, WA) “bb’s Platonism.” 4 (July/Aug 1966): 6. “Mazatlan.” 4 (July/Aug 1966): 7. “The Perambulation.” 4 (July/Aug 1966): 6. “The Potlatch #1.” 7 (Jan/Feb 1967): 20. “The Potlatch #2.” 7 (Jan/Feb 1967): 21. “the process of becoming a saint is perhaps duller.” 4 (July/Aug 1966): 5. “Taking Off from the First Line.” 7 (Jan/Feb 1967): 19. “What.” 7 (Jan/Feb 1967): 18.

Cain, Jack (Toronto, ON) “Angle.” 5 (Sept/Oct 1966): 7. “Discovery.” 5 (Sept/Oct 1966): 7. “Studies.” 7 (Jan/Feb 1967): 13.

Caruso, Barbara (Kitchener, ON) “American Dream (Part 3).” 10 (July/August 1967): 10–11. “An American Dream.” 7 (Jan/Feb 1967): 10–11. “A New Shorter Bible.” 10 (July/August 1967): 11. “Rondo.” 10 (July/August 1967): 12.

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Coleman, Victor (Toronto, ON) “Buff, Hello / 5.” 2 (March/April 1966): 4–5. “Eccentricities / 2.” 2 (March/April 1966): 2. “Eccentricities / 7.” 2 (March/April 1966): 3. “from The Oxford Poems.” 5 (Sept/Oct 1966): 10–14. “from The Oxford Poems.” 6 (Nov/Dec 1966): 2–4.

Cockburn, Bruce (Ottawa, ON) “The Black Pope’s Brittle Sermon.” 10 (July/August 1967): 2. “For ‘The Madison Ave. Boys of the Aegean’” 10 (July/August 1967): 3. “The Pauper’s Answer.” 10 (July/August 1967): 5. “Ruthie’s Tired Thing.” 10 (July/August 1967): 4.

Cull, David (Ottawa, ON) “in fluctuation of the actual/ ideal shows through.” 3 (May/June 1966): 8–9. “(untitled).” 6 (Nov/Dec 1966): 14–19.

Fletcher, Terence (England) “Overlap.” 6 (Nov/Dec 1966): 11. “The Rain.” 6 (Nov/Dec 1966): 11.

Gavronsky, Serge (New York City, NY) “The birth of the sun as a human.” 4 (July/Aug 1966): 8–12.

Harris, David W. (Toronto, ON) “auditory liturgy.” 8 (Mar/Apr 1967): 15. “from Gideon Music.” 8 (Mar/Apr 1967): 14–15. “The Hamilton Poems.” 12 (Nov/Dec 1967): 8–12. “Vercussion : 1.” 9 (May/June 1967): 6. “Vercussion : 2.” 9 (May/June 1967): 6.

Hawkins, William (Ottawa, ON) “--.”11 (Sept/Oct 1967): 9. “Books on Iran Wanted (#34).” 4 (July/Aug 1966): 14–15. “A Dream.” 9 (May/June 1967): 8–10. “Hello from the Shadows.” 4 (July/Aug 1966): 13. “The Last Train to Narcissus (#32).” 4 (July/Aug 1966): 15–16. “Mother, the Angel of Death in My Dreams.” 9 (May/June 1967): 7. “Simple Song.” 9 (May/June 1967): 10. “Weather Report.” 11 (Sept/Oct 1967): 8.

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Holland, Barbara (New York City, NY) “Ailanthus Thoughts of Gratitude.” 1 (Jan/Feb 1966): 6. “Stars Over Grove Street.” 1 (Jan/Feb 1966): 4–5.

Johnston, Gary (Detroit, MI) “Doin Alright.” 3 (May/June 1966): 7. “In the Presence of Dreams.” 3 (May/June 1966): 6. “Seasonal Lineage.” 3 (May/June 1966): 5.

Kissam, Ed (Choueifat, Lebanon) “The Differences.” 7 (Jan/Feb 1967): 9.

Lord, J. Barry (Lancaster, NB) “Georgie Porgie Ran Away.” 2 (March/April 1966): 14–15.

Machan, Lynn (Ottawa, ON) “Gone.” 11 (Sept/Oct 1967): 19.

Malanga, Gerard (New York, NY) “Bronze Maple.” 2 (March/April 1966): 10. “Hide and Seek.” 3 (May/June 1966): 4. “The Rift is Over.” 2 (March/April 1966): 11.

Malanga, Paul (Seattle, WA) “In Celebration.” 8 (Mar/Apr 1967): 13.

Mayne, Seymour (Vancouver, BC) “Flypaper.” 7 (Jan/Feb 1967): 26–27. “The Hollows.” 7 (Jan/Feb 1967): 26. “This Morning after a Light Snowfall.” 7 (Jan/Feb 1967): 25.

McFadden, David (Hamilton, ON) “A Brief Suicide Christmas-Tree Note.” 8 (Mar/Apr 1967): 2–10.31 “And.” 12 (Nov/Dec 1967): 14. “The Gnome Poem.” 12 (Nov/Dec 1967): 13.

31 For “A Brief Suicide Christmas-Tree Note,” I list it as a single poem taking my cue from Ball’s own index of Weed published in 1968. The poem appears to be broken into a number of sections, and it is unclear from the typesetting whether they are individual poems or part of a sequence. Ball’s index lists only the larger title, “A Brief Suicide Christmas-Tree Note.” The sections are titled “Me / As Blood,” “Joe,” “A New Island,” and “Under My Uncle.”

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“Inscription.” 5 (Sept/Oct 1966): 20. “The Lacrosse Poem.” 12 (Nov/Dec 1967): 15–16. “My Dream of Maoism.” 5 (Sept/Oct 1966): 18–19. “New Poem.” 6 (Nov/Dec 1966): 20–22. “November Fly.” 10 (July/August 1967): 7–8. “Small Music.” 10 (July/August 1967): 7. “Spleen et Ideal XVII (from Baudelaire’s Les Fleurs du Mal).” 7 (Jan/ Feb 1967): 12. “T V.” 12 (Nov/Dec 1967): 14.

Newlove, John (Vancouver, BC) “The Attempt.” 4 (July/Aug 1966): 4. “Dead Men.” 7 (Jan/Feb 1967): 14–15. “The Silence.” 4 (July/Aug 1966): 2–3.

Nichol, bp (Toronto, ON) “16/4/66.” 5 (Sept/Oct 1966): 15. “Cycle #1.” 2 (March/April 1966): 16. “ee.” 5 (Sept/Oct 1966): 16. “Fish Pome.” 2 (March/April 1966): 16. “from The Book of the Ox.” 5 (Sept/Oct 1966): 15. “the potato poems.” 7 (Jan/Feb 1967): 22–24. “yy.” 5 (Sept/Oct 1966): 17.

Purdy, A. W. (Toronto, ON) “My Lawyer.” 1 (Jan/Feb 1966): 7–9.

Randall, Margaret (Mexico City) “The Difference.” 1 (Jan/Feb 1966): 2. “The Initiation.” 7 (Jan/Feb 1967): 16. “Look Over Jordan…” 6 (Nov/Dec 1966): 12–13. “Poem for Alberto Rabilotta.” 7 (Jan/Feb 1967): 16–17. “Retracing Paul Blackburn’s Transit.” 1 (Jan/Feb 1966): 3–4.

Reyes, Carlos (Orono, ME) “Dilley, Oregon, August, 1952.” 1 (Jan/Feb 1966): 11 “Standing Along the Road.” 2 (March/April 1966): 6–7. “W A I T I N G :.” 2 (March/April 1966): 7.

Robinson, Brad (S. Burnaby, BC) “The Ceremony of Your Name.” 10 (July/August 1967): 8–9.

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Rosenblatt, Joe (Toronto, ON) “I Am in a Hall of Mirrors (part one: the search).” 1 (Jan/Feb 1966): 12–15.

Sandberg, David (Boulder Creek, CA) “round song/11.22.65.” 5 (Sept/Oct 1966): 8. “round song/the sign.” 5 (Sept/Oct 1966): 9.

Sivrel, Christian (Montreal, QC) “Blues Connotations.” 3 (May/June 1966): 10.32

Tolle, Hans-Werner (England) “Author’s Note on ‘How Thangbrand…’ and ‘The Conversion.’” 11 (Sept/Oct 1967): 15. “The Conversion of Iceland.” 11 (Sept/Oct 1967): 16. “The Final Solution.” 11 (Sept/Oct 1967): 17. “How Thangbrand Converted the Heathen.” 11 (Sept/Oct 1967): 14–15. “Paolo Ucello in Perspective.” 11 (Sept/Oct 1967): 28.

Wakowski, Diane (New York City, NY) “Woman Holding the Skins of the Orchestra.” 11 (Sept/Oct 1967): 10–12.

Williams, P. (Cape Province, South Africa) “The Apple.” 9 (May/June 1967): 13. “Disc-Course in Eden.” 9 (May/June 1967): 12–13.

Wilson, Keith (2, 3: Anthony, NM; 5, 7: San Miguel, NM) “the callings.” 7 (Jan/Feb 1967): 31–32. “Gesture, A Kind of Curling – Inward.” 2 (March/April 1966): 8–9. “The Rhythms.” 5 (Sept/Oct 1966): 2–6. “The Ring of Annapolis: Sea, as it touches land.” 7 (Jan/Feb 1967): 28–30. “Woodcarver.” 3 (May/June 1966): 15.

32 The poem is given in French and English with the following note: “translated from the French by Christian Sivrel.”

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Advertisements: Books, Presses, Magazines, Bookstores The Ant’s Forefoot (Toronto, ON) 1. 12 (Nov/Dec 1967): 16.

The Artists’ Workshop Press (Detroit, MI) Sinclair, John, ed. The Collected Artists’ Worksheet. 11 (Sept/Oct 1967): 13. Caplan, Ron, Robin Eichele, and John Sinclair, eds. Whe’re. 3 (May/ June 1966): 16.

Asphodel Bookshop (Cleveland, OH) 1 (Jan/Feb 1966): 16.

Blew Ointment Press (Vancouver, BC) 6 (Nov/Dec 1966): 28. bissett, bill. What Poetics “being a coloring-book treatise on POETIKS.” 11 (Sept/Oct 1967): 13. Coutts, Michael. Othr Pomes. 10 (July/August 1967): 13. Harris, David W. Gideon Music. With drawings by Gordon Paynes. 12 (Nov/Dec 1967): 2.

Burning Water, c/o Weed/Flower Press (Oxford, England) 3 (May/June 1966): 16. MacAdams Jr., Lewis. City Money. 7 (Jan/Feb 1967): 32.

Canadian Literature (Vancouver, BC) 33. 11 (Sept/Oct 1967): 18.

City Lights Books (San Francisco, CA) 1 (Jan/Feb 1966): 16.

Coach House Press (Toronto, ON) Aylward, David. Typescapes. 12 (Nov/Dec 1967): 2. Coleman, Victor. One/Eye/Love. 12 (Nov/Dec 1967): 2. Kiyooka, Roy. Nevertheless These Eyes. 12 (Nov/Dec 1967): 2. Ondaatje, Michael. Dainty Monsters. 12 (Nov/Dec 1967): 2.

Contact Press (Toronto, ON) Souster, Raymond, ed. New Wave Canada. 4 (July/Aug 1966): 7.

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Duende (Placitas, NM) Goodell, Larry. Cycles. 10 (July/August 1967): 13.

El Corno Emplumado (Mexico City) 1 (Jan/Feb 1966): 16. 19. 4 (July/Aug 1966): 7. 19. 6 (Nov/Dec 1966): 28. Enslin, Theodore. Love Poems. 2 (March/April 1966): 15. Kelly, Robert. Weeks. 2 (March/April 1966): 15. Ossman, David. Set in a Landscape. 2 (March/April 1966): 15. Randall, Margaret. October. 3 (May/June 1966): 16.

Fleye Press (Toronto, ON) bissett, bill. Th Tabul Moves. 9 (May/June 1967): 11. LUV #1. 9 (May/June 1967): 5. LUV #3. 11 (Sept/Oct 1967): 13. LUV #4. 11 (Sept/Oct 1967): 13. LUV #5. 11 (Sept/Oct 1967): 13.

From A Window (Seattle, WA) 4. 6 (Nov/Dec 1966): 28. 5. 7 (Jan/Feb 1967): 11.

Fulcrum Press (London, England) Snyder, Gary. A Range of Poems. 6 (Nov/Dec 1966): 23.

Ganglia (Toronto, ON) 3 (May/June 1966): 16. 6 (Nov/Dec 1966): 28. bissett, bill. We Sleep Inside Each Other All. 8 (Mar/Apr 1967): 13.

Grande Ronde Review (La Grande, OR) 3 (May/June 1966): 16.

grOnk (Toronto, ON) 1. 7 (Jan/Feb 1967): 27. 3. 9 (May/June 1967): 11.

Guerrilla (Detroit, MI) 1. 7 (Jan/Feb 1967): 32.

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Imago (1: Calgary, AB; 7: London, ON) 1 (Jan/Feb 1966): 16. 7. 7 (Jan/Feb 1967): 11.

Input (Valley Stream, NY) 1 (Jan/Feb 1966): 16.

Intrepid (Buffalo, NY) VI. 6 (Nov/Dec 1966): 28.

Island Press (Toronto, ON) Blackburn, Paul. The Dissolving Fabric. 7 (Jan/Feb 1967): 11. Duncan, Robert. Fragments of a Disordered Devotion. 2 (March/April 1966): 15. Gilbert, Gerry. Phone Book. 8 (Mar/Apr 1967): 20. Island. 1 (Jan/Feb 1966): 16. IS 1. 6 (Nov/Dec 1966): 19. IS 2. 7 (Jan/Feb 1967): 11. IS 3. “A Sampler – Poems by Ron Caplan & David Federman.” 11 (Sept/Oct 1967): 7. Island 6 (Combustion 15). 6 (Nov/Dec 1966): 19. Island 7/8. “includes NEW WAVE CANADA PORTFOLIO.” 9 (May/June 1967): 11. “Reprint one: COMBUSTION edited (1958–60) by Raymond Souster.” 2 (March/April 1966): 15. “Reprint two: CONTACT edited (1952–54) by Raymond Souster.” 2 (March/April 1966): 15. “Reprint three: MEASURE edited by John Wieners (Summer 57, Winter 58 & Summer 62, awaited fourth issue.” 2 (March/April 1966): 15.

Landmann Books (Kitchener, ON) 1 (Jan/Feb 1966): 16.

little mother of vol / canoes / colon / pelle (Winnipeg, MB) 1. 12 (Nov/Dec 1967): 16.

mother/asphodel books, c/o The Asphodel Book Shop (Cleveland, OH) Oppen, George. Discrete Series. 8 (Mar/Apr 1967): 20.

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Nil Press, c/o Shirley Leishman Books (Ottawa, ON) Hawkins, William. Hawkins: Poems 1963–1965. 8 (Mar/Apr 1967): 20. Open Letter (1: Victoria, BC; 10: Toronto, ON) 1 (Jan/Feb 1966): 9. 7. where the orders are by David Dawson. 10 (July/August 1967): 16. Oyez (Berkeley, CA) Duncan, Robert. Medea at Kolchis: The Maiden Head. 3 (May/June 1966): 16. Hogg, Robert. The Connexions. 3 (May/June 1966): 16. Welch, Lew. On Out. 3 (May/June 1966): 16. Pliego (a broadsheet) (Milwaukie, OR) “10 Canadian Poets collected by Nelson Ball. Included are poems by David Harris, bpNichol, Chuck Carlson, Wm Hawkins & others.” 9 (May/June 1967): 11. “Potpourri and Pliego.” 6 (Nov/Dec 1966): 28.

Poetmeat (Lancashire, England) 3 (May/June 1966): 16.

Poetry Review (Tampa Bay, FL) 1 (Jan/Feb 1966): 16. Poets Press (Kerhonkson, NY) Doyle, Kirby. Sapphobones. 6 (Nov/Dec 1966): 28. Jones, Leroi, Carl Solomon, and Antonin Artaud. The Trembling Lamb. 6 (Nov/Dec 1966): 28. Whalen, Philip. Braincandy. 6 (Nov/Dec 1966): 28. Potpourri (Milwaukie, OR) 1 (Jan/Feb 1966): 16. 7/8. 7 (Jan/Feb 1967): 11. Wilson, Keith. Sketches for a New Mexico Hill Town. 2 (March/April 1966): 9. Prensa De Lagar/Wine Press (Milwaukie, OR) dawn. Roots & Wings. 11 (Sept/Oct 1967): 13.33 Enslin, Theodore. Characters in Certain Places. 11 (Sept/Oct 1967): 13.

33 This was listed in issue 11 as written by Carlos Reyes; a note in issue 12 provides the correction that it was written by dawn.

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Ryerson Press, c/o The Village Book Store (Toronto, ON) Kearns, Lionel. Pointing. 12 (Nov/Dec 1967): 9.

Serpa, Robert (Pocatello, ID) Dunbar, Geoffery, Charles Potts, Zig, & Bob Serpa. The “Zoo” Book. 8 (Mar/Apr 1967): 20.

Spanish Fleye (Toronto, ON) 1. 8 (Mar/Apr 1967): 13. 1. 9 (May/June 1967): 11.

Sum (Buffalo, NY) 1 (Jan/Feb 1966): 16.

TISH (Vancouver, BC) 1 (Jan/Feb 1966): 16. 38. 7 (Jan/Feb 1967): 13.

Tzarad (London, England) 6 (Nov/Dec 1966): 28. 2. 7 (Jan/Feb 1967): 13.

University of British Columbia Bookstore (Vancouver, BC) 1 (Jan/Feb 1966): 16.

Very Stone House (Vancouver, BC) “books by Bill Bissett, Jim Brown, Patrick Lane, & Seymour Mane.” 7 (Jan/Feb 1967): 13. carlson, chuck. Strange Movies (ive seen). 11 (Sept/Oct 1967): 7.

Village Book Store (Toronto, ON) 1 (Jan/Feb 1966): 16.

Vincent (the mad brother of Theo) (New York City, NY) 6 (Nov/Dec 1966): 28.

Volume 63 (Waterloo, ON) 5. 3 (May/June 1966): 16. 5. 6 (Nov/Dec 1966): 28.

Weed/Flower Press (Kitchener & Toronto, ON) Ball, Nelson. Beaufort’s Scale. 10 (July/August 1967): 13.

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Ball, Nelson. Beaufort’s Scale. 11 (Sept/Oct 1967): 18. Ball, Nelson. Room of Clocks. 1 (Jan/Feb 1966): 16. Bergé, Carol. 11 (Sept/Oct 1967): 7. bissett, bill. 11 (Sept/Oct 1967): 7. Buri, S. G. Elephant Girl. 9 (May/June 1967): 5. Buri, S. G. Elephant Girl. 9 (May/June 1967): 11. Buri, S. G. Elephant Girl. 10 (July/August 1967): 13. Cull, David. 3 × 4 IS. 6 (Nov/Dec 1966): 15. Cull, David. 3 × 4 IS. 7 (Jan/Feb 1967): 15. Hawkins, Wm. Ottawa Poems. 4 (July/Aug 1966): 16. Hawkins, Wm. Ottawa Poems. 10 (July/August 1967): 16. Lord, Barry. Subject/Object. 9 (May/June 1967): 11. Lord, Barry. Subject/Object. 10 (July/August 1967): 13. McFadden, David. The Poem Poem. 9 (May/June 1967): 11. McFadden, David. The Poem Poem. 10 (July/August 1967): 13. Newlove, John. What They Say. 9 (May/June 1967): 11. Newlove, John. What They Say. 10 (July/August 1967): 13. Reyes, Carlos. The Windows. 4 (July/Aug 1966): 16. Reyes, Carlos. The Windows. 10 (July/August 1967): 16. Weed 1. 4 (July/Aug 1966): 3. Weed 2. 4 (July/Aug 1966): 3. Weed 3. 4 (July/Aug 1966): 3.

Work (Detroit, MI) 1 (Jan/Feb 1966): 16. 3. 6 (Nov/Dec 1966): 28. 4. 7 (Jan/Feb 1967): 32. 5. 7 (Jan/Feb 1967): 32. Sinclair, John. Firemusic. 6 (Nov/Dec 1966): 28. Sinclair, John. This is Our Music. 6 (Nov/Dec 1966): 28. Tysh, George. Sit Up Straight. 6 (Nov/Dec 1966): 28. Whitney, J. D. Hello. 6 (Nov/Dec 1966): 28.

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Figure 3: Hyphid Number 2 (July 1968). Cover detail.

Hyphid (1968) Issues: Hyphid Number 1 (January 1968) Hyphid Number 2 (July 1968) Hyphid Number 3 (September 1968) Hyphid Number 4 (December 1968) Editor: #1–4: Nelson Ball

Addresses: #1–2 Apt. 1, 501 Markham St., Toronto 4, Ontario, Canada #3–4 756A Bathurst St., Toronto 4, Ontario, Canada

Page Size: 159mm × 216mm, 6.25” × 8.5”

Writers and Works Ball, Nelson (Toronto, ON) “Beginning.” 1 (January 1968): 23.

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“The Chair.” 1 (January 1968): 24. “Cold Stone.” 1 (January 1968): 23. “Counting My Fingers Again.” 1 (January 1968): 22. “Fingers.” 4 (December 1968): 19. “Good Morning Blues.” 1 (January 1968): 20. “In This Field is a Small.” 1 (January 1968): 21. “An Incident.” 1 (January 1968): 22. “Inclusion (10).” 4 (December 1968): 18. “The Mind/The Body.” 1 (January 1968): 21. “Preference.” 4 (December 1968): 20. “Scattered.” 4 (December 1968): 19. “This Discussion.” 4 (December 1968): 18.

Bergé, Carol (New York City, NY) “New Year Poem.” 1 (January 1968): 35. “Poem for Explorers.” 1 (January 1968): 34. “A Ticket to Ride.” 1 (January 1968): 33–34.

bissett, bill (Vancouver, BC) “Did Yu Hear Th Car Door Slam Blues.” 3 (September 1968): 4–9. “essence riffs; from my spiral notebook.” 1 (January 1968): 36–44.

Bowering, George (Montreal, QC) “Bells.” 2 (July 1968): 33. “City Stones.” 2 (July 1968): 32. “My Garden.” 2 (July 1968): 31. “River Rhine.” 4 (December 1968): 8. “For Ronnie Carter.” 2 (July 1968): 30–31. “Secret Purr.” 2 (July 1968): 32. “Strangers & Friends.” 4 (December 1968): 9.

Coleman, Victor (1, 4: Toronto, ON; 2: Gibsons, BC) “Against Propaganda.” 1 (January 1968): 25–29. “For Erik Satie, Charles Aznavour & John Wieners.” 1 (January 1968): 30–32. “Fish : Stone : Song.” 2 (July 1968): 24–25. “I Just Reaches Up & Turns the Light Off: Thelonious Monk in conversation.” 4 (December 1968): 16–17. “Some Parts of the Body.” 4 (December 1968): 10–15. “Three Preludes.” 2 (July 1968): 26–28. “A Version.” 2 (July 1968): 29.

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Ducharme, Jason (Toronto, ON) “Roses.” 2 (July 1968): 34.

Hawkins, William (Ottawa, ON) “The Gift of Space.” 1 (January 1968): 15. “A Poem about Tomorrow.” 1 (January 1968): 19. “Projective Tulips.” 1 (January 1968): 17. “Sometimes in Quiet Anger.” 1 (January 1968): 16. “The Warner Mystique.” 1 (January 1968): 16. “Wilful Murder.” 1 (January 1968): 18.

Hollo, Anselm (2: Isle of Wight, England; 4: Iowa City, IA) “f i n n i s h f o l k.” 2 (July 1968): 7. “g a l e s a n d s h o w e r s.” 2 (July 1968): 4–5. “Heap Bad Hole Love Poem.” 4 (December 1968): 4–7. “t h e i n s e c t f a r m e r t o h i s w i f e.” 2 (July 1968): 11–12. “l o s s e d e n t a r i o s.” 2 (July 1968): 8. “t h e m u s e.” 2 (July 1968): 9. “m y w h i t e p o w w o w l e t t u c e s h o e s.” 2 (July 1968): 6. “s n o w p o e m.” 2 (July 1968): 6. “s n o w p o e m (2).” 2 (July 1968): 7. “t h e v i e w s.” 2 (July 1968): 10.

McFadden, David (Hamilton, ON) “Ground Sounds.” 2 (July 1968): 20–21. “The Saladeer.” 2 (July 1968): 23. “Upon Looking at a Book of Astrology.” 3 (September 1968): 12–14. “The Visual Splinter.” 2 (July 1968): 22.

Newlove, John (2: Deep Springs, CA; 3: Prince George, BC) “Days from a Week.” 2 (July 1968): 18–19. “Warm Wind.” 3 (September 1968): 19. “The Wind.” 3 (September 1968): 18.

Riley, Peter (Hove, England) “Pott Shrigley Brickworks, Near Macclesfield, Cheshire and in the Mind.” 2 (July 1968): 13–14. “the song of the man who rides in a chariot on the sea.” 2 (July 1968): 16–17. “Three Rondeaux.” 2 (July 1968): 15.

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Robinson, Brad (Vancouver, BC) “Changing the Site.” 3 (September 1968): 11. “Sunday.” 3 (September 1968): 10.

Rosenberg, David (Toronto, ON) “Little Airs.” 1 (January 1968): 11. “The Mud is Flying.” 1 (January 1968): 9–10. “To My Brother, The Occasion of Marriage.” 3 (September 1968): 15–17. “The Room.” 1 (January 1968): 12–14. “Toby.” 1 (January 1968): 4–8.

Advertisements: Books, Presses, Magazines, Bookstores

Blew Ointment Press (Vancouver, BC) bissett, bill. (Th) Gossamer Bed-Pan. 1 (January 1968): 45. bissett, bill. What Poetiks. 1 (January 1968): 45. Gadd, Maxine. Guns of the West. 1 (January 1968): 45. Harris, David W. Gideon Music. 1 (January 1968): 45. Lawrence, Scott. Apocolips. 1 (January 1968): 45.

Coach House Press (Toronto, ON) Aylward, David. Typescapes. 1 (January 1968): 46. Bowering, George. Baseball. 1 (January 1968): 46. Coleman, Victor. One/Eye/Love. 1 (January 1968): 46. Kiyooka, Roy. Nevertheless These Eyes. 1 (January 1968): 46. Nichol, bp. Journeying & The Returns. 1 (January 1968): 46. Ondaatje, Michael. Dainty Monsters. 1 (January 1968): 46. Phillips, David. The Dream Outside. 1 (January 1968): 46.

The Desert Review (Albuquerque, NM) Fall, ’67. 1 (January 1968): 47.

El Corno Emplumado (Mexico City) #24. 1 (January 1968): 47. Randall, Margaret. Water I Slip Into At Night. 1 (January 1968): 45.

The Floating Bear (Brooklyn, NY) #34. 1 (January 1968): 47.

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Language Study Centre, Toronto Board of Education (Toronto, ON) Sixty-Seven. 2 (July 1968): 34.

Potpourri (Portland, OR) 11/12. 1 (January 1968): 47.

Talon Books & See/Hear Productions (Vancouver, BC) bissett, bill. awake in the red desert. 3 (September 1968): 20.

Weed/Flower Press (Toronto, ON) Bergé, Carol. Poems Made of Skin. 1 (January 1968): 45. bissett, bill. Lebanon Voices. 1 (January 1968): 45. bissett, bill. Of Th Land/Divine Service. 1 (January 1968): 45. Weed #1–12. 1 (January 1968): 47.

Author Biography

Cameron Anstee holds a PhD in Canadian Literature from the University of Ottawa. He is the author of one collection of poetry, Book of Annotations (Invisible Publishing, 2018), and the editor of The Collected Poems of William Hawkins (Chaudiere Books, 2015). He is the editor and publisher of Apt. 9 Press and has published research in Amodern, Journal of Canadian Studies, and Canadian Poetry: Studies, Documents, Reviews.

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Ruth Bradley-St-Cyr

Abstract

This article contains a table of contents to the 4408 pages of official testimony from Ontario’s Royal Commission on Book Publishing, which operated from 1971 to 1973 looking into questions about the business of publishing in Canada. The table of contents helps researchers discover who testified before the commission—whether as individuals or on behalf of their company or organization—and when they testified in order to be able to find the official transcript of their testimony and their accompanying brief in the archival files held at the Archives of Ontario (RG 18-164). The article begins with a short introduction to the commission and its work, followed by six excerpts from the testimony from Quill & Quire, Peter Martin, the McGraw-Hill Company of Canada, Campbell B. Hughes, Dr. Francess G. Halpenny, and Hugh MacLennan. The table of contents comprises the remaining two-thirds of the article.

Résumé

Cet article comprend une table des matières du rapport officiel de 4 408 pages de la Royal Commission on Book Publishing de l’Ontario, qui a été fondée afin d’étudier la situation de l’industrie du livre au Canada et dont les travaux se sont déroulés de 1971 à 1973. La table des matières aide les chercheurs à découvrir l’identité de ceux qui ont témoignés devant la Commission – que ce soit à titre de particuliers ou comme représentants de leur entreprise ou de leur organisation – ainsi que le moment de leurs témoignages pour être en mesure d’en retracer la transcription officielle et les mémoires d’accompagnement dans les dossiers archivistiques conservés par les Archives publiques de l’Ontario (RG 18-164). L’article présente d’abord une brève introduction décrivant la Commission et ses travaux, suivie de six extraits des témoignages suivants : Quill & Quire, Peter Martin,

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McGraw-Hill Company of Canada, Campbell B. Hughes, Dr. Frances G. Halpenny et Hugh MacLennan. Le deux tiers restant de l’article est consacré à la table des matières.

Introduction

Although the testimony officially recorded by Ontario’s Royal Commission on Book Publishing (1971–1973) has languished seemingly unread in the Archives of Ontario since it was deposited there in 1973, its 4408 pages make fascinating reading for book historians. But such a task is quite daunting in the absence of a finding aid that might illuminate who testified, who they represented, when they testified, and what they talked about so that researchers could follow up on their subjects of choice, be they authors, librarians, publishers, booksellers, or students concerned about a lack of Canadian textbooks. This table of contents is not an index, so it cannot help with what was discussed, but it does at least cover the questions of “who” and “when.” The bound books of testimony take up boxes 2–7 of the hundred boxes of files in fonds RG 18-164, which contains correspondence, research done by the commission, newspaper coverage, and many other treasures. Those called to testify were generally those who had sent in briefs in response to the call for public opinion on the matters before the commission, which included the following: (a) the publishing industry in Ontario and throughout Canada with respect to its position within the business community; (b) the functions of the publishing industry in terms of its contributions to the cultural life and education of the people of the Province of Ontario and Canada; (c) the economic, cultural, social or other consequences for the people of Ontario and of Canada of the substantial ownership or control of publishing firms by foreign or foreign-owned or foreign-controlled corporations or by non-Canadians.1 The commissioners also had “the power of summoning any person and requiring him or her to give evidence on oath and to produce such documents and things as the Commissioners deem requisite to the full examination of the matters into which they are appointed

1 Government of Ontario, Orders-in-Council OC–3991.70.

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to examine.”2 This power they certainly did use regarding the matter of the Metro News Company of Toronto, owned by the Molasky family of St. Louis, Missouri, accused of strong-arming the surrounding newsstand distribution company owners into selling their businesses to him. While the regular testimony to the commission was generally collegial and polite, the Molasky testimony was done in a more courtroom-like fashion, with lawyers and objections and mysterious memory lapses on the part of some witnesses, including 22-year-old Mark Molasky, answering for the family business. Ultimately, the Molasky family was prevented from taking over the newsstand markets of Southern Ontario by the commission-sponsored emergency legislation (Bill 64)3 and was forced to sell off what they had already bought. Canadian-owned media company Maclean- Hunter bought out Metro News, the jewel of the Molaskys’ erstwhile Canadian empire. The bound copies of the briefs upon which those who testified before the commission were queried are contained in Boxes 20, 21, and 22 of the fonds.4 Other boxes contain their original, unbound briefs plus other briefs, including those sent in confidentially. There are no accompanying briefs for the Metro News testimony (July 13, 14, 19, 20, 21, and 23, and December 10)—though there are other documents and correspondence—nor for that of the writers who presented as a group on 9 December 1971. The testimony of the writers, which would make a dandy Fringe Festival play, is transcribed in this volume starting on page 141 under the title “The Writers’ Union Meets the Royal Commission.” The Molasky/Metro News testimony might be adapted into an excellent courtroom drama/film noire script, but as it takes up almost 1000 pages of the 4408 pages of testimony, you’ll have to go to the lovely Archives of Ontario reading room to judge for yourself. In order to give a flavour of the testimony, a few brief excerpts from that of Quill & Quire, Peter Martin, the McGraw-Hill Company of Canada, Campbell B. Hughes, Dr. Francess G. Halpenny, and

2 Ibid. 3 The commission issued several interim reports. The second (8 June 1971) and fourth (27 March 1972) dealt with the problems in the distribution of paperbacks and periodicals, with the second interim report resulting in Bill 64 on ownership issues in order to curb the predatory activities of Metro News. 4 Box 20: April 13, 14, 15, 16, 27, and 28; Box 21: April 29 and 30; May 11, 12, and 13; June 1, 2, and 3; Box 22: June 4, 14, and 15; September 28 and 30; November 9, 10, and 12.

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Hugh MacLennan are provided here, followed by the table of contents itself. Quill & Quire is still the main periodical of Canadian book industry news, Peter Martin was one of the founders of the Association of Canadian Publishers, McGraw-Hill Canada was the purchaser of The Ryerson Press, Campbell Hughes should have been the head of The Ryerson Press after Lorne Pierce (in which case it probably never would have lost money and been sold, but that job always went to a United Church clergyman),5 Francess Halpenny was a pioneer of book studies in Canada, and Hugh MacLennan was the author of The Watch That Ends the Night, Two Solitudes, and many other novels, as well as a professor of English at McGill University in Montreal. The commissioners they are testifying to are Richard Rohmer (The Chairman), Mr. Dalton Camp, and Dr. Marsh Jeanneret.

Canada as a civilized nation, is quite the equivalent of any major power in the world but not in publishing. In publishing we are about three rungs down the ladder by any standards. The question is, what are we going to do about it? Presumably that is why you gentlemen are sitting there, is because something is going to be done about it. Even in our small way at Quill & Quire we are trying to do something about it.6 —Quill & Quire

Why the crisis in the industry? We are not able to charge in Canada what must be charged to receive a sufficient return on sales to enable us to do next year’s books. Canadian book publishers are able to make only a very small profit in their operations even when they are operating with very great efficiency. I believe the reason for this is, the book prices in Canada are psychologically for all practical purposes established in New York. This is one of the conditions of our environment and I think it is the most serious and most severe problem we have to face and solve if we are going to have a book publishing industry in this country. […]

5 For more on this line of analysis, see chapter 6 (Textbooks: Campbell B. Hughes, 1947–1969) of my PhD dissertation, The Downfall of The Ryerson Press (University of Ottawa, 2014): https://ruor.uottawa.ca/bitstream/10393/31080/3/ Bradley-St-Cyr_Ruth_2014_thesis.pdf 6 RG 18-164, Box 2, 13 April 1971, testimony of Mr. Sam Stewart, Editorial Director, and Mrs. J. Whittaker, Editor, Quill & Quire, p. 157.

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I publish books for people like me. I wish there were more of them around.7 —Publisher Peter Martin

We are concerned and disturbed that nationalism, which we understand and share, in some corners has become chauvinism. Too often good corporate citizens and substantial contributions to knowledge and culture are being ignored because of ownership. We welcome the opportunity that is being provided by these hearings to set the record straight.8 —McGraw-Hill Canada

I submit that at the present time a Canadian book can be published, can make its way through the qualification screen to Circular 14, and make as much impression in the back of the publisher’s pocket or in the educational world as a raindrop in a mud puddle, because it now joins a group of 1400 books. It is very hard to find new books among some of the old doggies that are on Circular 14. […] One book I was personally involved in has been there for 17 years and by any measure that I can think of in the publishing world, with education moving at that the speed it is, a book 17 years old has either been passed by for the method […] content or […] format.9 —Campbell Hughes

DR. JEANNERET: [to Dr. Francess G. Halpenny] I thought your observations on the lack of formal university credit courses in book publishing were valuable, if only because they point up—you didn’t develop this point, but I know it is very much in your mind, I am sure. They point up the importance of a complementary function of the university department of teaching which is research, and I presume you would agree that it would be by formalizing instruction on publishing at the university level that we would most likely be able to stimulate bona fide research in book publishing

7 RG 18-164, Box 2, 14 April 1971, testimony of Mr. Peter Martin and Mrs. Peter Martin, Peter Martin Associates, pp. 285, 309. 8 RG 18-164, Box 4, 1 June 1971, testimony of Mr. C. Sweeny, Chairman of the Board; Mr. William L. Darnell, Senior Vice-President; Miss Barbara Byam, Vice-President; McGraw-Hill Company of Canada Ltd., p. 1762. 9 RG 18-164, Box 2, 27 April 1971, testimony of Mr. Campbell B. Hughes, President, and Mr. Byron Sims, Van Nostrand Reinhold Ltd., pp. 638–39.

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and then this research would be undertaken by the very people who gave the courses. We could certainly wish that more research could be done on this subject and, indeed, if this happened, probably the Commission would not take the form it does. In fact, we might not need a Commission at all. Would you comment on that? MR. CAMP: One of the problems, of course, is that it [is] a notoriously low-paying industry and does not, or is not as attractive as something else. One gets the impression, for example, that sales and the promotional side is more attractive than the editorial side. DR. HALPENNY: […] I think that if we are to have a lively industry and one which is really serving the purposes of this country, we must have the editors who know their job and who are respected by authors[;] who are seen to be engaged in an essential partnership. […] the characteristic of a good editor is some kind of reasonably broad education, an intense curiosity which they develop as they go on. They have to have a great ability to jump into a lot of subjects suddenly and acquire a sort of feel for them if they are going to talk to authors intelligently. MR. CAMP: And also some psychiatric work. DR. HALPENNY: That is very true. MR. CAMP: […] if we do establish such a course, it would be necessary to supply materials for it. DR. HALPENNY: I asked once [that] all the briefs should be deposited in the library for the course I teach. They would certainly be studied. MR. CAMP: By the time we are through, there won’t be much left out.10

PROFESSOR MACLENNAN: I am only speaking for myself but I have the most profound distrust in government sponsors for that reason that it is obvious in the nature that they will spend more money than private corporations because they

10 RG 18-164, Box 4, 13 May 1971, testimony of Dr. Francess G. Halpenny on the editors of publishing houses and acquisitions, pp. 1641–45.

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have more to spend and waste more. Nevertheless, if you have a good man in government you can get something done. I don’t think this committee was made fully aware of what the position was in Canada 25 years ago. If I was to tell you that 68,000 hardback covers of my novel earned $4,500 and 110,000 copies of Barometer Rising, most of it paperback, made $675, I was taxed on this because it was regarded as taxable as royalty like all royalties. We had a man, who is now gone, whose name was Eaton, but he decided that writing was a profession and, therefore, we were able to get decent kinds of contracts. We had to fight like hell to get a separate Canadian contract. I was the guinea pig in both of those cases. The late Reverend Graham and my late first wife got up a contract that our Canadian publishers with the exception of Mr. John Gray [Macmillan Company of Canada] at that time, all at that time, all except for Ryerson, threatened to blackball any Canadian writer if they demanded a separate Canadian contract, by God! This is what we have been up against. I am a pure individual and I don’t think anything is as expensive as living but, on the other hand, where the hell else do you go? I mean to get the work out. […] I get letters from librarians, telling me, college librarians are afraid to speak out because—for any Canadian textbooks—because they might lose their job, because some huge American textbook firms, and as long as we have got American professors in there— THE CHAIRMAN: Do you have any record of those letters? PROFESSOR MACLENNAN: I can’t give you that but I cross my heart and hope to die. THE CHAIRMAN: You have got a large heart, obviously. PROFESSOR MACLENNAN: No. THE CHAIRMAN: This is the kind of thing we are interested in. PROFESSOR MACLENNAN: We all know these are the realities. If anybody speaks up in this country, by God, he is supposed to be a traitor to Canada!

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DR. JEANNERET: I know we are running out of time but I just wanted to ask one question that has been provoked here to get something on the record. You are talking about the period for soft loans and you think they should be available on the same terms to non-profit publishers, provided any profits are ploughed back into the business and not used to subsidize other activities as may be the case with universities or ecclesiastical publishers. As far as university publishers are concerned, of course, they normally try to plough back everything and more into the publishing, but if you are referring to the fact that at the University of Toronto, the scholarly publishing arm is required to generate all its funds from its publishing and related operations without assistance, direct or indirect, and also to subsidize to a substantial degree textbook distribution service on the campus at a discount to students for political reasons, then I am happy to put on the record that I agree with you.11

Testimony Box 2 Toronto: April 13, 1971

Burns & MacEachern Ltd. Publishers: B.D. Sandwell, President 4 S.C.M. Book Room: Mr. Robert Miller, Book Steward, and Mrs. W.G. Vine, Literature Department 33 Toronto Graphic Arts Labour Council: Mr. T. Osborne, President; Mr. C. Buhler, Executive Board Member; and Mr. T. Wilde, Executive Board Member 58 Author: Mr. John Fisher 91

11 RG 18-164, Box 4, 3 June 1971, testimony of the Canadian Association of University Teachers: Dr. Donald C. Savage, Secretary, Curriculum, Research and Education Committee; Professor K. McNaught, Member; Professor Pierre Couillard, University of Montreal; Professor Hugh MacLennan, McGill University, pp. 2184–87.

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University of Western Ontario, Department of History: Professors W.B. Hamilton, F.H. Armstrong, and Stevenson 118 Quill & Quire: Mr. Sam Stewart, Editorial Director, and Mrs. J. Whittaker, Editor 157

Toronto: April 14, 1971

MacLean-Hunter Ltd. (M-H): Mr. Donald G. Campbell, President; Mr. Gordon J. Rumgay, President; Mr. George Harwood, Executive Vice-President & Managing Director; Mr. Martin Smee, Manager, Fine Books Division, Co- operative Book Centre of Canada Limited (CBCC); Mr. Clair Ingram, Manager, M-H Distributing Company and CBCC 185 MacLean-Hunter Learning Materials Co.: Mr. George W. Gilmour, President, and Mr. Edward Trefiak, General Manager 219 Albert Britnell Book Shop: Mr. Roy Britnell and Mr. Barry Britnell 235 Authors: Mr. Max Braithwaite and Mr. Richard Steacy 252 Algonquin Regional Library System: Mr. R.A. Smith and Mr. S. Brunton 271 Peter Martin Associates: Mr. Peter Martin and Mrs. Peter Martin 282 Antiquarian Booksellers Association: Mr. Peter Weinrich 321 Carswell Co. Ltd.: Mr. Frank Hoare, Secretary-Treasurer 328

Toronto: April 15, 1971

House of Anansi: Mr. Dennis Lee, President, and Mrs. Shirley Gibson 353 The Canadian Society of Book Illustrators: Miss Colette MacNeil, President; Mr. George Brigden, Counsel; Mr. John Lasruk and Mr. D.M. Sneyd 387

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W.B. Saunders Co. Publishers: Mr. J. Cornwall, General Manager 417 Windemere Releasing Co.: Mrs. M.I. Walker, President 424 Festival Editions of Canada Ltd.: Mr. E.J. Grant, President; Professor John Stevens, General Editor; Mr. Tom Patterson; Mr. H. Lipton; and Mr. H. Grute 447 Publishing Consultant: Mr. W.H.E. Belt 473 Alphatext Systems Ltd., Ottawa: Mr. G.A. McInnes, President 489 Tass T. Gundel & Associates: Mr. Tass T. Gundel 503

Toronto: April 16, 1971

Science Research Associates (Canada): Mr. Stanley J. Reid, President 517 Canadian Writers Guild: Mrs. Bella Pomer 558 Pendragon House: Mr. John Badger 574 Progress Books: Mr. Mark Frank, Manager 583

Toronto: April 27, 1971

Van Nostrand Reinhold Ltd.: Mr. Campbell B. Hughes, President, and Mr. Byron Sims 602 Ontario Library Association: Mrs. Irma McDonough, President; Mr. Fred Israel, Vice-President; and Mr. Ronald Yeo 647 W.H. Smith & Son (Canada) Ltd.: Mr. George E. Renison, President, and Mr. D.W. Quick, Merchandising Manager 663 Reader, consumer, citizen: Mr. Alan Heisey 684 Orchard Park Public School, London, Ontario: Kathy George, Donald Craig, David McColl and Tom Coulter, Grade 8 Students 696 Department of History, Trent University: Professor R.J.D. Page 705

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Prentice-Hall of Canada Ltd.: Mr. Wallace A. Matheson, President; Mr. G.B. Halpin, Vice-President, Editorial; Mr. E.E. Campbell, Vice-President, Sales 727 Grolier Ltd.: Mr. Peter Trueland, President; Mr. K.L. Brown, Vice-President; and Mr. Donald S. Stark, Vice-President 761

Box 3 Toronto: April 28, 1971 Canadian Book Publishers’ Council: Mr. Campbell B. Hughes, President; Mr. Toivo Roht, Executive Director; Mr. Wallace A. Matheson, First Vice-President; Mr. L.H. Newnham, Treasurer 779 Seneca College: Mr. John Routh, Course Director 843 Berandol Music Ltd.: Mr. A.J. Twa, President 858 London Free Press: Mr. W.C. Heine, Editor 868 General Publishing Co. Ltd.: Mr. Jack F. Stoddart, President; Mr. Al Knight, Executive Vice-President; Mr. Russell A. Blenkarn, Manager, Educational Dept.; Mr. Rafael Barreto-Rivera, Manager, College Dept.; Mr. Gordon Ratcliffe, General Manager, Book Service of Canada; Mr. Jack Stoddart, Jr., Sales Manager, Musson Books and Paperjacks 896 Scholastic Tab Publications: Mr. W.C. McMaster, Managing Director 943 James, Lewis and Samuel Publishers: Mr. James Lorimer, Vice-President 955

Toronto: April 29, 1971 Ontario Institute for Studies in Education (OISE): Mr. John Main, Head and Editor-in-Chief; Dr. R.W.B. Jackson, Director; Dr. J.H.M. Andrews, Assistant Director; Dr. Alan Brown, Chairman, Editorial Board and Academic Service Officer 984 Upstairs Gallery: Mr. Saul Field, Publisher, and Mrs. Laurie Ayers 1033

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Canadian Book Manufacturers’ Institute: Mr. Michael Pitman, President, Copp Clark Publishing Ltd.; D. M. Alloway, President, Consolidated Graphics Ltd. 1038 Dutch Magazine and Book Import Company Ltd.: Mr. Gerrit Altena 1058 Division of Communication, United Church of Canada: Dr. F.G. Brisbin, Secretary 1062 New Press: Mr. Roy MacSkimming, President; Mr. James Bacque, Secretary-Treasurer; and David Godfrey 1081 Northmount Junior High School: Mr. William Pickering, Chairman, Department of History, and Miss Ruth Thompson, Library Chairman 1113

Toronto: April 30, 1971

Macmillan Company of Canada Ltd.: Dr. John Gray, Chairman of the Board; Mr. Hugh Kane, President; Miss Gladys Neil, Vice-President, School Division 1128 Lake Erie Regional Library System: Mr. C. Deane Kent, Director; Mr. David Skene Melvin, Assistant Director and Secretary-Treasurer 1161 University of Toronto School of Library Science: Professor John Marshall, Asst. Professor; Professor R. Brian Land, Director; Mrs. Pat Fleming, Teaching Assistant; Professor Madis Cariou, Asst. Prof.; and Mr. Lynn Matthews, M.L.S. Student 1186 Radicals for Capitalism: Mr. Geoffrey Nathan 1208

Toronto: May 11, 1971

Clarke, Irwin & Company Ltd.: Dr. William Clarke Vice- President and General Manager 1216 Toronto Public Library Board: Dr. Edmund T. Guest, FACD Chairman, and Mr. H.C. Campbell, Chief Librarian 1261 McGill-Queen’s University Press: Mr. Robin Strachan, Director, and Mr. H.P. Gundy, Associate Director and Senior Editor 1280

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University of Toronto: Professor Vincent Bladen, Professor Emeritus Political Economy, Dean Emeritus Faculty of Arts and Science 1302 Book Society of Canada: Mr. John C.W. Irwin, Chairman of the Board, and Mr. John W. Irwin, President 1314 Doubleday Canada Ltd.: Mr. William R. Havercroft, President; Mr. David J. Nelson, Vice-President and Director of Trade Division; Mr. Douglas Gibson, Editor; and Mr. Peter Maik, Vice-President, Administration Services 1339 Canadian National Institute for the Blind: Mr. E.G. Brown, Chief Librarian and Mrs. J.B. Moody, Consultant on Large Print 1369 Stroud, Bridgeman Press Ltd.: Mr. J.H. Vowles, President, and Mr. William Stroud, Research Director 1378

Toronto: May 12, 1971

Board of Education for the Borough of East York: Mr. D.A. Morrison, Director of Education and Secretary-Treasurer; Mr. F.C. Hill, Chairman of the Board; and Mr. R.G. Taylor, Superintendent of Program 1395 Canadian Historical Review: Professor R. Craig Brown, Editor; Professor Ramsay Cook, Past Editor; and Michael S. Cross, Assistant Professor of History 1428 J.M. Dent & Sons (Canada) Ltd.: Mr. C. Skinner, President 1442 Welland County Roman Catholic School Board: Mr. Alex Kuska, Superintendent of Education and Secretary-Treasurer 1477 Saannes Publications Ltd.: Mr. James Gall, President, and Mr. Yuri Rubinsky, Sales Manager 1491 Ontario Council of University Librarians: Mr. John Martin, Secretary; Mr. Donald A. Redmond, Chairman, and Mr. William Watson, Member 1506 Griffin Press Ltd. (Griffin House): Mr. John W. Griffin, President, and Mr. D.W. McDonald, Trade and Text Book Manager 1538

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University and College Publishers’ Group of the Canadian Book Publishers’ Council: Mr. Rex Williams, Chairman; Mr. Lloyd Elmer, Vice-Chairman, and Mr. Ivor Owen 1549 Ontario Teachers’ Federation: Mrs. Hazel Farr, President; Mr. R.G. Dickson, Executive Secretary; Mrs. S. Dubois, Assistant Secretary; and Mr. Omer Deslauriers, Member 1564

Box 4 Toronto: May 13, 1971

Gage Educational Publishing Ltd.: Dr. M.O. Edwardh, President; Mr. J.K. Payne, Marketing Manager; Mr. R.H. Lee, Managing Editor; and Mr. D.H. Ritchie, Manager of Production and Design 1580 University of Toronto: Dr. Francess G. Halpenny 1637 Canadian Federation of University Women (The Ontario Clubs): Miss E. Lillian Handford, Vice-President, Ontario; Mrs. John Harbron; Mrs. Tim Reid; Professor Clara Thomas 1647 York County School Librarians’ Association: Mr. Ian Scott, President, and Mr. John E. Hastings, Librarian 1669 OISE Office of Field Development: Dr. W.R. Wees, Assistant to the Coordinator 1695 Canadian Booksellers’ Association: Mr. George A. Ramsay, President; Mrs. R.B. Moore, Director; Mr. William Roberts, Director; Mr. Bruce McCorkell, Secretary-Treasurer 1714 Canadian Authors’ Association: Miss M. Carol Wilson, President, and Mrs. Lyn Harrington, Secretary-Treasurer 1742

Toronto: June 1, 1971

McGraw-Hill Company of Canada Ltd.: Mr. C. Sweeny, Chairman of the Board; Mr. William L. Darnell, Senior Vice- President; Miss Barbara Byam, Vice-President 1760 University of Toronto Press: Miss E.T. Harman, Associate Director 1798

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Canadian Copyright Institute: Mr. Roy Sharp, Q.C., Executive Director; J.C.W. Irwin, Vice-Chairman of the Board; John [Jack] Gray, Member, Board of Governors 1809 Board of Education for the City of Toronto: Mr. R.E. Jones, Director of Education; Mr. A.L. Milloy, Superintendent of Secondary Schools; Mr. Eugene Gattinger, Chief Librarian; Mr. M. Lafontaine, Head of the Documentation Section of the Education Centre Library; Dr. Maurice W. Lister, Trustee; Mr. Barry G. Lowes, Trustee 1841 Oxford University Press, Canadian Branch: Mr. I.M. Owen General Manager, Toronto Branch; Mr. W.E. Toye, Editorial Director 1884 Independent Publishers’ Association: Mr. Peter Martin, President; Dr. W.H. Clarke, Vice-President; Mr. Roy McSkimming, Secretary 1923 Middlesex County Board of Education: Mr. T.G. Lloyd, Chairman of the Board 1954

Toronto: June 2, 1971

Canadian Books in Print: Mr. Harald Bohne, Assistant Director 1963 Author: Mr. Dennis Lee 1982 Canadian Institute of International Affairs: Mr. John W. Holmes, Director General, and Mrs. Marion Magee, Editor 2002 Canadian Review of Books Ltd.: Mr. Val Clery, Editor; Mr. Randall Ware, Assignment Editor; and Mr. Douglas Marshall, Managing Editor 2022 Thomas Allen & Son Ltd.: Mr. John D. Allen, President 2031 D.C. Heath Canada Ltd.: Mr. S. Starkman, President, and Mr. R. Ross, Vice-President, Marketing 2041 GLC Educational Materials and Services Ltd.: Mr. W.B. Hanna, President 2065 Poseidon Press: Mr. Alfred Rushton 2077

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Brock University, Department of Geological Sciences: Professor J. Terasmae, Chair 2089

Toronto: June 3, 1971

Council of Ontario Universities: Dr. A.D. Dunton 2100 Board of Education for the Borough of York: Mr. William Bayes, Board Chairman; Mr. D. John Phillips, Asst. Superintendent of Program; Miss Muriel Weston, Library Consultant; Mr. Michael Roe, Information Officer 2133 Canadian Association of University Teachers: Dr. Donald C. Savage, Secretary, Curriculum, Research and Education Committee; Professor K. McNaught, Member; Professor Pierre Couillard, University of Montreal; Professor Hugh MacLennan, McGill University 2158 Book & Periodical Acquisitions Ltd.: Mr. Barry N. Brawn, President; Mr. Roy Bowland, Director of Marketing 2189 John Wiley & Sons Canada Ltd.: Mr. J.M. Vice, President; Mr. Pat Hurley, Sales Manager 2206 Canadian Association of School Administrators: Mr. R.H. Wallace, Executive Secretary 2217 Canadian Association of Principals of Independent Schools for Girls: Miss C. Steele; Miss Hazel W. Perkin, Secretary; Sister Benedetta, Vice-President; Sister Ruth Helen 2225 University of Western Ontario, Faculty of Law: Mr. B.J. Arnold, Assistant Professor 2236 Publisher and Author: Mr. Lovat Dickson 2264

Toronto: June 4, 1971

Ontario Secondary School Teachers’ Federation: Mr. R.E. Saunders, Assistant Secretary 2285 Addison Wesley (Canada) Ltd.: Mr. Paul Bolton, Vice-President and General Manager; Mr. G.M. Bryson, Vice-President, School Division; Mr. M.E. Croucher, Controller 2315

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Thomas Nelson & Sons (Canada): Mr. Jack C. Fleming, President; Mr. Wm. H.E. Belt, Vice-President, Publishing; Mr. John A. Tory, Q.C., Director, The Thomson Organization Ltd. 2347 Canadian Association of Professors of Education: Professor J.N. Paton, University of Toronto; Professor T.B. Greenfield, President 2365

Box 5

Ottawa: June 14, 1971

Canadian Library Association: Dr. Robert A. Blackburn, Chief Librarian, University of Toronto Library; Mr. Clifford Currie, Executive Director; Miss Betty Hardie, Second-Vice- President; Miss Martha Shepard, President 2390 Canadian Library Association Publishers: Professor Brian Land, Director of the Graduate School of Library Science, University of Toronto; Mr. Clifford Currie, Executive Director 2412 Oberon Press: Mr. Michael Macklem 2424 Canterbury House, Anglican Book Society: Rev. Borden Purcell, Chairman of the Board; Mr. Donald Meakin, Manager 2458 Royal Military College: Dr. D.C. Baird, Professor of Physics 2476 Compkey Ltd.: Mr. David Brown, President 2494 Algonquin College, Department of Family Studies: Mrs. Bettye Hyde, Course Coordinator, Early Childhood Education 2513 University of Toronto Library: Dr. Robert A. Blackburn, Chief Librarian; Mr. David G. Esplin, Associate Librarian, Book Selection and Acquisitions 2540 Budding writer: Mr. John F. Marriott 2571 Author of Eskimo and Indian People: Mr. J.H. McNeill, Carleton Place, Ontario 2584

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Ottawa: June 15, 1971

French Language Advisory Committees of the Ottawa and Carleton Boards of Education: Mr. L.J. Poirier, Coordinator of Bilingualism, Algonquin College 2594 Canadian Teachers’ Federation: Mr. Peter Fieger, President; Miss Geraldine Channon, Executive Secretary 2612 L’Association des Enseignants Franco-Ontariens: Mr. George Gauthier, President; Mr. Réjean Bélanger, Assistant Secretary 2638 Association Canadienne-Française de l’Ontario: Mr. Jean Menard; Mr. O. Deslauriers; Mr. Seraphin Marion; Mr. Gerard Levesque; Mr. Marc Foisy-Desforges 2659 Carleton Library Editorial Board: Dr. D.M.L. Farr, General Editor; Dr. R.L. McDougall; Mr. James Marsh 2673 Palm Publishers Ltd.: Mr. Robert W. Keyserlingk, President 2693 Harvest House Ltd.: Mr. M. Gertler, Editor 2714 Potential author: Mr. J.G.I. MacKay 2754 Social Science Research Council of Canada and Humanities Research Council of Canada: Mr. John Banks, Executive Secretary; Mrs. Penelope Williams 2761 Lisgar Collegiate: Mr. Jack O. Gibbons, student (re. mistakes in a textbook on Circular 14) 2786

Toronto: July 13, 14, and 19, 1971

Metro News: Mark Molasky and related witnesses, examined by Mr. Holland and Mr. Sedgwick, as well as by the commissioners 2791–3369

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Box 6

Toronto: July 20, 21, and 23, 1971

Metro News: Mark Molasky and related witnesses, examined by Mr. Holland and Mr. Sedgwick, as well as by the commissioners. 3371–3676

Thunder Bay: September 28, 1971

Education of Northwestern Ontario: Mr. R.R. Steele, Regional Director 3678 Confederation College Bookstore: Mr. Warren Goodwin, Manager 3703 Lakehead University: Professor J.P. Lovekin, Faculty of Education 3714 Lakehead University Bookstore: Mrs. P. Laban, Manager 3735 Lakehead Board of Education: Mr. F.C. MacDonald, Superintendent of Curriculum; Mrs. Susan Simonsen, Trustee 3748 Lakehead District Roman Catholic Separate School Board: Mr. Jack Malcolm, Learning Materials Co-ordinator; Mr. W.L.C. Greer, B.L.S. 3766 Northwestern Regional Library System: Mr. Frank Obljubek, Regional Consultant 3779 Group of Interested Librarians: Mrs. Beckie Barber, Adult Services Librarian, Thunder Bay Public Library System 3788 Business Supply Company (Lakehead) Ltd.: Mrs. Pat McFaddin, Manager, Book Department 3801

Sudbury: September 30, 1971

Laurentian University Library: Mr. Bruce MacNeil, Chief Librarian, Pro tem; Mr. Glen Kelly, Acquisitions Librarian 3808

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Laurentian University Bookstore: Mr. Richard Morin, Manager 3832 Wolfe’s Bookstore: Mr. Wolfe Moses, Manager 3840 Elementary school teacher: Mr. J. Rodriguez 3858 Sudbury Public Library: Mr. Peter Hallsworth, Director 3881 Cambrian College: Mr. Bill McLeod, Instructor Business Administration 3894

Toronto: November 9, 1971

Coutts Library Service Ltd.: Mr. John Coutts, President 3906 Fitzhenry & Whiteside Ltd.: Mr. R.I. Fitzhenry, President, and Mr. C.L. Whiteside, Vice-President 3935 Educational Media Association: Mr. James Miller, Chairman of the Committee, Dr. Neil Nelson and Mr. Gordon Jarrell 3953 Canadian Copyright Institute: Mr. Michael Pitman, Chairman of the Board; Mr. Roy C. Sharp, Q.C., Executive Director; J.C.W. Irwin; and John [Jack] Gray 3969 Canadian Educational Publishers Group of the Canadian Book Publishers Council: Mr. Stanley Reid, President; Mr. John Irwin, Jr., Director; and Miss Gladys Neale, Director 3985 Waterloo County Board of Education: Mr. H.E. MacMillan, Area Superintendent; Mr. W.T. Townshend, Superintendent of Planning and Development; and Mr. S.B. Whitney, Assistant Superintendent of Planning and Development 4011 Canadian Association of University Teachers (CAUT), Association of Canadian Television and Radio Artists (ACTRA), Ontario Confederation of University Faculty Associations (OCUFA), and Ontario Teachers Federation (OTF): Professor Donald Savage, Senior Associate Executive Secretary, CAUT; Mr. Jack Gray, Chairman, Writers’ Council, ACTRA; Mr. Paul Weinzweig, OCUFA; Mrs. Sheila Dubois, OTF; and Miss Margaret Collier 4026

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Toronto: November 10, 1971

Provincial Council of Women of Ontario: Mrs. Gordon B. Armstrong, President; Mrs. E. Falle, Vice-President; Mrs. W.A. Riddell; Mrs. Harman; and Mrs. N.L. Ferries 4054 Ontario Institute for Studies in Education: Dr. J.R. Kidd, Chairman, Department of Adult Education 4089 Community Resource Centre: Miss Reni Jackman, Mr. Ray James, and Mr. John MacDonald 4112 Mother: Mrs. Margaret Tyson 4121 68 Publishers: Mr. Josef Skvorecky and Zdena Skvorecky 4142 Lincoln County Board of Education: Mr. John Bassett, Consultant, and Mr. Norman Sheffe, Consultant 4150 Middlesex County Roman Catholic Separate School Board: Mr. Eugene L. Ennis, Assistant Superintendent; Mrs. Helen Meyer, Learning Materials Consultant; and Mrs. Alene Skikavich, Teacher-Librarian 4168

Box 7 Toronto: November 12, 1971

McClelland & Stewart Ltd.: Mr. Jack McClelland, President; Mr. Harry Ritchie, Vice-President 4193 Secondary school teacher: Mr. Don McNeil, Peel County 4248 Author of 200,000 word MS: Rev. H.R. Rokeby-Thomas 4262 Sarnia St. Clair Secondary School: Mr. James Millar, Commercial Director 4268

Toronto: December 9, 1971

Writers: Farley Mowat, David Helwig, Al Purdy, Hugh Garner, Jack Gray, Max Braithwaite, Graeme Gibson, Fred Bodsworth, June Callwood, Margaret Atwood, Ian Adams, and Dennis Lee 4282

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Toronto: December 10, 1971

Metro News: John Romanez, questioned by Richard Rohmer 4346–4408

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Archives of Ontario, Royal Commission Fonds

Abstract

In November 1970, a crisis arose in the Canadian publishing industry: The Ryerson Press, English Canada’s oldest publishing house, was sold to American branch plant McGraw-Hill. In response, the Ontario government mounted a Royal Commission to investigate the business conditions of publishing in Canada. The commission accepted briefs from anyone who wanted their say and heard hundreds of hours of testimony. But it wasn’t until Farley Mowat bumped into Richard Rohmer at a party and demanded to know why the commission wasn’t talking directly to writers—they had actually heard from the few who had sent in briefs—that the date was set for 9 December 1971 for a group of writers to give their testimony. Some of those who testified went on to found The Writers’ Union of Canada (TWUC) in 1973. Jack Gray went on to separate the Writers Guild of Canada (WGC) from the Alliance of Canadian Cinema, Television and Radio Artists (ACTRA) in order to get a better deal for scriptwriters. The writers testifying before the commission here include June Callwood, Margaret Atwood, Ian Adams, Hugh Garner, Al Purdy, Farley Mowat, Max Braithwaite, David Helwig, Jack Gray, Graeme Gibson, Fred Bodsworth, and Dennis Lee.

Résumé

En novembre 1970, une crise a éclaté dans l’industrie canadienne de l’édition : The Ryerson Press, la plus ancienne maison d’édition canadienne de langue anglaise, a été vendue à la succursale américaine de McGraw-Hill. En réponse à cette crise, le gouvernement ontarien a mis sur pied une commission royale pour investiguer la conjoncture économique de l’édition au Canada. La Commission a accepté les mémoires déposés par quiconque avait son mot à dire et a entendu des centaines d’heures de témoignages. Mais ce n’est que lorsque Farley Mowat a rencontré Richard Rohmer à une réception et

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qu’il a cherché à savoir pourquoi la Commission ne s’adressait pas directement aux auteurs – ils avaient en fait entendu les quelques auteurs qui avaient envoyé des mémoires – qu’une date a été fixée, soit le 9 décembre 1971, pour entendre les témoignages d’un groupe d’auteurs. Certains de ceux qui ont témoigné ont entrepris de fonder la Writer’s Union of Canada (TWUC) en 1973. Jack Gray a fait des démarches pour que la Writers Guild of Canada (WGC) et l’Alliance of Canadian Cinema, Television and Radio Artists (ACTRA) soient deux entités distinctes afin d’obtenir un meilleur arrangement pour les scénaristes. Les auteurs qui ont témoigné devant la Commission incluent les suivants : June Callwood, Margaret Atwood, Ian Adams, Hugh Garner, Al Purdy, Farley Mowat, Max Braithwaite, David Helwig, Jack Gray, Graeme Gibson, Fred Bodsworth et Dennis Lee.

O Canada, O Canada, O can A day go by without new authors springing To paint the native maple, and to plan More ways to set the selfsame welkin ringing? —F. R. Scott1

Toronto, Ontario, Thursday, December 9, 1971

On commencing at 10:30 a.m.2 THE CHAIRMAN: I think perhaps we can begin. This is the last session of our public hearings in relation to book publishing generally. We have further hearings in relation to other matters that have been brought to our attention by the government of Ontario. This will be our wind-up day as far as these public hearings are concerned.

1 F. R. Scott, “The Canadian Authors Meet,” Overture (Toronto: Ryerson Press, 1945), https://canpoetry.library.utoronto.ca/scott_fr/poem3.htm. 2 Notes on the title page of this volume of testimony: Mr. Robert Fleming, Executive Secretary; Hearings held at 252 Bloor Street West, Toronto, Ontario, December 9, 1971; This transcript [pp. 4283 to 4340 of the testimony] has not been edited, corrected or revised by the Commissioners, but may subsequently be edited, corrected and revised; Nethercut & Company Ltd., Phone: 363-3111, 48 York St., Toronto 1.

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We consider it highly appropriate that we have the creative sector of the book publishing industry here with us today. We are most interested to hear what the writers have to tell us. We think their contribution to our work is going to be most important. I might say, from a personal point of view, we all speak for ourselves on this side of the table, but from my own point of view I am becoming more and more concerned about the whole question of the atmosphere of this country in terms of the authors and what can be done to improve the atmosphere for writing and authorship and literary endeavour in this country. I think this is becoming more and more important as we proceed. This is very much on my mind and I am sure it is on the minds of my fellow Commissioners. We welcome you and Farley may tell us why we are all here and how it started, but that is up to him. We are delighted to have you here and we are most interested to hear what you have to say. We will ask you questions and I am looking forward to a very informative session this morning. Farley, I think you are going to lead off, are you not? MR. MOWAT: Thank you, sir, very much. Well, who we are it is necessary to define us. This little group sitting at this table doesn’t pretend to represent all the writers in Canada. That would be impossible. What we do represent is ourselves as a group of fully professional writers and we believe that, because we are fully professional writers, that our problems are universal problems with the writing fraternity in this country. I want to make the point that the group before you today does not include any literary dilettantes. We are writers of books, if not always full-time, that is only because we cannot always afford to spend all of our time writing books, because we can’t survive on that alone. How we got here is purely accidental. One of the most beautiful accidents that could only happen to writers who are, in many ways, inconsequential people. As Mr. Rohmer well knows it happened at a party that was held by a publisher at which I had the misfortune to take that last drink and I saw Mr. Rohmer and I was filled with fury at what the Commission—what I thought the Commission was doing, so I dashed up to him, accosted him and said “Look, you [are] neglecting the primary producers. We, the writers of Canada, want to be heard.” To my horror and chagrin he said, “That is exactly what we want to hear. We will give you a day. Come and talk to us.” This, just threw me into a complete state of paralysis. I have been

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trying ever since to work out some functioning method of meeting this promise that you have given us. It is very important to note that we are not here, either individually or as a group, to register individual beefs, individual complaints against the system. Every writer here has done what they have done and have come up the hard way. We have all worked bloody hard to what we have got. We are not making an issue of that. That is over, that is past, that is done. The basis of all our submissions today, all our conversations is that we are concerned and very deeply concerned about the continuing, the on-going flood of writers in this country. So, please do remember this and I ask the press to remember this specifically. We are not asking for any more, anything including money ourselves. We are asking for our society to produce a condition that will be advantageous to new writers coming up. Why do we bother? What is the value of the writer in our society? We think that we are probably the only people left in Western society who are absolutely free to speak our minds. We are the only people who are not associated in any way with commerce, while we are peripherally with publishers, but you could hardly call that commerce (laughter). We are not associated with sponsors. We may or may not have political affiliations, but we are not directly, any of us, the tools or the right-hand of politicians. We think we are the last of the free people in this society. We are untrammelled people. We serve many purposes in it. We are able to entertain, which is vital in a world which is going to the dogs. We are able to educate and, in fact, we are the educators. We are able to interpret what is happening in this world and maybe we are the only ones who are able to do this without control. We think we are the watchdogs and the only watchdogs that the Canadian people now have. We think that with us rests essentially the Canadian identity, the Canadian consciousness. Whatever there has been in the past of a Canadian consciousness, it is almost entirely due to writers, not to the businessman, most assuredly, not in recent times, due to the political atmosphere. If there is such a thing as a future for Canada, we believe it will be due mainly to writers. We do not believe that Canada can survive without us. If Canada wishes to survive, and I am convinced, and I think all of us are, that most Canadians want this country to survive, then they must wish that we will survive as well, not just as what we have been in the past, peripheral to society, but as strong viable elements in the society.

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A Friend of mine who is almost anonymous, called Jack McClelland, once wrote that writers are the most important national asset of this country. With this basic statement, we do not wish to disagree, but another statement of his in which he said, “In book publishing the author’s interests are paramount and any publisher who forgets this simple fact is in trouble,” we feel requires amendation. We would like to put it this way: The author’s interest should be paramount and not only to publishers, but to everybody in the trade, printers, right down the line, booksellers, librarians and so on. None of them should forget this simple fact. So we think we have a problem in survival. First, in this area is the fact that we have no power base. We are almost totally dependent on publishers, reviewers, the trade, the whole structure. We, ourselves, have no power base in a world where everyone must have a power base to survive. The next point is that we are almost inexorably caught in the squeeze between U.S. and English publishing. The next point is that Canadian writing in general lacks a solid, economic base. We just don’t have it. The next point is that we lack status and position. Now, it may sound odd—I am not pleading on our behalf for status and position—I am only pointing out to you that, if you are going to function in society today, you must have these two things. I, personally, abhor this fact but I recognize the absolute necessity of it. We, at the moment, are rather peripheral in Canadian society. The last general point is the difficulty of being heard. This is becoming increasingly a problem for all of us. Magazines are becoming fewer, book publishing is becoming tighter. There are fewer and fewer outlets for young writers. If I was a young writer today, faced with the necessity of trying to break my way into this business, I think I would either get drunk, cut my throat, or join IBM and all three are about of equal value (laughter). Now, we have some specific suggestions to improve the generic situation that confronts us. I am going to give you the overall areas and then each area will be covered in some detail by a member of our group. The first is that we require a new system, a brand new system of grants and subsidies, awards and incentives. The next is

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that, for once we are making our voices heard for a demand for the protection of our rights as authors, as primary producers. The next is that we require—we do not demand this because we recognize the difficulties the publishers are in—to require a better deal with the publishers and with the entire book trade. The last point—and it may be the most important—we must have better, improved markets, not because of the money that comes in from these markets, which is important to us, but because we have to have a broader spectrum of readership. We have to be more available to the people of this country than we are now. The procedure which we will follow will, perhaps, be explained to you by the chairman. Before he does so, I would like to make one concluding statement. The Canadian literary scene is, as far as I can gather, almost unique in the Western world, perhaps in the world, in that it has been since its beginnings and it remains dominated almost entirely by dilettantes and amateurs. There is a body of professional writers in this country and we are no longer willing to tolerate this situation, nor are we willing to be treated any more as a peripheral element in the Olympian homes of the dilettante interests or in the publishers’ interests. Although it goes very, very much against my personal grain, and the grain, I suspect, of practically every professional writer in this country, because we are first and foremost individualists, that is where our strength lies, we now feel that we must organize, not essentially to protect our own position, but to make bloody good and sure that there is a position and the position will exist for young writers, people coming up, one which will encourage imaginative and talented people to take up the pen in increasing numbers and the subsequent effect upon our society which we are sure will be of advantage to society. We are going to form our own union and we are going to work very strenuously for all the things which will be described to you by the other people here. Thank you very much, sir. THE CHAIRMAN: Thank you, Mr. Mowat. I take it all this has come from your rushing up to me at the cocktail party? MR. MOWAT: It is entirely your fault. If there was a union formed, sir, I may tell you that you will be the man who will have to bear the blame. (Laughter)

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THE CHAIRMAN: My understanding is that you wish to proceed on the basis of having certain members of your group speak to certain parts, certain concepts, and the first is Mr. Helwig, in terms of grants and subsidies, awards and incentives. MR. HELWIG: This is obviously a central and crucial area, particularly with regard to this situation since it is the area which one is talking about, direct government spending, in many cases with relation to books and publishing and authors. I think probably one could get a fair bit of agreement on the fact that in the economic situation in Canada, where publishing is perhaps somewhat a frail flower, that some kind of support is needed for publishing and writers and that kind of support has rarely been given. There are a number of ways in which this support can be given and I think they are very great and when Farley suggests we need a brand new system I am certainly not here to outline it, I am simply going to discuss a number of areas that have occurred to him, to me and to others here as being areas where change might be considered or where more action might be considered in order to make publishing and writing more vital. The area of awards is a rather specific one and probably the most important single matter about any literary award is that it is a public declaration and by making a public declaration the group granting the award, whether it is the federal government, provincial government or publishers’ group or any group at all, makes a public declaration that they consider this book to be important. Therefore, it becomes a matter in a sense of public acceptance of a specific book and of the idea that books are an important element in our society and that good books are being written. So, the idea of an increased number of awards is not simply, I think, a suggestion that we put a little more money in more writers’ pockets, it is a matter of suggesting that the publishing of books and the writing of books be a much more openly declared type of public and valuable act. There might for example—and this is certainly not an entirely new suggestion—be an Ontario version of the Governor General’s awards which would simply be a matter of the government saying, “We consider book publishing important and we want to declare this as a public act and want to give some kind of specific awards which are also a general gesture towards the importance of books and publishing.”

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Clearly any awards like this are going to be important, both for the effect on sales of books and at some level for the actual content of the award. Another point that has been suggested that I think Farley made in his sort of grand list of suggestions was that, awards if they are to be given, should not be token awards they should be significant awards—I think certainly it is a matter that is worth thinking about—[I] think there is a significant difference between saying, “here is a token award of so much money which means we think your book is important” or “here is an award which allows you to write for one year or two years and produce another book because we think your book is important.” Another possible suggestion is a category of special awards to new writers not simply bursaries, not simply financial support but awards which would say, “here is a man who has published a book, his name is not very well known, you probably do not know him yet, but one panel, or whoever made the selection, thinks this is an important new writer.” It may not be the best book of the year by a new writer and again will serve to make a book like this more open to the public to once again get in a society where geographically we are widely spread and where news for that reason cannot always travel by word of mouth to get the news out that the book is there, it is a good book, an exciting book and ought to be read. The whole area of grants and subsidies is I think a somewhat separate one, awards in a sense are a specified limited area and I think they have quite clear value but do not always overlap with the problems of grants and subsidies and clearly the problem of grants and subsidies is enormous and we have discussed it before in various contexts and I cannot even sum up the whole problem. I can only make suggestions again from the point of view of a writer of how these things are of some use. At the moment, for example, obviously the Ontario Council for the Arts is giving specific book subsidies and clearly, I think, we would all support this, the fact that a publisher can go to the Ontario Arts Council and say, “I want to do this specific book and I do not think it is economically viable and would you consider giving support?” I know in some cases they have done this or given support for a small program of publishing and this has been rather limited but it is I think at the same time rather valuable. The Ontario Arts Council has also been giving some individual awards and I believe they have been in a process of changing their policy on that but I am not too clear about that.

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Another suggestion that has been made is the whole area of book development grants rather than a specific book or a specific grant for a specific book and that is a suggestion that one can say, “here is a plan of development we want to do this series or this group of series or this group of books or this kind of series” and you either get a subsidy or get a loan or at least money of some sort to help the development of a publishing company forward. Yet this is by no means a new suggestion. It has been fairly widely suggested that the idea of a publishing development corporation would be a useful thing. One variation of this which I do think is interesting is that there are obvious problems in giving money to one publisher rather than another or deciding which publisher should get them and how much and there may be areas in which subsidy is possible not in terms of a single publisher but in terms of the Canadian publishing industry or the publishing of Canadian books. It seems to me to be a really useful idea for the publishers to discuss or the Royal Commission to consider with the publishers, that is the idea of some kind of publishers’ co-operative which in certain areas could provide a kind of negotiating power, especially if you are connected with a writer’s union, which will be discussed later on, a kind of negotiating power might be very useful. For example, I think we all know the problem of paperback distribution. If there were a single paperback imprint run co- operatively by those who are publishing Canadian books, and if a small publisher who might have, say, one or two books in a given year that might be viable in supermarkets and drug stores need not set out to start a venture in order to get those two books but would have available to him this co-operative general imprint which would provide, again possibly subsidized or certainly government-supported, from the point of view of the theory and possibly also the money, a way of dealing with some of these economic problems so you have a single imprint which would have some kind of muscle in dealing with rack jobbers and dealing with the economic problems of paperback distribution. Heaven knows it may well be the publishers who are publishing in Canada would not want this. It seems to me from a writer’s viewpoint it might be very useful and I think that the distribution of books in difficult areas might also be usefully handled by something like a publishers’ co-operative. If you look at the cities of Ontario you find the larger cities usually have one or two fairly good bookstores but the smaller cities where

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there clearly are readers simply do not. If you go to Owen Sound or Cornwall or Trenton, whichever part of the province you know, you could probably list four or five examples where you would have a city where there is likely to be at least a few hundred people who will be reading Canadian books from time to time and might well be reading more if the books were available. In most cases there will not be enough of them to make a large commercial bookstore functional. Again, the possibility of some kind of co-operative series of bookstores, run by a publishers’ co-operative or something of this sort on a small scale, but getting books there so they are available to people. I am sure there are other areas where distribution is particularly difficult for single publishers simply because you cannot afford to spend a lot of money on sales when there are only a limited number of sales which might usefully be handled co-operatively. Another area in which government support, not simply in terms of subsidy or in terms of handing out money may be useful, is in the area of sales to educational institutions, public libraries, government institutions, and so on. Now, many of these are now buying books but the books they buy again depend partly upon the sales staff of the publishers and depend partly upon the publicity given to the books and in many cases I think there is a random element in this as well but all these are cases where the government is, in fact, at one level or another, putting up the money that is being spent for educational buying for public libraries, in government institutions and where it need not be a matter of saying, “We are going to hand out money to the publishers.” It may be simpler to say, “Let us look at the amount of government money that is indirectly going to go into buying books, look at how large it is and see about increasing it somewhat,” but not handing the publishers money but making sales easier so that the cost of selling books might well go down. This again could well be related to the idea of a gesture in terms of awards being made toward books, the actual distribution of books that have been given the awards. In general then, this is a central problematical area which by no means can be summed up in a few minutes. I think if one could make a general statement about it, clearly there will be some level of subsidy, it should be a much higher level of subsidy and it may well be that the Ontario Arts Council ought to have more money to use in the way they are already using their money. I think generally the point

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is that money should be used as aggressively and as imaginatively as possible in order to get what we are writing to the people who might be interested in reading it, not simply to give money to publishers in order to silence them and make them go away and be quiet. THE CHAIRMAN: Mr. Mowat, I think there is a point you want to raise? MR. MOWAT: Yes, I am adding something to David’s dissertation by agreement. There was one specific subject I wanted to speak about myself and David gave it to me. There was some argument about this and finally he said, “Okay fine you can have it because you have the bottle.” He knew very well if he did not give it to me he would not get another drink. I want to talk about the Canada Council while we are talking about the area of subsidies and grants. It would be a good idea if I started at the beginning, would it not? I have spent a moderate amount of time incidental to my own business trying to find out what the Canada Council is all about. I have amassed a fair amount of information and because I personally have never had a grant, never expect to get one and after this dissertation I will be absolutely assured that I will never get one, I feel that I am perhaps the only member of the group who can speak absolutely freely about how most of us feel about the Canada Council in our guts. I conclude that it is no more than a secretive in-grown bureaucratic club possessed of one great big pork barrel from which it deals out spare ribs almost entirely—no, I retract that,—very largely to incompetents, to non-creative people many of whom are grafters to foreigners, non- Canadians, people who do not belong in this country, to sycophants, to dilettantes, to tourists, looking for a free holiday abroad, selections that are too often based upon nepotism. Now, having said that, I will modify it by saying I am fully aware that the Canada Council has done a very notable amount of good in this country. Just enough to save it from any really honest investigation or attack. I believe that the Canada Council is operating at about 5 per cent, more or less, because I always invent my own statistics, of its potential efficiency. I consider that in effect it is a bureaucratic sham, and a Canadian shame. Now, having attacked it as viciously as I know how I am prepared to make recommendations and these have to be personal as to what can be done to turn the Canada Council into the organ that it was originally intended to be.

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My first recommendation is that the present governing and selective body be fired in total and that new administrative and selective bodies be hired or appointed and be composed mainly of working artists. Since I am speaking as a writer I would expect to have a very large percentage of working writers in it. Leavened by a few creative critics and I cannot help but make the point that there are damn few creative critics in this country, and that is an area where we badly need something new, possibly some businessmen in the trade and I will suggest that Jack McClelland is one of them because he is obviously looking for a second career. There should be no politicians, no academics. All the Canada Council’s activities should be extended by the widest possible publicity, a complete end to secrecy in the Canada Council. They should seek publicity so that the Council becomes a prominent, respected and really vital organization to support the Canadian arts. There must be, and I don’t say there should be—there must be total separation between the support of the arts and the support of the academics. The academic people have had at their beck and call, an innumerable list of potential financial supporters, all sorts of foundations, grants and so forth. The artists have almost none. I strongly recommend the Canada Council disassociate itself or break itself into twins and one half become really devoted to the creative arts and the other half—let us even give it a dif- ferent name and call it the Academic Council, to deal with the academics. The Committee which selects recipients of grants should be openly identified. We should know who they are, every one of us. Their decisions should be open, the proposals of the recipients or the applicants for grants should be made available to the needy. The system of grants itself requires radical change. If the present organization is maintained, that is, containing academics and creative people, 80 per cent or more of the money should go to the creative people and the other 20 per cent, maybe to the academics. Here is a real pile of dynamite, this one. I don’t believe that any grants should be issued by the Canada Council until some proof of capability is given. At the present, the selection system is a sick joke. A Newfoundland dog, as Joey Smallwood would have said about it, could get a Canada Council grant provided he got three good letters of recommendation and I am not sure that some Newfoundland dogs have not been recipients. (Laughter)

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Under the system that I propose, an applicant would either have to submit a previously published work of recognized promise or a previously written work—it doesn’t have to be published, but he would have to produce a corpus which would demonstrate that he had some promise, he had some capability. Either that, or he would produce a chapter or two, some portion of the work that he wants support for. MR. LEE: Bullshit! MR. MOWAT: We will get to you. If you can’t produce that, baby, that is what you deserve. I think any writer worth his goddamn salt, no matter if he is working in a salt mine, can find time to produce a few chapters or paragraphs to demonstrate that he has the capability. I don’t think the Canada Council should accept the kind of synopses which they now get, which are no more than sales pitches. I think all grants should be paid on a sequential basis, not in lump sums, as the work goes forward, you get paid. There should be no second grant until you have proved that the first one has been well used, until that has been demonstrated. There should be no date deadline in an application. The applications might be selected every three months, every two months, or you might just take no time limit. When the Canada Council gets an application from somebody who wants to do something, they look at it on its merits and say, “Okay, we accept it or reject it.” Don’t do this once a year. The names of those people who provide references for Canada Council applicants should be published with the applicant’s proposition. A review board of the applicants set up by their peers to check their work should be in existence at all times to ensure that there is no injustice done if a man becomes sick, if his wife runs off with somebody else, his typewriter breaks down, and so on. I think that we should make an end to this totally impersonal method of acquiring grants where you fill in your little bit of paper and send it off. I think that the grants, the applicants should have personal interviews. I think that the grants should be open-ended, running to at least $10,000 a year so that the applicants, if they are successful, will be able to live adequately instead of having to scrabble around. I think, finally, that in Ontario, the Ontario Council of Arts should set up a parallel system. Thank you.

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THE CHAIRMAN: I might say that, in the course of our proceedings to date, we have made it clear to anyone in the audience, or anyone of the public, who wished to make a comment, that they are perfectly entitled when a speaker is finished, or to come and tell us what they have in mind. I would say to whoever made the remark a little earlier, if he wants to make any remarks subsequent, or follow this group, we would be pleased to hear him. I would also be advised that everyone is entitled to his viewpoint. MR. MOWAT: That is a very personal viewpoint I take. MR. PURDY: I would like to make a couple of comments. First, I disagree with Farley in his opinion of the Canada Council, not in total, but in almost every point. In the first place, he isn’t aware of several things about the Canada Council. In the first place, the writer submits a whole chapter, or submits a whole manuscript. I might say I know, because I am one of their readers, among other things. He mentions that the recipients of Canada Council grants are not published. It is published in all the newspapers as soon as it is announced. He recommends a grant of $10,000. The present senior grant is $7000 plus travel, which could come to as much as, say, around $8000. These are just a few points. I don’t think Farley knows enough—he says he has gathered information but I don’t think he has gathered enough information. There are things wrong with the Canada Council, of course, but Farley says he has not had a Canada Council grant. I don’t think he has needed one. I have had several because I have needed them, and I think most people around this table would agree with me that the Canada Council is a good thing. Whatever criticism there is of it should be, well, it should not be phrased in the form of a tear-down or a complete attack, which I got the impression—I am sorry, Farley, but I did. That is all. DR. JEANNERET: Could we poll the jury? (Laughter) MR. MOWAT: I think I said, Al, I am about the only person in a position here to say what we think about the Canada Council. MR. GARNER: The first thing we have to remember is that it costs money to write a novel. That is the hangup of Canadian writers. I received my first Canada Council grant in 1959, after I had been forced by financial difficulties to spend ten years doing silly magazine journalism to make a living for myself and my family. I received a Canada Council grant in 1959 and I wrote the novel which was

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published by Farley’s publisher, the only one, incidentally, that they did, so I proved that I used the money and put the money to good use. I have never asked for a travel grant. It has never been in my mind to go to the Greek Islands, or the Costa del Sol, or Mexico, or anywhere else and write a book. I have gone to these places, but I have gone on my own money. As Ernest Hemingway said to some old broad who once asked him where is the best place to write a novel, Hemingway said “The best place, Madam, is in your head.” I never needed any travel grants to go anywhere to write a book. I have written 13 of them now and they have all been published. I have received three Canada Council grants, two for novels and one as a dramatic grant and I found out through that that I wasn’t a dramatist, although even then I had one of my plays put on by the Brockville Little Theatre Group, which at least proved I had done a play. I disagree almost entirely with Farley. I just wish the Ontario Arts Council were just one-tenth as good as the Canada Council is in helping Canada’s writers. Thank you. THE CHAIRMAN: Anybody else have any comment on this point? We will see if anybody else wants to comment. MR. GRAY: I would just like to say as briefly as I can, that I have had a great deal of help from the Canada Council, both in terms of receiving its grants and also in terms of dealing with it in one kind of official way or another. This is a personal opinion, but in my opinion the Canada Council is possibly the most enlightened, the best run, the fairest and perhaps the most effective grant-giving agency of its kind in the entire world, certainly among those that I have known of. There is no question it can be improved. Everything can be improved and the Canada Council can be improved. One of the major improvements that could be made, both in terms of the Canada Council and the Ontario Arts Council, is for the governments to take their wraps off the money and to give these Councils enough money so that they can even begin to attack the enormous job that they are attempting to do. I am not sure what the Ontario Arts Council gets at the moment, but it is in the region of $2.6 or $2.7 million, but it needs a minimum of $10 million to even begin to attack the job. This is the richest province in Canada and one of the richest areas in the entire world and that is the shameful

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thing. It is not what the Councils are doing, but the lack of resources that they have to really tackle the problem which, in my opinion, is the shameful part of it. MR. BRAITHWAITE: I think this is possibly going to break down into a discussion between those who have had Canada Council grants and those who have not. (Laughter) I haven’t had one and I don’t want one. I agree pretty well entirely with what Farley has said. He said it a little bit stronger than I would, but I think it has to be said strongly to make any impact. I think, pretty well, I agree with what he is saying, but then, again, I say I have never had one. I would like to go on, if I may, because I have to leave and go out and try to sell some books. I used to think writing books was the hard thing, and then getting them published was the hard thing, and now it is selling them. That is the hard thing. I spend almost as much time selling them as I do writing them. My suggestion covers the rather overall picture of what we are going to talk about and I have thought a great deal about this. I am sure what I am going to say is not going to find a response in all writers, and certainly not in all publishers. My proposal is simply this: In Canada we should have a Canadian publishing corporation. This Canadian publishing corporation should be organized along the lines of the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation, it should publish books, it should publish magazines, it should publish books that publishers can’t or won’t touch, because they are not marketable, because they can’t make money out of them, but many of them are very good books. Now, the CBC, the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation as you know was founded during the thirties for the express purpose of preventing a sort of takeover of our culture by the American broadcasters. That was its purpose, it was founded for that purpose because this was a drastic situation and it worked. It has been very successful and has done many things that never would have been done in this country without it. It has developed writers, producers, directors, it has made a tremendous contribution to Canadian culture and there are opponents to the CBC to this day. But, no one can argue against the CBC on the grounds that it has not done what it set out to do, it produces plays and documentaries that other broadcasters will not touch. I feel that there is a very strong need for such a corporation in the publishing business. I have not got much time so I will cover this quite quickly.

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First of all, it would be organized along the lines of the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation, that is it would be financed out of public funds and would be independent of politics entirely and would have at its head the best people we can get in the publishing business and in the editing business and it would be a sound, good corporation. It would publish books that have not got a high market value, books that are important to this country, books that should be written, books about our sociology, books about subjects for the minorities. The CBC was organized as you know to give a voice for the minority. Now, I do not see this corporation as being in opposition to publishers at all, in fact, I think publishers now in existence would benefit from this because there would be a development of more writers. Most of us around here got our start by writing radio plays for the CBC and that is how we got going and that is how we were able to become writers because the CBC needed a lot of material and because they would pay for it and because they did not quibble too much and we got our start that way and I think that many young book writers will get their start that way. They would publish books, novels, all kinds of books, and they would publish magazines. Now you know what has happened to magazines in this country—they are disappearing. Maclean’s used to run a lot of fiction and now it runs no fiction. Other magazines have fallen into the same misuse and our magazines were being taken over by the U.S. magazines. Time Magazine is now the biggest seller in Canada and I contend we need a magazine for instance that would publish short stories. This is where a writer cuts his teeth, on short stories, this is where he learns the art of fiction and I think practically every fiction writer here will agree with that. Yet, there is no place, or very few places, where a writer can sell a short story today. Now, if there were a magazine called “Short Story” or whatever, which was put out by the Canadian Publishing Corporation and which paid money to short story writers, this, I am sure, would have a market in Canada, perhaps not the biggest market, but it would have a market in Canada. I think that it could publish much better magazines with reviews of books. I think the reviewers in this country are doing a good job and I would be a damned fool if I said they were not because they have so far given me favourable reviews. However, I think we need more reviews and we need a magazine that does book reviews. It

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could take over from the Queen’s Printer, the federal government I am talking about, of course, in this respect, already has the Queen’s Printer that prints a lot of books and this could be incorporated into the Canadian Publishing Corporation. The CBC actually publishes a lot of books and this too would be in this new corporation. There would be improvements all along the line in book publishing and book distribution. For instance, the book writer depends upon the bookstores and we have excellent bookstores in this country and they are doing a good job but there are many places where a bookstore is not possible and there are many communities that do not have bookstores and I think that without competing with the present bookstores the Canadian Publishing Corporation—I am beginning to like the sound of it already the CPC, the Canadian Publishing Corporation—would develop bookstores in towns and cities where there are none now. Now, I have not any more time to enlarge upon this but I think that the possibilities are endless. The important thing would be to do as the CBC has done to give the very best people, the very best people available, pay them the very best salaries, and provide this service for Canadian writers and for Canadian readers. Now, this is a drastic solution, but I think we have a drastic problem. I think this must be the only country in the world that depends for its culture on other countries and we have to do something drastic as they did when they established the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation, we have to do something equally as drastic now by establishing a Canadian Publishing Corporation. THE CHAIRMAN: Thank you very much Mr. Braithwaite. Would anyone like to make any comments? Mr. Garner? MR. GARNER: I think first of all that Mr. Braithwaite was including me in the people who started up by selling to the CBC but I would like at the present moment to exclude myself completely as I did not start writing junk for the CBC, I started writing short stories which I could not sell. The first short story I ever wrote in 1940 was published finally in 1951 in a magazine no longer in existence called “Northern Review.” It was then taken up by Martin Foley’s Best American Short Stories and I tried to sell it in Canada to every publishing house, to every magazine here and none would take it. I found out the best way to

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get your short stories published and not to start writing short stories incidentally, is write a novel first, to get a name first, and they will all buy your short stories. I do not think Mr. Braithwaite knows anything about that part of the business. He really does not know about the Canadian magazine business either and I would like to read out a few things I just jotted down. When I started writing there were a lot of magazines. In 1951 I sold 17 short stories in Canada to 17 different magazines. Half of those magazines have gone under since then and among them were Canadian Home Journal, National Home Monthly, Montrealer, Mayfair, Montreal Standard, the Canadian Magazine, and there are others that I have forgotten—yes, of course, Liberty Magazine. The ones which are still left, but which do not publish short stories are Star Weekly, Maclean’s, Saturday Night, among many others. MR. PURDY: Saturday Night does publish them every once in a while. MR. GARNER: They publish them once every two years and that is about all. Chatelaine was one of the first commercial magazines to publish short stores and still does and it is about the only consumer magazine which still does. Queen’s Quarterly has published a great number of short stories by a great many Canadians over the past half, possibly a century, and are still publishing. The new magazines, and there are several of them which are publishing short stories, and because of the grants they receive not only from the Canada Council but from the Ontario Council are Tamarack Review, Fiddlehead and Quarry of which Dave Helwig has been an editor and is on the editorial board, I believe, and out in Vancouver, Prism, and a new magazine which is starting up at the University of New Brunswick called the Journal of Canadian Fiction for which I have great hopes, it will be sort of an east coast Canadian Literature which is published in Vancouver and does not publish any fiction. So, I thought I would just bring you up-to-date on the magazine situation. MR. BRAITHWAITE: I would like to say one thing before I go. I think just about everything Hugh has said backs up my contention that we need more magazines and publishers who will publish books without looking at the strict market value. He points out himself that the magazines that used to publish short stories are gone and then lists a long list of magazines that no one has ever heard of and that no one ever sees, or at least very few people ever see and I think his

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point is well taken. But, I would just like to say that most of what he has said, I think, bears out the need for a Canadian Publishing Corporation. As I said at the beginning I did not expect everyone to agree with me and tell me I was right. Would you excuse me at this time, sir? THE CHAIRMAN: Thank you very much, Mr. Braithwaite, for being here with us. Before we go on any further, I got a note from a person in the audience suggesting that we might, for the benefit of the audience, give a name to each person who is here. We can see them but they cannot. So, if I may, they are obviously Farley Mowat, Max Braithwaite, who just left, David Helwig who spoke a little earlier in the centre, Jack Gray, Mr. Graeme Gibson and Fred Bodsworth and they are all in the front row. There is June Callwood on the back left-hand side, and Margaret Atwood, Ian Adams, Hugh Garner and Al Purdy. That is the group we have with us at the moment. Now, Mr. Lee, you wanted to say something?

The writers: TOP L–R: June Callwood, Margaret Atwood, Ian Adams, Hugh Garner, Al Purdy; BOTTOM L–R: Farley Mowat, Max Braithwaite, David Helwig, Jack Gray, Graeme Gibson, Fred Bodsworth; FOREGROUND (with their backs to the camera) L–R: Marsh Jeanneret, Richard Rohmer (the chairman), and Dalton Camp. To the right side between Dalton Camp and Fred Bodsworth is one of the transcribers of the testimony.

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FOREGROUND: Commissioners Dalton Camp, Chair Richard Rohmer, and Dr. Marsh Jeanneret; BACKGROUND (behind Rohmer): Executive Secretary Robert Fleming.

MR. LEE: If that is at all possible. THE CHAIRMAN: What we would like to do is go through the agenda and then if you would like to make comment we would be glad to hear from you. MR. LEE: At the end? THE CHAIRMAN: Yes. MR. MOWAT: I was only going to make one point, and a very minor one. Sometimes we forget that the reason why we are here today is to create a better climate for writers in the future and some of us, particularly we elderly gentlemen like Hugh and myself, may think too much in terms of the past. No reflection [on] Hugh but this is a fact, I think we should all remember that we are here to talk about creating possibilities, a good climate for writers in the future. THE CHAIRMAN: I think that is fair, what can be done in the future and that is what we are interested in and what kind of ideas can you put forward to help the situation.

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Next then on this list as you have given to us is the protection of authors’ rights. MR. GRAY: Mr. Chairman, we have already appeared and when I say “we” I mean a group has already appeared before you to discuss copyright3 and it is not my intention to go into all that again but I would just like to reiterate the points we made at that time, or the basic point we made at that time and just to inform you that so far as I can see that represents a consensus of most creative people that we have been able to consult since we saw you. The basic point we made when we saw you with regard to copyright was that we felt it should be vested in the creator in the first place and that there should be payment for use in all cases and we felt that a Canadian Copyright Act which was rewritten with those principles in mind would serve the Canadian community very well. We are hopeful that when that Copyright Act is rewritten it will be possible then to correct some of the abuses that have crept in primarily because of technological developments. Such things as photocopying, for instance, we feel this can be handled once the new Copyright Act is sorted out, at least we hope it will be able to be straightened out. THE CHAIRMAN: I might say to you in response that the expert is on my left in this regard but everywhere we have been and through the discoveries we have made, is that no one has yet in the western world, coped with the photocopying problem. MR. GRAY: I think the suggestion we made to you before, obliquely, but nevertheless it is a practical suggestion, that when we come to such complicated matters or such complicated technological matters such as photocopying, we are probably going to have to deal in large solutions and by “large solutions” I mean blanket licences and we are going to have to go on and think about how the creative community can suggest to the large community those systems, or those methods

3 Archives of Ontario, RG 18-164, Box 4, 1 June 1971, testimony of the Canadian Copyright Institute: Mr. Roy Sharp, Q.C., Executive Director; J.C.W. Irwin, Vice-Chairman of the Board; John [Jack] Gray, Member, Board of Governors, pp. 1809–40; and Box 6, 9 November 1971, testimony of the Canadian Copyright Institute: Mr. Michael Pitman, Chairman of the Board; Mr. Roy C. Sharp, Q.C., Executive Director; J.C.W. Irwin; and John [Jack] Gray, pp. 3969–3984.

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by which the creative community can legitimately participate in the use that is made of its material.4 Now, one of the primary suggestions that has come in many countries is that there be created what is often called a form of public lending right. I realize the Commission has done studies on that and I thought you might be interested in knowing that since we met before we have had occasion to have discussions with the Canadian Library Association and I would not want to say anything about the Canadian Library Association except that we were tremendously encouraged by the very positive creative discussions that we have had about this. I think it would be fair to say that what we now need, and what we are hoping to see is a thorough study of the implications of public lending rights—that is not the right word, but it is some system by which the creative community can participate in the use of their work in all of the areas, in libraries, in the educational system, and so on. A specific suggestion would be made to you privately as to how perhaps the Commission might help in that regard.5 THE CHAIRMAN: I would encourage you to move with some degree of speed because we are gearing up—when we gear up, we usually disgorge also. MR. GRAY: What we are really saying here is that we are aware of the problems many of which are technological. Creative people are now looking—not just creative people, but others in the community are obviously looking for practical ways, for example, to take public lending rights specifically, we don’t want to get into a situation where librarians are either required to count every volume on their shelves once a year, which would be insane, or are required to pay out of their already inadequate budget monies that they simply don’t have. We are working for more creative solutions than that. Obviously, this takes us a further step which we also discussed obliquely with you last time, and that is a collection agency or a collective group or a cooperative agency made up of creative people. I think I would like to state here as clearly as possible that it is the opinion of the creative

4 This large solution was finally found when CANCOPY was founded on 23 August 1988; it changed its name to Access Copyright in 2002. See https://www.accesscopyright.ca/media/news/access-copyright-turns-30/. 5 Canada’s Public Lending Right Program (PLR) was established in March 1986 after the committee to discuss doing so was set up in 1977. See https:// publiclendingright.ca/about/history.

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community that such an agency must be created by and controlled by the creators themselves. THE CHAIRMAN: That is encouraging. MR. GRAY: That is a strong point and we cannot say it too strongly. If you go beyond that stage of the necessity for an agency that can do a certain job, you then get right back into the basic problem, which the creative people, in this case authors, have to face, and that is how they are going to organize themselves. You have already seen good evidence of how, when you gather together more than two writers at one time, anarchy develops. THE CHAIRMAN: I might encourage you by saying the writers have not got a monopoly on that. MR. GRAY: Therefore, we are going to be looking for a very practical way to form—I don’t know what it will be called, and I don’t know— nor do any of us know from what base it might develop, but in any case, an authors’ society can do a variety of things. It can obviously organize the collection agency on the one hand and be responsible for that, but there is a whole range of problems that we want to tackle, contracts with publishers, specific problems like the difficulties that many of our writers are having with anthologies, with Americans coming in and sweeping the field and creating anthologies at rates and conditions which are not acceptable to Canadian writers. The whole promotion and generation of Canadianism, the kind of thing we are doing here, the encouragement of talent, the pressure on councils and the pressure on government to give those councils the wherewithal to succeed and so on. I think the whole object of this exercise, as far as I can discern, is to make it possible for the writers in this case to make their contribution to society which is why they exist in the first place. I thought you might be interested in those, starting with specifics, how we can get into large, general problems and then we have to return to specifics to attempt to solve them. THE CHAIRMAN: Mr. Garner? MR. GARNER: I would like to shoot him down too! His remark about American anthologists coming into this country and sweeping all of the good Canadian stories, and so forth, into their anthologies, is a hell of a good thing. This year I sold to 10 anthologies and textbooks in West Germany and the United States and Canada and

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the United Kingdom. I find that I get $200 or $150 from the American textbook publishers and I get an average of $50 to $75 from Canadian anthologists and textbook publishers. As far as I am concerned, and as far as every other professional writer in this country is concerned, we welcome the American market. There is no Canadian writer yet who has not wanted his stuff published in the United States. THE CHAIRMAN: Anyone else who wants to comment on Mr. Gray’s remarks? MR. HELWIG: In answer to Mr. Garner, I am one of the anthologists who paid him a rather small fee. I think the real distinction there is that the Canadian publishers are, by and large, not producing simply text anthologies, that is, I produced an anthology of short stories which was connected with the fact there were no magazines doing short stories which was done by my own publisher as a trade book with very little hope of using it as a textbook, simply because it was, in effect, a year’s stories. The actual money paid to writers in this case had to be limited for that reason. It succeeded fairly well as a trade book but the comparison between that and, say, an anthology which is published by a large textbook publisher, for which they will pay you $200 or $300 or $400, but which they are publishing with the backing, you know, with the intent of getting it into ten universities, you know, and 37 high schools and so on, it is just not economically comparable, and to accuse the Canadian publisher of paying less, or to defend the American publisher on the grounds of giving more money, he is giving you more money because he is putting through a big textbook operation and selling in a different way. It is not comparable. It seems to me, again. You come back to the same problem of levels of composition which don’t match. THE CHAIRMAN: Right. Can we move on to Mr. Gibson, who is going to discuss the Book Marketing Board and book marketing abroad? MR. GIBSON: There is another way of approaching the whole thing, and that is, somehow, to reward writers, in effect, for what they have already done. The most obvious way of doing that is improving sales, library sales, or whatever. It didn’t occur to me but I think it was at a meeting of the I.P.A.6 when it first came up—and this again goes back

6 The “I.A.P.” is the Independent Publishers’ Association, which was the forerunner of the Association of Canadian Publishers (ACP). The IAP also

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to the possibility of cooperative action of some kind, the possibility of selling our books abroad, not just the rights for them. What that does, of course, is for a publisher here—even the smallest kind of action could double our markets if we set up an office in New York with a hell of a good book salesman in it, and perhaps an agent. His job is to sell books, just in the New York–Boston area, not trying to break the whole American market, but to take books and to put them into a cooperative catalogue, set them up down there and it will be his job to sell them in the same way we at least try to sell books here. You see, what that does right away is almost double the market for the publisher. I think it would have to be subsidized, initially, but if we are as good as we would like to think we are, and if the salesman is good, I see no reason why it shouldn’t pay its way. This would avoid the whole business of hanging around waiting for full publication rights. It takes long enough for many publishers to make up their minds anyway, whether or not they are going to bring out a book. If they have to wait a further time while they persuade an English or an American publisher, that is a further delay, an unreasonable delay. It also, it seems to me, talking to—and I don’t know very many people in New York—talking to a couple of young people working in the book business in New York, they are really dismayed by the kind of monolithic approach to what is going to be published or what is likely to sell. It has to do with pretty rigid projections of sales and so, in many cases, they don’t take and they would never consider books which grow out of our experience. It seems to be in the same way as, say, if Owen Sound, indeed, doesn’t have a book store and there are people there who would like to read us, there, there are still people in New York or London or people on the West Coast who would like to read us. I would like to get to those people. You see, one of the—an example—like any branch-plant economy, it seems to me, they are more concerned with merchandising than with research and many of us are involved in a kind of research. We don’t intend to be immediately, you know, we would like to be, but we are not going to be best-sellers right away. To be tied into a market initially is, for some of us, undesirable, certainly, and most unlikely. This makes it very hard on the smaller publishing houses who want to bring us out. If, in fact, there was some kind of cooperative—

testified before the commission (Box 4, 1 June 1971, testimony of the Independent Publishers’ Association: Mr. Peter Martin, President; Dr. W.H. Clarke, Vice- President; Mr. Roy McSkimming, Secretary, pp. 1923–53).

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something like the Hog Marketing Board, or something, where they could come into a cooperative catalogue, be sold, say, in New York and in London and, if it works, in another city like San Francisco. That is my suggestion. THE CHAIRMAN: Any comment on that, please? MR. PURDY: Mr. Chairman — MR. GIBSON: There is a problem which none of us really know, whether or not there is a limit on the number of Canadian books that can be sold in the United States. I know that the Americans only allow a certain number of books by Americans that are published in Canada, only a certain number of them can be sold in the United States, but we don’t know whether or not that applies—whether there is a limit on the number of books by Canadians. DR. JEANNERET: You can sell as many as you can find readers for it. MR. GIBSON: Great. That was the only reservation I had. MR. PURDY: There is a law on that particular point. As Graeme said, you can import into the United States only a certain number of books I believe, but I am not sure what the number of books is. MR. BODSWORTH: 1500, it used to be. MR. PURDY: 1500. This, about the marketing board, if you can only sell 1500 of any given copy of a book — DR. JEANNERET: You are making the jump here a lot of people make applying to Canadian authors and it has nothing to do with Canadian authors at all. There is no such limitation on Canadian authors whatsoever. MR. PURDY: I am glad to hear it but I understood there was. DR. JEANNERET: It applies only to American authors or Americans domiciled here if the book is manufactured outside the country, then you have an interim licence good for five years which must be obtained to allow you to import up to 1500 copies but it doesn’t bear on your problem at all. MR. PURDY: Good. DR. JEANNERET: And also, there is no duty going into the United States. THE CHAIRMAN: At this time.

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DR. JEANNERET: And, for that reason, there is no surcharge. THE CHAIRMAN: At this time (laughter). MR. GIBSON: It seems to me that it is the very practical type of thing that could be done to enlarge the market very dramatically and very quickly. You would have to get an extremely good salesman down there, because it would probably be a hard thing to sell, but it seems to me it would be desirable. I can’t think of any reason to oppose it. THE CHAIRMAN: Mr. Bodsworth, you are next on our list. MR. BODSWORTH: Gentlemen, what I would like to say is, really, a postscript to what Graeme Gibson has already said about the establishment of a Canadian book merchandising office in New York. However, Mr. Gibson is seeing this in terms, mainly, of an office that would promote and get bookstore space and sell already manufactured Canadian books in the U.S. market. Now, I feel strongly on the basis of my own experience, with my own books on the foreign markets, that this office could play a bigger and more beneficial role for Canadian writers by also publishing foreign rights to Canadian books, both English language rights and foreign translation rights and I would like to take a minute or two to talk about this subject because I do not think Canadian books today are getting the promotion and the opportunities that they merit in the general over-all world publishing scene. Now, if you consider book publishing in the terms of the world as a whole, London and New York is where it is at. Toronto, of course, is away out here in the boondocks. Every spring publishers from London and Europe go over to New York and go the rounds of the agents and publishers in New York and pick up U.S. books there that they think that there is a European or British market for and make their deals in New York for the publication of these books in Europe or elsewhere. Similarly, New York publishers go to London and go to Paris and pick up foreign books in the same way. Well, this is the kind of opportunity that Canadian books are now missing unless they are also published in New York as well as Toronto and I think it is an important role that is, a Canadian book promotion and merchandising office in New York could perform just simply by being there and having Canadian books there and by becoming known as a place to foreign editors, foreign publishers on their annual trips to

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New York simply by becoming known as a place that should be on their rounds to the New York agents and publishers. So, first of all there was reference made here to U.S. publication and about someone not wanting U.S. publication, but certainly if you are writing and dependent upon writing for an income and someone does not want U.S. publication, he is a bloody idiot. So, you have first of all U.S. publication itself and by being in close touch with the New York scene, our man in New York could, I am sure, arrange U.S. publication deals for at least some Canadian books that are not getting that opportunity today because I do not think there is sufficient incentive for Canadian publishers to promote the U.S. publications and this is an author’s requirement and the author is not benefiting unless he has a Canadian contract in which the Canadian publisher has sneaked in a clause that in effect own most of his foreign rights. There is the English language market outside of North America, which is a very big one, Australia, I understand is the biggest per capita book buying nation in the world and my royalty statements bear this out because I see the British publishers sell more books in Australia, or at least more of my books in Australia, than they sell at home in Britain. Then, of course, there is the translation rights for just about everywhere. Now, I know there is a kind of a legend that U.S. readers and foreign readers everywhere are supposed to be uninterested in reading books with Canadian settings and I think this is an absurd myth. I think it is an excuse that has grown up to cover inept Canadian books that have not been able to make the grade in the more competitive U.S. market. Can I be forgiven now if I indulge in a little bit of self-advertisement to describe some of my own experiences in support of these statements? I am a Canadian citizen, I am a novelist, writing novels with Canadian settings and Canadian themes and I have been making my living this way for 15 years. I had the good fortune with my first book to sell it to a New York publisher and I have been a writer about Canada ever since but in terms of business and sales, I can hardly call myself a Canadian writer. Most of my sales, and income, comes from the United States. My second source of income is Great Britain and the British market and my third source of income is Germany, my fourth source of income is from Canada and this of course sometimes varies from year to year but as a rule this is the way it works out.

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The book publication of my last novel sold 71,000 copies in German translation, 71,000 copies in one year in Germany. The same book has sold 10,000 copies in Canada in three years and this is the kind of thing I am talking about as possibilities for an international agency in New York that could push or promote this kind of thing. Incidentally, my German publishers can say I can thank James Fenimore Cooper for my popularity in Germany because he says that ever since James Fenimore Cooper’s, The Last of the Mohicans that the Germans have an avid interest in stories about Canadian—or rather North American red Indians and a couple of my books have been about the Canadian north and about Indians and he says, at least as a partial explanation of the reputation I have established in Germany. Now, I have many other translation rights or deals but for some reason Germany is the one that really provides me with a significant income. Now I have got Japanese rights and I have a book coming out, at least I have an edition coming out in Poland, which is only going to give me a zloty account in Warsaw which I am going to have to go to Poland to spend and I have travelled a great deal and unfortunately Poland is the last country in the world I want to go back to so I do not know, but I have a Russian edition coming up which I presume will establish me with a rouble account in Moscow and I will be quite happy to go to Russia again. Maybe I will write a book on Siberia and call it “Sibir.” I do not know how much farther I should push this— MR. MOWAT: Not much.7 MR. BODSWORTH: I mean this self-advertisement business. THE CHAIRMAN: You have done very well. We take it you have a yen for the mark. MR. BODSWORTH: I was in Who’s Who in America before I was in Canadian Who’s Who. I think Canadian Who’s Who copies their entries from Who’s Who in America. MR. GARNER: I would like to congratulate Mr. Fred Bodsworth on his international reputation. However, I take exception to the fact that he thinks any Canadian books that is not acceptable in Poland or the United States is necessarily inept. It may just be parochial. If

7 Farley Mowat published the book Sibir: My Discovery of Siberia in 1970.

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you wait a minute—if you write stories about the Canadian urban scene you stand little chance of being published in the United States. However, if you write about Curlews, Eskimos, wolves, Indians, Mounted Policemen you can be published all over the world. MR. BODSWORTH: If you write a good book, you can be published all over the world. It does not matter a damn what that book is about. MR. MOWAT: You are running into a perfect example of what writers are all about. They should keep their mouths shut and write books and not talk in public. MR. BODSWORTH: I hope I have demolished the myth that Americans or no one else are interested in Canadian books. THE CHAIRMAN: You have done very well. MR. BODSWORTH: I think there is a role for this office that Mr. Gibson has suggested in New York in this area because I think there is a chance here that Canadian books that are not getting the opportunity for foreign publication, under the present set-up, at least some of them, could get that opportunity with a good Canadian book promoting man in an office in New York where publishers from Europe could just include that office on their springtime book searching travels in New York. Thank you. THE CHAIRMAN: Miss Callwood, I am sure you are there? On this list we find you are next under the elaborate heading which says, the Publishing Wall Against Non-Establishment Writers. How do you like that? MISS CALLWOOD: It was written by Farley. THE CHAIRMAN: Of course. MISS CALLWOOD: I will say to start how terribly important writers are and what I am going to say is kind of in that line although I flinch from the indebtedness in that way. But, I am a non-fiction writer and I have a great deal of respect for the influence of non-fiction writers not so much for the influence of poets whose perceptions I think are largely prophetic. But in the area of social change, for example, John Kelso, who was a reporter in the 1890s started the Children’s Aid Society, and William Lyon Mackenzie King, who was also a reporter in the 1890s was able to cause an investigation of sweatshops, which caused legislation eradicating sweatshops.

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But, in this country right now we are on this rather right wing newspaper press, at least almost all present newspapers are right wing, and we have a tabloid now in Toronto,8 that is in the tradition of most tabloids and has a conservative stance. The whole burden of what I regard as the social conscience is being carried by the Underground Press. I find the Underground Press, in the main, to be taking most energy and most literate, the most anger, the most perception of any press in the country. It has been confined to street corner sales and some kind of patronizing coffee table exhibition in certain homes and I find when I go to publisher’s parties, I see people who are costumed in certain ways and I assume they came with the caterers or by malabars because I do not have any rapport with their views although they dress in a way that seems to me they would. There is such a gap between publishing and straight press of all kinds and real energy in creative policies and perceptions, insights and anger in our country and I see no closing of that gap with the exception of Anansi and New Press and their circulation is a tragedy in those two publishing houses. For example, an early one, I think that Anansi brought it out, was Law, Law, Law by Bob Copeland and Clayton Ruby—it was a handbook on your rights as a citizen put out in a size that would go into the pocket of someone’s jeans, and it had a very limited circulation, although I thought it had very wide—there was a very great need for it at that time and it solved the circulation problems of these small publishers. I see a lack of social consciousness in some of the larger publishing houses, a lack of interest in almost all of them in any Canadian process of change. They lack an understanding of the need for social change, and I see we have things like the Young Offenders Bill, which is before the House and is having countless hearings. There is no move to interpret why there is any concern about the Young Offenders Bill and it is of enormous significance, philosophically, in the way we handle children and families in the courts, and the impact it will have on the whole country, and I see no interpretation and no interest on the part of the publishers. I must say personally that there is a tremendous need for a book on the lives of children in this country, and the conditions of our institutions dealing with children and their child raising practices,

8 The Toronto Sun began publishing on 1 November 1971. It somewhat replaced the Toronto Telegram, which published from 1876 to October 1971. The subscriber list of the Toronto Telegram (which usually supported the Conservative party), however, was sold to the Toronto Star (more supportive of the Liberal party).

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and the absolute hell that many of our children are in, and there is an enormous amount of investigation needed in order for us to have legislative change and I see no interest in books like that. MISS ATWOOD: We have a book coming out in the spring, Anansi is bringing it out. It is called Beyond Neglect, and it is based on this very program. We totally agree with everything June said. MISS CALLWOOD: I discourage the policy. MR. MOWAT: The CPC will publish it. MR. GIBSON: Too late! THE CHAIRMAN: Any comment on Miss Callwood in this instance? MR. GIBSON: Agreement. MR. GRAY: Concurrence. THE CHAIRMAN: Now, Margaret Atwood. MISS ATWOOD: I will do this very quickly in short form, if I may, to speed it up. What I am speaking about is the relations between the publisher and the writer and, as you can see, most are fully dependent on either legal action, OR changing the law, or union enforcement, as most of these things are. If you change the law, you have to have somebody not connected with the publishers to see that the flow of energy is paid the proper kind of attention. The first two points have to do with money. They first is, we feel that there should be penalties imposed on publishers for failure to keep a book in print when there is a demand for it. That is, if a book runs out and the author feels that people still want the book, the publisher should keep it in print and if he doesn’t, a penalty should be imposed on the publisher. Of course, you have to prove your case and this is, again, where a union would be helpful. Second is the profit-sharing of authors. That is a bigger piece of the pie. We could do this in a couple of ways. If the total company makes a large amount, you could divide it up into little pieces and give one to each author or give the author a bigger share of large profits made from the sale of his book. Or you could do it by a system of escalating royalty rate, that is, you start out at a lower rate say, 8 to 10 per cent, and if a book really sells and goes into a number of editions, you

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could bring the royalties up to 10 or 12 per cent. Some publishers do this already, but by no means all of them do it. It is not the general policy. If a publisher is making a large profit on an author, the author should be getting a little bit of it, at least a little bit of it. MR. MOWAT: I would like to see a big piece of it. MISS ATWOOD: My next couple of points have to do with other kinds of relations between authors and publishers. We think it would be very interesting if a working author were placed on the Board of Directors and not just the editorial board, but the Board of Directors of every publishing house. This would have the same value as placing a student in a position where he could attend faculty meetings at universities. That is, one of us in there looking at what they are doing. I think that would be very enlightening for us much of the time, because usually these are closed-door things. It sure would be interesting to find out what goes on in there. I am on the Board of Directors myself and it is just fascinating. The next one, again, is the opening up of consultation and that is, we think, there should be open records, open files, that is, that the author should have accessible to him his file at the publishers on all transactions concerning him. Some of it now goes on behind his back and how much money is spent on promotion and publicity for him should be accessible to him. It should, even further, be made available to the public, but that might possibly be too exhilarating for everyone. The next one is we feel the author should have a say in permission granting, that is, for reprints in anthologies. You covered this a little bit, but we feel it has to be done even speedier. As it is now, if a publisher has a copyright on a book, he can give the right to reprint without asking permission from you. That means that your work is going into an anthology where you don’t want it. Supposing you are not in agreement with American companies making a profit on your work in anthologies and wish to refuse permission, you find out your publisher has already granted his permission. There should certainly be an accepted policy or a law that there has to be 50–50 agreement between publisher and author. The last is just a general thing. More assistance to selected and specialized publishers of the kind Miss Callwood was talking about. This has been already covered by the Ontario government policy of underwriting loans from banks but perhaps even more has to be

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done along these lines. This goes to big publishers like McClelland and it should go to the smaller publishers like Oberon and New Press and so on. That is all. THE CHAIRMAN: Thank you. MR. GARNER: I think Miss MacEwen is a little confused about publishers’ agreements. MR. GIBSON: That is not Miss MacEwen. MR. GARNER: Oh, it is Miss Atwood. There are so many Gwendolyns in the poetry business. I think most — MISS ATWOOD: I might also say that we didn’t come here to listen to personal comments today and you just about lost five of your members a couple of minutes ago. Any more of it and we are all going to get up and walk out. Enough of this shooting people down. We are here to make submissions to the Commission and not to reach over hitting each other over the heads with personal comments. MR. GARNER: I am not hitting you over the head, but I can see here several Canadian publishers with whom I have had contracts and all of them have given the copyright to me and not kept the copyright to themselves so that I have had—and this goes for many Canadian authors, have had the copyrights for all of their books, I am sure that I represent the majority, not a small minority. (Miss Callwood, Miss Atwood, Mr. Gibson and Mr. Adams, withdraw.) MR. GARNER: I knew I might drive the publishers off the stage but I didn’t think I would drive poets off! THE CHAIRMAN: Ian Adams, you have retired. Do you want to come back? MR. ADAMS: My only comment — THE CHAIRMAN: Before you start, we are interested in everybody’s comments. MR. ADAMS: I was going to say that all of this bitter wrangling by the older authors who are here, sort of really demonstrates what a

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lousy situation the Canadian publishing business is in. It is obvious to me—I am a little up-tight. THE CHAIRMAN: I am sorry. Continue. MR. ADAMS: It seems to me it is not going to get any better collaborating, with that kind of council. It is not going to get any better putting forward this kind of information which the publishers can manipulate and use and the only thing really to do for guys like me, other young writers, is to go away and organize a sub-union of writers and then we won’t be riddled with all this sort of factionism and all that kind of crap. That’s all I want to say. Thank you. (Applause) THE CHAIRMAN: Perhaps, out of all these proceedings and discussions will come the kind of thing you are talking about. I might say that in our few travels I have certainly been impressed with the strength of the authors associations in various countries. They are very strong, and an active force in the national community because they have banded together and decided where they want to go and what they want to do. This is a great move, in fact. MR. PURDY: I wanted to preface my remarks by saying that whatever the Canadian consciousness is, and all countries have their particular consciousness of nationality, of identity, call it what you like, and we are no exception, whatever it is, it exists in the media, the newspapers. In TV and it exists in book publishing. Now, I believe that there are various laws that prevent, say, newspapers or TV stations being sold to outside interests. However, there is no such law in the case of Canadian textbook publishers. Now, whatever the Canadian consciousness is, as I said, it exists first of all in the minds of children and it comes out of textbooks, environment, it comes out of being here. So, I take this for granted and we now have in Toronto two large publishers left and a number of smaller ones such as Anansi, such as New Press and Oberon in Ottawa. These two Canadian large publishers, Clarke, Irwin, McClelland and Stewart, I believe Clarke, Irwin publishes a lot of textbooks, but McClelland and Stewart comparatively few. My particular recommendation is that Anansi, Oberon and New Press should be subsidized in some way or form to be decided by people who have more information on the subject

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than I do and be set up as textbook publishers and that a Canadian textbook publisher should be given preference by the buyers. I believe there is an organization of some kind of buyers and I believe the Canadian textbook publisher should be given preference. That is all. THE CHAIRMAN: Thank you, Mr. Purdy. Is there anyone else who wants to make a comment on what has been commented upon? Dennis Lee, where are you? Dennis, are you still with us? MR. LEE: My sympathies are with the people who walked out. Perhaps I will remain silent. THE CHAIRMAN: All right. Is there anyone else who wants to make comment? MR. MOWAT: May I say one final word? I agree with what Ian Adams says and I agree with what most of the younger people here said. I do not consider myself an old writer, except in terms of years and gradual decrepitude. I come back to the original contention with which we opened this meeting, that what we are looking for is for better opportunities, better conditions for the young writers who will supplant us and, having heard a wide variety of the older writers today, all I can say is, let’s hope they supplant us soon! Thank you. DR. JEANNERET: I think this has been a fascinating insight that has been offered into the authors’ points of view. I am awfully glad you went to that party, Mr. Chairman, and anything I would like to ask would be just sheer impertinence at this point. I am going to enjoy reading the transcript. We have been meddling around with the central part of our report, and this is a great help to us. I would like to thank you all myself. THE CHAIRMAN: Well, I want to thank you all for coming and to listen. You have all made quite an impression on us. My associate is saying the lack of questions on our part does not indicate any lack of interest. I think that you have, by yourself, covered most of the points we were going to ask, in any event, in our discussion. As I said at the outset, we are, I know, vitally concerned with the whole question of publishing in this country and how it can be

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enhanced and how the young people can be brought along and what, generally, can be done in this area. I think you will find that right or wrong we will be making comment in this regard and making certain recommendations and I can guarantee that no matter what our report says, no matter how it is couched, there will be some for it and some who are against it and your points are well made. We want to thank all of you for coming and I wish to say by the way at the cocktail party where we covered this I did not have a uniform on—but Hugh did. Thank you for coming and we appreciate it very much. We hope you can all come together and become a stronger force. MR. MOWAT: We will.9 —Adjournment.

9 The Writers’ Union of Canada (TWUC) was officially formed in 1973.

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KRISTINE SMITKA and/et STÉPHANIE BERNIER

Micheline Cambron, Myriam Côté et Alex Gagnon, dir., Les journaux québécois d’une guerre à l’autre : Deux états de la vie culturelle québécoise au XX e siècle, Québec, Codicille éditeur, collection « Premières approches », 2018, 379 p., 13,85 $ ISBN : 978-2-924446-05-8

Au Québec, les journaux sont abondamment utilisés pour documenter des événements ou analyser des idées, mais les études qui abordent le journal comme un ensemble logique et cohérent sont encore trop peu nombreuses, et la période de l’entre-deux-guerres fait particulièrement figure de parent pauvre dans cette historiographie. Marquées par des volontés contradictoires de repli sur soi et de renouveau, ces années voient pourtant éclore plusieurs périodiques qui enrichissent considérablement l’offre disponible pour un lectorat de plus en plus important. Durant les années 1930, période de nombreuses remises en question et d’incertitudes palpables, une presse d’idées, qu’on croyait pourtant condamnée depuis l’arrivée de la grande presse d’information, émerge et essaime. L’histoire de la presse de cette période très riche méritait qu’on s’y attarde, et c’est à ce projet que se sont attablés Micheline Cambron, Myriam Côté et Alex Gagnon. Tiré d’un séminaire pluridisciplinaire, cet ouvrage collectif pose différents regards sur la presse des années 1920 et 1930 au Québec. Cambron, Gagnon et Côté précisent que ce livre analysera le journal comme un agent de configuration de la vie culturelle, cette dernière étant disséminée dans tout le journal. Ainsi, autant les contenus que la présentation matérielle (la logique des pages et des sections) et la « focalisation transversale » (celle d’un ensemble de numéros) ont été convoqués pour mettre en lumière des corpus encore peu exploités et pour « saisir des lignes de force et des formes privilégiées du discours, […] voir poindre des pratiques discursives et artistiques et […] historiciser à travers les yeux des lecteurs imaginés, la vie culturelle de deux moments cruciaux : la sortie de la Première Guerre et l’entrée dans la Seconde » (p. 13). Cette proposition est particulièrement

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stimulante, puisqu’elle tient compte de l’expérience de lecture dans sa globalité. Les résultats se déclinent en treize chapitres regroupés en deux parties. La première, « Sortir de guerre (1918-1920) », veut souligner l’effervescence de ces années durant lesquelles de nouveaux médias, notamment la radio et le cinéma, occupent une place plus importante dans le monde culturel, modifient le discours médiatique et forcent un renouvellement des pratiques (Section 1, « Repenser les pratiques culturelles »). En même temps, cette effervescence et ces nouveautés sont aussi source d’inquiétude et certains journaux deviennent des vecteurs importants de mouvements de préservation de l’identité canadienne-française (Section 2, « L’identité canadienne-française. Quand le journal fait campagne »). La deuxième partie nous transporte une décennie plus tard, alors que le bruit des canons retentit de nouveau en Europe. « Entrer en guerre (1939-1940) » souligne les nouveaux enjeux de la presse québécoise, qui a réussi à traverser les épreuves de la Crise et qui doit alors faire face à de nouveaux défis. Pour reprendre les mots de Cambron, Gagnon et Côté, la presse doit composer avec « un monde qui bascule » (p. 179). Ici, les analyses sont regroupées en deux sections davantage centrées sur les pratiques discursives. Dans « La guerre : ses effets sur les pratiques du discours », on observe comment le déclenchement de la guerre modifie les discours et les représentations de la vie culturelle, alors que « La guerre : un prisme discursif » souligne comment elle devient le canal par lequel s’expriment désormais idéologies et positions politiques. L’excellente introduction de l’ouvrage pose de manière précise les bases de compréhension des articles qui le composent. Après une présentation brève, mais efficace du système médiatique québécois de la période, on introduit le concept de système des journaux, mais aussi celui d’une « écologie de la page de journal » (p. 13). Même si une note précise qu’un travail approfondi sur ce concept a été réalisé durant le séminaire, mais qu’il n’a pas pu faire l’objet d’une publication, il aurait été très pertinent de le développer davantage. Ce concept aurait certainement apporté un éclairage neuf à l’analyse de presse et aurait enrichi les conclusions de plusieurs articles présentés ici. L’introduction avertit aussi les lecteurs de la nature un peu éclatée des articles soumis à leur attention. En effet, si certains sont le résultat d’analyses approfondies, d’autres sont de nature plus exploratoire, d’où le niveau parfois variable de la qualité des contributions, de la « mosaïque » offerte.

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Certains articles, plus aboutis, ont donc davantage attiré mon attention. Ainsi, dans son texte « Le magazine canadien-français, entre engagement et divertissement. La Revue populaire et La Revue moderne au sortir de la guerre (1919) », Adrien Rannaud compare les propositions de ces deux revues pionnières du magazine québécois. Bien que l’analyse ne porte que sur les numéros de novembre et décembre 1919, Rannaud montre avec finesse comment le souvenir de la Grande Guerre est prégnant dans ces revues qui participent à « la construction mémorielle du conflit » (p. 37), mais surtout comment La Revue moderne se distingue de sa rivale grâce à une offre culturelle beaucoup plus large et surtout en modifiant la place dévolue au féminin dans l’espace public. Cette brève introduction à deux revues qui ont occupé l’espace médiatique québécois durant plusieurs décennies témoigne de la valeur de ces corpus, qui n’ont pas encore dévoilé toutes leurs richesses. Cécile Morel nous amène aussi à la découverte d’un corpus peu connu, celui de la presse régionale, plus particulièrement du journal L’Abitibi, fondé à Amos en 1920, dans son article intitulé « L’Abitibi, témoin et artisan d’une collectivité en émergence ». Les journaux régionaux ont encore beaucoup à révéler de leur histoire et de leur apport aux différentes communautés qui les ont soutenus, et Morel construit son analyse à partir du concept de l’expérience journalistique de frontière. Le journal, qui met au cœur de son programme le progrès de la colonisation, adopte ainsi des stratégies médiatiques où l’information régionale côtoie le « hors frontière » dans une sorte de carrefour qui permet non seulement de briser l’éloignement, mais aussi de créer un univers où tout est à construire. Plusieurs journaux régionaux ont été créés durant l’entre-deux-guerres, et cette idée de journalisme de frontière pourrait être appliquée à de nombreux titres. Morel ouvre ici une perspective tout à fait originale qui permet de quitter le champ trop restreint de l’analyse idéologique, ou politique, du contenu pour examiner de manière beaucoup plus ouverte le rôle qu’un journal peut jouer dans la région qui l’a vu naître. Si plusieurs articles de ce recueil portent sur des publications hebdomadaires ou mensuelles, la plupart d’entre eux s’intéressent à des quotidiens. Ainsi, L’Action catholique, Le Devoir, Le Jour, La Presse et La Patrie ont fait l’objet d’analyses ou de coups de sonde. Dans son article « Les femmes et le rationnement dans La Patrie à l’automne 1942 », Laura Shine fait une excellente démonstration de l’intérêt de la lecture globale d’un quotidien pour comprendre comment tous les éléments, publicités, textes et images, constituent des pratiques

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discursives sur lesquelles il faut s’attarder. Les discours normatifs sur le rationnement sont donc issus d’une lecture croisée, quotidienne de surcroît, « d’un réseau sous-entendu par des allers-retours entre la norme prescrite par une certaine autorité et les manifestations culturelles » (p. 199) qui essaiment dans le journal. Dans une perspective semblable, Ève Léger-Bélanger a analysé comment le quotidien La Presse a traité un moment clé de la Deuxième Guerre, celui de l’invasion de la France par l’Allemagne en mai 1940. Son travail est remarquable : elle démontre que les représentations de l’Allemagne ne sont pas confinées aux pages d’actualité ou aux éditoriaux, elles se retrouvent disséminées partout dans le journal. La condamnation de l’Allemagne ne se limite donc pas aux rubriques ou aux pages d’opinion, tout le journal en devient le médiateur : « Tout, dans le contenu, mène à la perception d’une Allemagne hostile, peu importe le type de texte en jeu. » (p. 310) L’auteure fait ici, une fois de plus, la démonstration que le journal au complet est un agent de médiation. Dans ce cas-ci, il participe à la construction d’une culture antinazie. Que retenir de cet ouvrage collectif aux objectifs ambitieux ? Le concept de vie culturelle utilisé ici est large : il regroupe autant la vie intellectuelle – les idées –, la vie artistique que les pratiques quotidiennes. Cette définition ne pose pas problème, l’idée de culture inclut aisément toutes ces catégories, mais les objectifs de cet ouvrage collectif auraient été mieux servis si chaque article s’était davantage inscrit dans ce cadre théorique. Les brèves introductions à chaque partie fournissent certes des pistes de lecture, mais l’ensemble n’apparaît pas toujours convaincant eu égard aux objectifs présentés dans l’introduction générale. Le volume demeure toutefois une contribution essentielle à l’histoire de la presse des années 1920 et 1930 au Québec. Il a en effet dévoilé des corpus mal connus et peu exploités, pensons au mensuel Le Panorama (Hubert Sabino) ou aux hebdomadaires régionaux (Marie-Ève Dionne) ou même aux quotidiens La Presse et La Patrie, étonnamment peu étudiés encore à ce jour. Un tel ouvrage, malgré le caractère exploratoire de certains articles, est une invitation à se lancer dans des enquêtes plus approfondies non seulement des titres proposés ici, mais de l’ensemble de la presse de cette période où s’opposent renouveau et tradition.

DOMINIQUE MARQUIS Université du Québec à Montréal

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Richard Dufour, Bibliothèque de l’Université Laval. 150 ans d’histoire, 1852-2017, Québec : Presses de l’Université Laval, 2018, 288 p., 30 $ ISBN 978-2-7637-3732-1

La parution de la première histoire d’une bibliothèque universitaire au Québec doit être marquée d’une pierre blanche. L’auteur de ce livre est titulaire d’un doctorat en philosophie et d’une maîtrise en bibliothéconomie. Il est bibliothécaire-conseil à l’Université Laval en philosophie, théologie, études anciennes, science politique et études internationales. Son étude est divisée en huit chapitres : « 1. Les débuts paisibles (1852-1946) » ; « 2. Un vent de modernisation (1946-1963) » ; « 3. Vers une bibliothèque digne de Laval (1963-1973) » ; « 4. Au cœur de la tourmente (1973-1978) » ; « 5. Regagner la confiance (1978-1988) » ; « 6. Les technologies de l’information (1988-2006) » ; « 7. Ramener les usagers à la bibliothèque (2006-2012) » ; « 8. Ensemble, écrivons l’avenir (2012-2017) ». L’Université Laval est la fille du Séminaire de Québec. Cette filiation a eu une influence profonde sur l’évolution de la bibliothèque sur les plans du développement des collections, de l’occupation des locaux, de sa gestion même, et ce, pendant plus d’un siècle, soit jusqu’à son départ du Vieux-Québec pour Sainte-Foy au tournant des années 1960. Pour l’auteur, la vie d’une bibliothèque universitaire est loin d’être un fleuve tranquille. Elle se trouve au cœur de tous les tiraillements entre les gouvernements, les autorités universitaires, les syndicats, les départements et les facultés, les professeurs et les étudiants, les éditeurs et les libraires. Au cours de ses 150 ans d’histoire, la bibliothèque de Laval a connu un grand nombre de situations conflictuelles. À ses débuts en 1852, la bibliothèque de l’université peut compter sur les 15 000 volumes du séminaire. De 1852 à 1945, le budget d’acquisition est minime, environ 1 000 $ par an. La bibliothèque dépend alors de la générosité des donateurs. Les conditions d’utilisation ne favorisent ni la fréquentation des lieux ni le prêt. En 1930, son catalogue compte 190 000 volumes. Dans la grande enquête de 1931 sur les bibliothèques canadiennes, présidée par le professeur John Ridington et subventionnée par la Carnegie Corporation, on peut y lire l’évaluation suivante : « The Commission can testify that the books are in excellent conditions – too excellent for a regulary-used library. This is probably explained by the fact that there is practically no provision for reading-room accommodation, there being less that fifty chairs for readers in the two floors the main collection occupies » (Libraries

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in Canada, p. 131). La bibliothèque générale dessert alors les quatre facultés de l’université. À partir de 1935, on constate l’émergence de bibliothèques facultaires et départementales, et une rivalité s’installe entre celles-ci et la bibliothèque générale. En 1946, un bibliothécaire professionnel, l’abbé Joseph-Marie Blanchet, devient directeur de la bibliothèque. Il le sera de 1946 à 1957 et de 1963 à 1978. On le décrit comme un homme grand, mince et d’une timidité extrême, qui rit rarement et ne brille pas dans les conversations mondaines, mais qui est d’une grande efficacité. Il remplace la classification du libraire français Jacques-Charles Brunet par celle de la Library of Congress. De la traduction et l’adap- tation des Library of Congress Subject Headings naît le Répertoire de vedettes-matière de Laval, qui donnera lieu par la suite à une grande utilisation. La création, en 1962, d’une enquête sur la bibliothèque, confiée aux bibliothécaires Edwin Williams, de l’Université Harvard, et Paul- Émile Filion, de l’Université Laurentienne de Sudbury, est sans doute l’évènement le plus important dans l’histoire de la bibliothèque de Laval. Le rapport Williams-Filion dresse un constat accablant : un seul bibliothécaire, des collections pauvres, des budgets insuffisants. Les deux hommes proposent un plan de développement dans leur rapport intitulé Vers une bibliothèque digne de Laval. Les résultats ne se font pas attendre. Trois ans plus tard, la bibliothèque emploie 20 bibliothécaires et 63 employés. On prend alors la décision de construire une grande bibliothèque générale, qui sera inaugurée en 1969. À la suite de l’installation de l’université à Sainte-Foy, la bibliothèque de Laval doit séparer les collections entre l’université et le séminaire, un travail colossal. L’université abandonne au séminaire 100 000 volumes, dont les livres parus avant 1910, les incunables canadiens et les livres rares. Dans les années 1973-1978, l’opposition des facultés à la fusion de leurs bibliothèques respectives à la bibliothèque générale prend des proportions considérables et génère des débats acrimonieux. Ceci entraîne la démission du directeur Joseph-Marie Blanchet en 1978. Pourtant, ces années-là, la bibliothèque mise sur l’automatisation avec des projets de formation documentaire, de téléréférence et de télécatalogage. En 1978, Céline Cartier, qui dirigeait depuis un an la bibliothèque générale, devient directrice. Elle est la première femme à obtenir un poste de haute direction à Laval. On la décrit comme le portrait contraire de son prédécesseur : petite, extravertie, colérique. Elle

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procède à une réorganisation administrative de la bibliothèque, instaure des plans directeurs triennaux dès le premier jour pour les années 1979-1982. Par sa gestion dynamique et sa défense de la bibliothèque auprès des autorités de l’université, Céline Cartier regagne la confiance de son personnel et de la communauté universitaire. Adjoint de Céline Cartier depuis 1978, Claude Bonnely lui succède en 1988. Il est connu comme un homme calme et discret. Il a été directeur pendant 18 ans. Il a mis en place plusieurs plans quinquennaux, dont le premier (1992-1997) orienté sur les technologies de l’information. Sous son directorat, on lance en 1992 le catalogue automatisé Ariane, en 1994 le Gopher et en 1995 un site web. L’université Laval se joint à l’Université de Montréal et à l’UQAM pour mettre sur pied le consortium Érudit. La biblio- thèque joue aussi au Québec un rôle prépondérant dans l’accès, la diffusion et la formation aux données numériques de Statistique Canada. Silvie Delorme, directrice de 2006 à 2012, instaure ensuite la planification stratégique. Elle priorise la culture organisationnelle et veut des liens serrés entre la bibliothèque, les professeurs et l’administration de l’université. Elle procède à des réaménagements considérables de bibliothèques, tâche que continue Loubna Ghaouti, devenue directrice en 2012. Cette dernière résout un vieux problème en fusionnant la bibliothèque des sciences humaines et sociales et la bibliothèque scientifique. Ce volume permet de suivre et de comprendre l’organisation interne du réseau des bibliothèques et les changements intervenus au cours des ans, de même que le rôle que les protagonistes y ont joué. Le récit s’appuie sur l’exploitation de très nombreux documents d’archives et de documents publiés. Cette synthèse est indéniablement une grande réussite. Le seul reproche que l’on peut faire concernant ce livre s’adresse à l’éditeur. Une édition de l’ouvrage dans un format conventionnel, avec une couverture attrayante, aurait davantage mis en valeur cette œuvre historique, par ailleurs fort remarquable.

MARCEL LAJEUNESSE EBSI Université de Montréal

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Elyse Graham, The Republic of Games: Textual Cultures Between Old Books and New Media (Montreal, QC/Kingston, ON: McGill- Queens UP, 2018), 168 pp.; $24.95 (Paperback) ISBN 9780773553392

At its heart, this book is a persuasive call for reluctant humanists to expand beyond an exclusive use of anachronistic literary paradigms when trying to understand digital textual production and consumption. This attempt to dethrone the primacy of a limiting literary perspective with new histories “that have not previously belonged to the histories of humanistic activity” (121) is a healthy and necessary critical effort, and Graham’s well-justified acknowledgement of the influence of games and game mechanics on social media ecosystems and the circulation of digital cultural content is provocative and refreshing, despite its tendency to narrowly target digital writing and literature instead of acknowledging broader multimedia and multi-modal communication practices. Combining a commanding knowledge of textual studies, platform studies, and game criticism, these essays (and a robust collection of endnotes) collectively introduce games as a useful way of augmenting our understanding of the unique complexities of digital textual production and reception. Graham argues that although games have played a minor role in the production and circulation of texts for most of literary history, game structures and paradigms now underpin online textual production, circulation, and preservation, transforming the textual ecosystem from a bibliographically-aligned republic of letters to a dynamic, immediate, and improvisatory republic of games. Chapter One surveys the uniquely fluid and immediate character of online literary production as shaped by the gamification of social media platforms (even exceeding the critical predictions of Jerome McGann and Bernard Cerquiglini), and suggests that a new hermeneutics is needed for this more demanding and less certain economy of labour. Chapter Two unpacks Facebook as a representative example of the ways that game mechanics (feedback, points, and voluntary activity within a bounded environment) catalyse a playful, competitive, amateur culture of robust textual production. Relating social media platforms to online fan fiction archives via the shared feature of gamification is the focus of Chapter Three, which includes an analysis of the ways in which the open source fanfiction repository An Archive of Our Own negotiates with traditions of copyright, genre and gender, tagging practices, and constraint-based writing. Chapter Four directs the results of the previous chapters’ close readings of particular platforms into a broader

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theoretical argument that challenges the persistence of anachronistic and reductive print metaphors in digital media studies (taking particular issue with the ways the idea of digital “revolution” is paralleled with a problematic characterization of Gutenberg’s printing press as initiating a radical shift in textual cultures). Here Graham also calls for a revisionary understanding of digital textual ecosystems by asserting the equal importance of narrative, game, and database structures in the constitution of online textual cultures. Overall, the book does not simply argue against theoretical currents, but tries to expand scholarly perspectives by introducing games and game mechanisms as a useful way of augmenting our understanding of the unique complexities and characteristics of digital textual production and reception. In the subsequent epilogue (which is a welcome inclusion given that so many thematically-aligned collections of essays end without a parenthetical debriefing or provocative conclusion), Graham calls for broadened graduate training in the humanities to include interdisciplinary philosophies and values, especially since textual ecosystems are now impacted so significantly by digitally-framed social media systems and platform architectures of production/curation. Unfortunately, Graham’s efforts are hampered by an often-repeated desire to remain apolitical and “descriptivist rather than prescriptivist” (33, 54). This neutral stance is problematic on many levels, especially since the gamification of social media is anything but neutral or innocent regarding the issue of unpaid labour and its relationship to corporate interests, exploitation, and the profitability of personal data. Indeed, gamification, while championed by critics like Jane McGonigal as a means of encouraging collaborative problem solving, is also a corporate tool of behavior micromanagement, employee surveillance, and efficiency training. While this exploitative and manipulative potential is introduced briefly in Chapter One (24-29) and the epilogue, it is negated by Graham’s assertion that her “interest lies in whether a phenomenon is taking place, not whether it should be taking place” (33). She is only interested in identifying the gamification aspects of social media platforms, focusing on the “boundaries of the platforms” and “the textual activity that takes place on them” (109). But if we are to accept her argument that games need to be more seriously considered as a media paradigm, then the consequences of such use and integration via the gamification of social media platforms need to be examined as well. At one point Graham asks: “Are the rewards of such changes [user-run information management and content production] enough to compensate for the loss of other rewards [such as traditional forms

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of credit and payment]?”, then answers that it is too soon to tell and suggests that, for critics, these changes “offer at least the excitements of shifting repertoires and new horizons of meaning” (29). In other words, she shrugs off the political implications of gamified free online labour (and its exploitative associations) to instead celebrate a critical opportunity for novelty and diversity, which seems irresponsible. Ironically, this reluctance to critically engage with the “norms, values, and practices” (111) relating to the digital production and consumption of texts seems like a step backwards in a work that is so eager to expand limited horizons of understanding and critical practice, and which not only chastises humanities scholars for resisting the values, habits, and practices of a computerized world (116), but also emphasizes the need for exposing humanities students to digital and computational literacies. To be fair, perhaps this non-gamified book on gamification only intends to acclimatize a more traditional readership to the presence and influence of game mechanics in digital textual ecosystems. For some, this might be a large enough paradigm shift to work through. However, to do what this book does—cultivate an apolitical literacy—is arguing for acceptance and proficiency without critical awareness (118). Certainly students need to adopt collaboration, tool-building, hacking, and theory and design integration skills, but they also need to be lucid about the ideological implications of gamification beyond simply recognizing its operative presence. Oddly, Graham asserts that understanding the “values” and practices of cultures within environments is the “most established kind of humanistic work” (111), but backs away from discussing how the politics, values, and practices related to digital textual cultures are affected in an age of manipulative clickbait, algorithmic content generation, propagandistic twitterbots, and deepfakes.

JON SAKLOFSKE Acadia University

Marie Philip, Books that Matter (Cape Town, South Africa: David Philip Publishers, 2014), 188 pp.; $19.05 (Paperback) ISBN 1485622875

The frequent comment that David Philip Publishers (DPP) was the pre-eminent oppositional publisher during the apartheid years is not unfounded. Along with other courageous publishers such as Ravan, Skotaville, Seriti sa Sechaba, and the Afrikaans publisher Taurus, David Philip provided a moral compass during difficult times. If the

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audacity of their enterprise was evident then, Marie Philip’s memoir, Books that Matter, dispels any doubt: David and Marie Philip were giants who not only provided a backbone for intellectual resistance to apartheid, but produced a new generation of publishers who continue to provide fearless analysis of South African society. Although there had been a plethora of racist legislation building up to the apartheid moment, the secession from the Commonwealth and the declaration of a Republic in 1961 officially heralded the era. Within two years, the Nationalist Party regime had introduced two key pieces of legislation related to the arts that consolidated previous legislation intended at censorship: the Publications and Entertainment Act of 1963 and the Censorship Act. Under these acts, and other related legislation, films, theatre productions, books, individuals, gatherings, and organizations could be censored and banned. In 1974, the Publications Act added more restrictions and moved the right of appeal from the courts to the conservative Publications Appeal Board. The restrictions on artists were supplemented by other, broader repressive measures. Rather than aid in the suppression of terror, the Terrorism Act of 1967 had become an instrument of terror, while the Prohibition of Improper Political Inference Act of the same year made almost all political activity across racial lines a crime. What constituted “political activity” was vague. The Internal Security Act of 1976, followed by the even more sweeping Internal Security Act of 1982, gave local magistrates the authority to ban gatherings for up to forty-eight hours. This sequence of increasingly restrictive legislation is central to the story of DPP, for this was the climate under which they came into being and under which they operated for much of their existence. As the laws governing censorship continued to tighten towards the end of the 1960s, David Philip felt a shift in the industry. He was working at Oxford University Press at the time and, like his mentor at the press, the outspoken critic of apartheid and intellectual beacon, Leo Marquard, he recognized a lack of will among scholarly publishers to actively resist apartheid. And so, in 1971, David and Marie Philip started their own business from home. Later, university presses in South Africa would again bring out books that frustrated the establishment, as is well documented in Elizabeth le Roux’s A Social History of the University Presses in Apartheid South Africa (2015). However, it took the initiative of brave individuals like David and Marie Philip to spearhead this change and to support a generation of writers who showed the determination to write books that revealed

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the inner workings of apartheid at a time when doing so came at great cost. The courage and ingenuity of these publishers cannot be underestimated. David Philip Publishers boldly published books that exposed apartheid thinking, while insisting that all voices deserved to be heard: he set the voices of conservative Afrikaner student leaders alongside those of, amongst others, Black Consciousness leaders, Steven Biko and Barney Pityana, thus allowing readers to form their own opinions. When, in 1980, conditions thawed briefly, David Philip combed the lists of previously banned books and presented select titles to the appeal board for reconsideration. Although many of these books had been published internationally, they had until then been unavailable in SA. In this way, DPP were able to acquire rights to these books and introduce South Africans to literature that filled a gap in their own history. The Africasouth series became a key means of recuperating the historical record. Not only did the Philips set out to publish material that resisted apartheid, they contributed in other areas of resistance as well. The Anti-Censorship Action Group, of which David Philip became a leading voice, lobbied for local and international awareness of the extent of censorship in South Africa. They were particularly active in the mid-1980s, monitoring not only acts of censorship, but also providing details of assassinations, banned meetings and individuals, and publishing the names of detainees and of those tortured in apartheid prisons. Marie Philip admits in the acknowledgements that she has neither the ability nor the resources to write a full history of the press, and that remains a project that someone needs to undertake. However, she should not undervalue the contribution she has made with Books That Matter. She relies heavily on David Philip’s article “Oppositional Publishing in South Africa from 1945 to 2000” to underpin her own recollections, but the vignettes she provides to embellish his remarks offer readers additional insight into some of the behind-the-scenes moments at the publishing house. True to the character of David Philip Publishers, which grew from a backyard enterprise into a publishing house with international reach, her memoir fluctuates between being an incisive commentary on the nature of anti-apartheid publishing and being a chatty family history. This approach adds much to an important book, but also detracts from it. It is a gripping insider account of a seminal publisher, yet at times the import of the subject overtakes the author as paragraphs drift out of focus. It is

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never quite clear whether this is a book about the publishing house, or a family scrap book. The former is of international import; the latter less so. Perhaps a deep admiration for the Philips prevented the editors of this book from being as incisive as they should have been. Regardless of the reasons why it happened, it is a disservice to someone who valued editorial acumen as much as Marie Philip. Too often, I felt, the author underplayed her own contribution. Stanley Ridge’s Commemorative Lecture, included as Appendix I, makes it clear that David Philip himself never saw their personal or business relationship as anything but an equal partnership, yet Marie often lets herself disappear into the hidden and more seemingly passive role of “copyeditor” or office assistant. She was far more than that. Any woman who yells “like a fishwife” (Books that Matter, 70) at the head of the notorious John Vorster Square prison, where several activists died in detention, is no push-over who disappears into the shadows at the office. That is a shame, for David Philip’s legacy is by now largely a matter of public record; Marie’s contributions less so, and this book could have given us a better account of her efforts. These criticisms should not detract from what is, ultimately, a major addition to South African publishing history. Books That Matter is a testament to the courage of the writers who continued to write under such conditions, and to those publishers who made their words available in a hostile publishing environment. Marie Philip calls the selection of books published by DPP “eclectic” (12, 25)—a reflection of David’s own wide-ranging tastes and interests. David Philip calls it “anti-apartheid and pro-conservation” (“Oppositional Publishing,” 43). DPP published children’s books; scholarly books; nature guides; and even Anglican liturgies. In each of these areas, they provided leadership and courage and defined the nature of South African writing and publishing well into the post-apartheid era. David and Marie Philip retired in 1999, but their legacy continues. Books That Matter will assure this. Books that Matter is a story about South African publishing in a dark time, but its current relevance to writers and publishers around the world cannot be overstated. David and Marie Philip published according to their conscience, and believed firmly in being able to do so in an environment free from intimidation, repression and censorship. Their views are reflected in the wording of the Charter for the Independent Publishers’ Association of South Africa, of which DPP was a founding member: freedom of speech and freedom of

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information are presented as fundamental rights “which should not be abridged in a democratic society” (87-88). Hannah Arendt reminds us in a 1978 interview in the New York Review of Books that we have settled into complacency amidst our freedoms and privileges, happy to pay lip service to ideals and well- crafted platitudes. It is an indulgence we can ill afford. Marie Philip ends Books That Matter with a quote from David Philip: Publishers of integrity are or ought to be endemically independent, always prepared to give voice to criticism of the establishment, always the supporters of freedom and creativity, holding open the doors for discussion and debate.’ (110) Or, in David Philip’s own words, publishers should not be “scared stiff of publishing anything” (“Oppositional Publishing,” 44). Too often, the publishing industry in North America seems to be scared stiff: Who, in these times, will show the integrity to put aside their fears and publish books that confront the lies of our age?

PETER MIDGLEY Independent Scholar

Richard Landon, A Long Way from the Armstrong Beer Parlour: A Life in Rare Books: Essays by Richard Landon (New Castle, DE: Oak Knoll, 2014), 440 pp.; $66.17 (Cloth) ISBN 9781584563303

As director of the Thomas Fisher Rare Book Library at the University of Toronto for most of his life, Richard Landon (1942-2011) enjoyed a highly distinguished career as a librarian. When the special collections at the University of Toronto were first constituted as a department in 1955, there were good books there, but it was far from being a truly notable collection nationally, much less internationally, in part, it must be said, because of the fire that destroyed the university library in 1890. By the time of Landon’s retirement, however, the Fisher Library far outstripped all other collections in Canada in terms of size and importance, and that evolution was almost entirely Landon’s accomplishment. He had assistance from university administrators, booksellers, colleagues and staff, as well as donors, of course; and the Canadian government, through direct grants and through the farsightedness of the Cultural Property Import and Export Act of 1976, helped a great deal too. But it was at heart Landon’s hard work

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and connections that turned the Fisher Library into the world-class rare book and manuscript collection that it is today. Landon taught and mentored a number of aspiring special collections librarians, and I was one of them. (I was a student in his “Descriptive Bibliography” course at the then Faculty of Library Science in 1978-79, and he later wrote on my behalf to help me to procure more than one professional position.) One of his oft-stated bits of advice to neophytes was to postpone publishing professional talks and papers for as long as possible. That way, one could continue to present them multiple times, as he himself regularly did—repeatedly dining out, as he might have said, at no extra expense. The result is that the majority of the essays and papers collected in A Long Way from the Armstrong Beer Parlour appears in print here for the first time. Almost all of these evidences of Landon’s “life in rare books” were given first, and often on multiple occasions, as talks at conferences, and only a few—such as his essay on the so-called Pre-Confederation exile narratives—were published in his lifetime. His editor, Marie Korey, who was also his wife, has divided the essays into three broad categories: “Autobiography,” “Bibliography and Book History,” and “Collecting and the Antiquarian Book Trade.” Even the essays in the first section, while perhaps more personal than the others, are resolutely book focused, not excluding a brief bespoke piece on the one “inspirational” book in his life that held sway above all others (25). (He chose McKerrow’s Introduction to Bibliography for Literary Students where others, myself included, might have plumped for Wild Animals I Have Known or The Adventures of Chatterer the Red Squirrel.) A memorial piece about the bookseller Franklin Gilliam in that same first section represents a more formal example of something that Landon loved to do: to talk about the antiquarian book trade and antiquarian booksellers. He had an extensive knowledge of the trade that was both historical and current, and his fund of bookseller stories was deep. He also loved to talk about things he had acquired for the Fisher Library, and the “Personal Miscellany” which closes the first section of the book includes several items that all of his friends heard him talk about: The Outcast Prophet, for example, or the woodblocks that Robert Gibbings executed for a book called The Charm of Birds. (I missed any mention of Samuel Alexander White, a third-rate but productive Canadian novelist whose papers Landon excitedly acquired at one point.) Bibliography and bibliophily were Landon’s two favourite subjects, and the bulk of this book is devoted to essays and papers on aspects of these disciplines. What is remarkable is that, on the whole, it is

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people rather than scholarship to which or to whom Landon devoted himself: people who made books, people who sold books, and people who collected books. In the essays gathered under “Bibliography and Book History,” we hear about Darwin, Galileo, and Thoreau Macdonald, all subjects of extensive collections at the Fisher Library. We also hear about Richard Garnett, one of Landon’s heroes among the librarians (as also was A.W. Pollard), and about bibliographers from Edward Capell (the first person to publish a quasi-facsimile transcription of a title-page, in 1759) and T.F. Dibdin (a Landon favourite) to Greg, Bowers, and Tanselle, in an essay that is as much about people as it is about its ostensible topic (“Bibliography and Humanities Scholarship”). Also in this section can be found the only piece in the book about forgery, a subject of great interest to Landon throughout his career, as well as an interesting essay (from an exhibition catalogue, as many of these essays are) on the trouble Henry Vizetelly faced as the English publisher of the works of Émile Zola. (The English put Vizetelly in prison for publishing things to which the French would not have given a second thought.) Landon was at his best perhaps in writing about collectors, and the essays brought together in “Collecting and the Antiquarian Book Trade” represent him at his most enthusiastic and charmingly obsessive. “Who Owned It and Why It Matters: Provenance” is discernibly more about the ‘who’ than the ‘why,’ but Landon’s exuberance for tracing the ownership of copies of books is catching. When he employs the collector Frederick Locker-Lampson as an historical case to substantiate an investigation of “The Concept of Special Collections,” it is clear that he is far more interested in the collector than in the concept. And why not? Locker-Lampson owned some amazing books and was a rather attractive fellow, by Landon’s account, and it would be hard for any book person not to be sentimental about both the books and the man. Apart from some investigations of the provenance of certain copies of books, only once does Landon enter the realm of truly original research, when he discusses the collecting career of Lord Amherst of Hackney, for which he had the benefit of unpublished papers that he himself had acquired for Fisher. But even when he is doing little more than describing material at his library, as he does in essays about both the Galileo and the history of medicine collections at Fisher, for example, Landon is a deeply informed guide whose prose is polished and occasionally irresistible. (I laughed out loud at his observation that “Epictetus

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charmed [the bookseller James] Lackington to the extent that he attempted to adopt the principles of the Stoics, a difficult task even for a lapsed Methodist” (269).) Despite an occasional solecism—does no one anymore know what ‘enormity’ or ‘fulsome’ means?—these essays are exactly what polite essays should be: full of recondite information attractively expressed, and somehow as revelatory of their author as they are of their subjects.

BRUCE WHITEMAN Toronto, Ontario

Laura K. Davis and Linda M. Morra, eds., Margaret Laurence & Jack McClelland, Letters (Edmonton, AB: University of Alberta Press, 2018), lxii + 629 pp.; $39.95 (Paperback) ISBN 9781772123357

This volume gathers together the bulk of the surviving correspondence between two Canadian cultural icons who were particularly prominent from the 1960s to the 1980s: literary author Margaret Laurence (née Jean Margaret Wemyss, 1926-1987) and Toronto book publisher John G. (Jack) McClelland (1922-2004). Edited by Laura K. Davis (Red Deer College) and Linda M. Morra (Bishop’s University), the work surrounds its 582 pages of correspondence with a scholarly apparatus comprised of a 7-page preface, a 53-page introduction, notes, works cited, and a 38-page index. A sprinkling of illustrations appear throughout the volume. Born and raised in Neepawa, Manitoba, Laurence passed several decades of her adult life outside of Canada, with time spent both in Africa and England. She returned permanently to Canada in 1973, making her home in Lakefield, Ontario near Peterborough. Laurence developed an international profile during her career as a writer, the most prominent of her works being her series of Manawaka novels. The Toronto-born McClelland served in the Second World War, joining his family’s publishing firm, McClelland & Stewart (M&S), after his return. He took over the running of the company from his father in the 1950s. Known for his commitment to Canadian authors and some highly memorable publicity stunts to promote them, McClelland served as Laurence’s Canadian publisher throughout her career, issuing most of her books for the Canadian market, while US- and UK-based publishers looked after publication in those countries.

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In their preface, editors Davis and Morra explain what they have excluded from among the 400-odd letters Laurence and McClelland exchanged during their lives: “those that are short and do not give pertinent information about Laurence and McClelland or their interactions; those that are simply requests to review a manuscript; and those that are simple acknowledgments that letters, documents, or manuscripts have been received” (xiv). They also note: “Occasionally, we have omitted phrases or sentences from some of the letters, and we have indicated so with ellipsis points. In these cases, information was redundant or irrelevant” (xiv). Readers of this journal may be saddened to learn from note 6 on page 7 that the editors omitted two December 1959 letters between Laurence and McClelland that provided details about royalties. The note does indicate, however, where in the archival holdings they may be found. Notes associated with certain other letters in the collection similarly provide helpful references to topically related correspondence authored by members of M&S personnel, providing location information within the M&S archives. The editors have provided a substantial introduction that orientates the reader to major themes embedded in the correspondence. These themes, each marked by a sub-heading, include: “Cultivating the National Imaginary and Canadian Literature”; “Women in the Canadian Literary and Publishing Scene”; “Marketing and Censorship”; “Politics and Controversies”; “The Writers’ Union of Canada and the Rise of the Paperback Novel”; and “Changing Times in Literature and Publishing.” The letters themselves have been grouped into three logical chronological periods: “Beginnings, 1959-1969”; “Challenges and Successes, 1970-1979”; and “A Legacy, 1980-1986.” Collections of correspondence such as this one are always tremendous resources for scholars and students since they make primary sources that reside in multiple archives far more accessible. Readers who choose to move through the letters chronologically will witness the evolution of Laurence’s and McClelland’s relationship from a purely professional one in the beginning towards friendship – with some notable bumps along the way. Laurence was not afraid to take McClelland to task when she felt a situation warranted it, and the publisher was not passive in his responses. In general, the letters are far more revealing about Laurence as a private individual than they are about McClelland, whose comments about his private life are very limited. The editors have been attentive to the inevitability that

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some, and possibly many, readers will simply dip into this collection in search of information about a particular aspect of Laurence’s or McClelland’s lives, such as the writing and publication of a specific Laurence title or their involvement in professional associations connected with the realm of writing and publishing. As a result, notes attached to individual letters will often repeat information provided in a note associated with an earlier letter, though on occasion the reader is referred back to a prior one. As a publishing historian, my attention was particularly caught by references Laurence and McClelland made to the author’s American and British publishers and agents. From them, a reader can derive a partial understanding of how Canadian authors like Laurence, who achieved an international market for her work, had to navigate a tricky editing and publishing process when English-language publishers in several countries were working with her toward simultaneous (or near simultaneous) publication of a book. In a letter dated 13 May 1960 to McClelland, for example, Laurence explains she has received suggestions for changes to the manuscript for This Side Jordan from her American publisher; the trouble was that the suggestions arrived rather late in the day, and her UK publisher was already setting type. While the American publisher was sanguine at the prospect of the American text differing from the British one, Laurence was not. The author apologized to McClelland for raising changes so late in the process, and expressed the hope that he and her UK publisher would approve them. “The main thing I want to avoid,” she explained, “is the appearance of two different novels in England and America, a situation [that] strikes me as absurd” (17). In responding on 17 May 1960, McClelland stated: “I don’t know how they’ll react in London. I don’t know how far typesetting has proceeded—although I’m sure they have started—and how much the proposed changes will affect them … If it should happen that the novel appears in two versions, I don’t think you should be upset about this. There [are] all sorts of precedent[s] on record” (18). Some factual errors are present in the scholarly apparatus of this collection. Should the work be reprinted, one hopes the University of Alberta Press will allow the editors to correct them. Content in several notes could have been made more rigorous by a search of Carl Spadoni and Judy Donnelly’s A Bibliography of McClelland & Stewart Imprints. For example, the publishing series, the Centennial Library, is confused with a bricks-and-mortar library (173, n2) while first publication of a couple of books is ascribed to the New Canadian

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Library (NCL) series when M&S had issued earlier hardback editions. Also in the notes, Douglas LePan’s novel The Deserter is identified as poetry (121, n2), Lorne Pierce’s year of death is off by a year (423, n1), and it was Harlequin that purchased Mills & Boon, rather than vice versa (521, n1). In the introduction, readers are told on page xxxi that the NCL began with the 1978 Calgary Conference, and then on page lvi that it was launched in 1958 (correct). (The NCL went into a hiatus after the Calgary Conference while M&S entered into internal debates about its future, discussions to which Laurence was privy.) Finally, in the Works Cited, the title of William Toye’s edited reference work, The Concise Oxford Companion to Canadian Literature (2nd ed., 2011), is given as the Encylopedia of Canadian Literature (589), possibly being confused with the title of W.H. New’s edited volume, the Encyclopedia of Literature in Canada. While this work would be made more robust by review and correction of its scholarly apparatus before any future reprinting, there’s no doubt that this collection makes a significant contribution by facilitating far greater access to the bulk of the surviving correspondence between Margaret Laurence and Jack McClelland.

JANET B. FRISKNEY Robarts Centre for Canadian Studies, York University

Lise Jaillant, Cheap Modernism: Expanding Markets, Publishers’ Series and the Avant-Garde (Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 2017), 172 pp.; £75 (Cloth) ISBN 9781474417242

Lise Jaillant’s Cheap Modernism: Expanding Markets, Publishers’ Series and the Avant-Garde draws on extensive archival research to show how modernist fiction became more widely available to twentieth-century readers. A detailed introduction usefully situates the popularization of modernist texts as a function of changes in copyright law, publishing practices, and reading preferences. However, the definition of key terms underscores the challenge of focusing the parameters of such a study. Referring to the “wide audience” engaged with modernist texts through cheap reprint series, Jaillant initially identifies “thousands of readers – much less than a mass-market readership” (1) and later adds that reprint series “did not reach the mass market” (18). The assertion is supported by her account of reprint series as “relatively affordable for middle-class customers” and as expensive for “working

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classes who patronized free and twopenny libraries” (18). Yet she also refers to “printed materials that made ‘modernism’ available to the masses” (3), to the impact of reprint series on “vast audiences in Europe and the rest of the world” (3), and to modernism as a “global commercial hit” (5). The picture of diffusion, which is both limited by price point and international in reach, depends on the intersection of targeted readership and expanding markets particular to this history of modernist publishing. The characterization of modernism as “literature of the early twentieth century, which addressed the social, economic and technological changes of that time” (5) would also benefit from additional clarification, especially as Cheap Modernism focuses on a particular selection of Anglophone authors and canonical texts within the modernist movement. Although the book deals with authors common to the study of modernism (e.g., Eliot, Joyce, Woolf, Lawrence, Lewis), the open- ended classification of literature might be applied to any author or text—modernist, popular, or however otherwise categorized. Further, with the terms avant-garde and modernism commonly employed as “quasi-synonyms” (6), Jaillant retains the term avant-garde for “more radical forms of modernism” (8). The investigation in chapter three of Wyndham Lewis’s rewrite of his novel Tarr (1918) for wider circulation contributes meaningfully to this differentiation, but in other instances the selection of and distinction between authors and texts is less clear. In connection, the suggestion that reading modernist or avant-garde texts “expanded the cultural horizon of readers” (3) who could not afford first editions should also be questioned. It may be true that reading James Joyce enlightened minds, whatever that might mean; still, the claim is unsubstantiated by bibliographical evidence or other descriptions of circulation. More significantly, the argument relies on an understanding of communication as the transfer of knowledge from text to reader without considering the individual and creative act of meaning-making. A follow-up study of reading experiences might demonstrate how the impact of a text like Dubliners on readers depended on interests, circumstances, and actual use, rather than just the ability to purchase a downmarket copy or the perceived literary value of the text. Questions about dissemination, disciplinary boundaries, and interpretative outcomes are of significance in part because Jaillant’s work with neglected archives to explore the production and reception of modernism sheds new light on these issues. Her argument that Cheap Modernism is needed to overcome academic prejudice that

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reduces the study of modernism to upmarket forms (i.e., first editions and little magazines) and instead direct attention to the popular forms that commercialized modernist authors and texts is entirely justified. Further, her case-study treatment of the subject is thorough and thoughtful. Each of the five chapters focuses on “a cheap reprint series that included modernist texts or authors” (18). In chapter one, “‘Introductions by eminent writers’: T. S. Eliot and Virginia Woolf in the Oxford World’s Classics Series,” Jaillant argues that by the 1920s the name recognition of Eliot and Woolf could be exploited by publishers to sell books; as a result, introductions by modernist authors helped extend the readership of reprint series. Chapter two, “Pocketable Provocateurs: James Joyce and D. H. Lawrence in the Travellers’ Library and the New Adelphi Library,” explains that modernist texts were read by larger audiences as part of three-and-six- penny libraries that could capitalize on the subversive reputation of an author. Chapter three, “Rewriting Tarr Ten Years Later: Wyndham Lewis, the Phoenix Library and the Domestication of Modernism,” contends that Lewis’s rewriting of Tarr for the 1928 edition in the Phoenix Library exhibits the wider circulation of modernism through reprint series and the transformation of modernist texts for popular reading through republication. In chapter four, “‘Parasitic publishers?’ Tauchnitz, Albatross and the Continental Diffusion of Anglophone Modernism,” Jaillant addresses the transnational nature of modernist publishing, the popularization of modernist texts, the impact of modernism on the publishers of reprint series, and the influence of publishing practices on mainstream culture of the 1930s. The final chapter, “‘Classics behind plate glass’: The Hogarth Press and the Uniform Edition of the Works of Virginia Woolf,” considers the transformation of the Hogarth Press into a commercial publishing house and Woolf’s preparation of a Uniform Edition, which included a complete edition of her works, to “reach ordinary readers” and “expand her readership on both sides of the Atlantic” (120). The conclusion underlines the relevance of downmarket publishing to an understanding of the communication practices that made modernism a critical component of reading for many. Cheap Modernism is well researched and readable, and the scope of the investigation is neither too broad nor too narrow. Further, it is a substantial contribution to modernist studies. By recasting canonical works as integral to the history of a range of publishing and reading practices, Jaillant’s materialist approach tends to dissolve inhibiting forms of academic and commercial categorization. In relation, her call

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for archival expansion and related changes in research methodology reflects upon the work of the book and points broadly to potential advances in the field. In the introduction she points to the need for “new bibliographical studies easily accessible on digital platforms” (4); in the conclusion, she illustrates how price and format encouraged unlikely readers to purchase a text such as A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man. While aimed at scholars of modernist culture, Cheap Modernism not only generates new knowledge of the social history of reading practices but also reveals how a book history approach integrates bibliography, literary studies, and history to expand existing areas of research.

DAVID BUCHANAN Athabasca University

Dean Irvine, Vanessa Lent, and Bart Vartour, eds., Making Canada New: Editing, Modernism, and New Media (Toronto, ON: UTP, 2017), 406 pp.; $63.75 (Cloth) ISBN 9781487500597

In his now canonical essay from 1986, “Technological Nationalism,” Maurice Charland identifies a “rhetoric of technological nationalism in anglophone Canada which ascribes to technology the capacity to create a nation by enhancing communication” (197). Following Charland’s logic, there is something so very Canadian about Making Canada New: Editing, Modernism, and New Media. Substitute Canadian nationalism for Canadian literary modernism, and many of the same instincts Charland identifies in his essay are present in Making Canada New: a call to action related to the delineation of an uncharted Canadian terrain, a collection of individuals largely scattered across the country devoted to the act of communicating that terrain, and an underlying assumption that this vocalization necessitates the use of technology. In many ways, Making Canada New feels like an intimate conversation between digital humanities scholars who are honing their communications processes and expressing the obstacles they have encountered as they pursue their projects. This circumstance is likely explained by the impetus behind the essay collection: in 2010, the Editing Modernism in Canada (EMiC) collective hosted a Conference on Editorial Problems; many of the essays in this collection originated as papers at that conference. EMiC is a collaboration between

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academic researchers whose mandate is twofold: to produce critical editions of largely under examined Canadian modernist texts, and to provide literary-focused training in digital technologies. This collection of essays, then, serves as an important resource for any digital humanities scholar, especially those pondering how to digitally represent an author’s archive; how to bridge old and new media; how to enable the navigation of digitized literary resources in the most ethical manner; or, perhaps, how best to technologically convey the process of literary creation amid multiple drafts. For those who work in the field of Canadian literature more broadly, the essays in Making Canada New do offer some gems, particularly around the understudied texts that the scholars in these essays are spotlighting as important examples of Canadian literary modernism. Making Canada New is divided into three parts. “Part One: Libraries, Archives, Databases, Editions” focuses on the ethical and structural dilemmas of archiving and representing literary texts in a digital format. In each essay within this section, scholars call for a revised presentation and reading practice. Sean Latham calls for the digital production of an “ergodic” navigation option that better reflects the more randomized reading of modernist magazines (53). Melissa Dagleish and Sophie Marcotte, in their respective essays, give concrete examples to emphasize how the way one displays a critical work (e.g., what editions and drafts of the work one presents) can affect understanding of the author and the text. Marc André Fortin argues that the presentation of an author’s archive suggests its own path forward for how to interpret a particular text within that archive. In the final essay of this section, J.A. Weingarten looks at absences within an author’s personal library and the obstacles these gaps can present at the level of interpretation. “Part Two: Collaborations”—situates contemporary scholars and modernist authors within varying forms of community. In the first essay, Tanya E. Clement positions the autobiography of Baroness Elsa von Freytag-Loringhoven as a manifesto to highlight the multivocality of the text, as well as of the reading audience. Similarly, Patrick A. McCarthy and Chris Ackerley in their essay focus on Malcolm Lowry’s wider community when addressing the context of In Ballast to the White Sea. Andrea Hasenbank, in her analysis of Canadian modernist manifestoes, bridges the gap between literature and proletariat communities. Paul Hjartarson, Harvey Quamen, and Kristen Fast consider the dimensions of a relational database as they digitize the archives of both Wilfred and Sheila Watson. And

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Michael John DiSanto expands his community across generations as he posits his digitization of George Whalley’s writing (a collaboration project with Robin Isard) as a continuance of Whalley’s own literary computing aspirations. In “Part Three: Selective Traditions and Alternative Modernisms,” some of the dominant narratives about Canadian modernism are revisited and reframed. Peter Webb considers the isolation in which editors have produced critical editions of Canadian modernist texts, pointing to the lack of consensus in how one makes editorial decisions about material. Meanwhile, Gregory Betts suggests the presence of a repressed Canadian avant-garde, whereby historical censorship forced the erasure of authors like Sol Allen. Kailin Wright evaluates how Carroll Aikin’s 1919 text The God of Gods was received in national and transnational modernist contexts, and how Indigenous elements within a Canadian modernist text were repurposed in a colonial manner. Tony Tremblay and Colin Hill similarly resituate elements of Canadian modernism in their essays; Tremblay suggests that New Brunswick’s pastoral and romantic typecasting precluded New Brunswick modernist writers from public success, while Hill revisits Hugh MacLennan’s realist novels through the lens of the writer’s earlier experimental, modernist writing. The strength of Making Canada New lies in its wide scope. Its best essays mainly come from Part Three, where critics make the greatest interventions as they attempt to rewrite the larger narratives of Canadian modernism. While not an expert in digital humanities, I do think some of the essays focused on the digitization of Canadian modernism could work towards more of an intervention, as their arguments are fairly intuitive. And while I appreciate the parallel between the impetus of modernism and the impetus of new media (and the digital humanities more broadly), which the introduction of Making Canada New postulates, it would be nice to see further cross-conversation between scholars using digital humanities and scholars using other methodological approaches to reframe Canadian modernism. But perhaps that is for another book.

ANNA SAJECKI University of Alberta

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François Séguin, D’obscurantisme et de lumières : la bibliothèque publique au Québec des origines au 21e siècle, Montréal, QC : Hurtubise, 2016, 657 p., 49,95 $ (format livre) ISBN 9782897238803

Claude Corbo (dir.), avec la collaboration de Sophie Montreuil et d’Isabelle Crevier, Bibliothèques québécoises remarquables, Montréal, QC : Bibliothèques et Archives nationales du Québec et Del Busso, 2017, 347 p., 37,95 $ (format livre) ISBN 9782924719251

Les études d’ensemble sur l’histoire des bibliothèques au Canada sont rares et peu nombreuses, tant au niveau national que provincial. Il est encourageant, par conséquent, de constater que deux récentes publications dressent un portrait global des bibliothèques du Québec. Malgré leurs différences d’orientation et d’approche, ces études, prises ensemble, procureront tant aux lecteurs érudits qu’au grand public des perspectives importantes sur le patrimoine des bibliothèques de la province. Le Québec jouit de la tradition des bibliothèques la plus ancienne et la plus complexe au Canada. La Bibliothèque du Collège des Jésuites (1632), dans la ville de Québec, est la première bibliothèque sur le continent au nord du Mexique. Comme d’autres bibliothèques du Régime français, elle faisait partie de l’institution religieuse, et le grand public n’y avait pas accès. Avec l’avènement du Régime britannique en 1763, des bibliothèques accessibles au public ont été mises sur pied – du moins pour l’élite urbaine et la population de la classe moyenne. La Bibliothèque de Québec (1779) et la Bibliothèque de Montréal (1796) étaient des bibliothèques donnant accès à des collections bilingues – françaises et anglaises – grâce à un abonnement. Entre 1764 et le début du 20e siècle, des bibliothèques, des salles de nouvelles et des salles de lecture offrant des prêts commerciaux – habituellement de courte durée – voyaient le jour en milieu urbain, avec des livres, des périodiques et des journaux disponibles en français et en anglais. Des Mechanics’ Institutes ont commencé à voir le jour entre les années 1820 et 1830, avec leurs pendants francophones, les Instituts d’artisans, entre les années 1850 et 1860. Selon la composition de la collectivité, les collections privilégiaient les publications en anglais ou en français. En 1840-1841, Alexandre Vattemare (1796- 1864) a visité les villes de Montréal et de Québec après un séjour aux États-Unis. Sa prédilection pour les bibliothèques publiques a joué un rôle dans l’émergence de la première organisation bénévole laïque du Québec francophone, l’Institut canadien, qui a bientôt

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ouvert à Montréal la première bibliothèque accessible au public s’adressant à la communauté de langue française. La place de la fiction était une source de tension dans les bibliothèques du Québec comme partout ailleurs, avec les lecteurs qui souhaitaient avoir accès à des romans et les élites qui cherchaient à décourager cet accès. Au cours des années 1763-1850, le développement des bibliothèques au Québec était à peu près comparable à celui dans les autres parties de l’Amérique du Nord britannique. Durant la centaine d’années qui a suivi, jusqu’à la Révolution tranquille des années 1960, les bibliothèques du Québec ont divergé en deux courants distincts : les bibliothèques anglophones, suivant les tendances générales dans le Canada anglais ; et les bibliothèques francophones, suivant une voie unique caractérisée par la large domination de la lecture et de l’éducation par des forces conservatrices agissant par l’intermédiaire de l’idéologie ultramontaine – le contrôle clérical des institutions sociales et culturelles. En ce qui a trait au mouvement des bibliothèques publiques qui a balayé l’Ontario et les provinces de l’Ouest, et avec un peu moins de vigueur le Canada atlantique, entre la fin du 19e et le début du 20esiècle, la participation du Québec était largement limitée à la communauté anglophone. Le Québec francophone a dû attendre la fin du 20e et le début du 21e siècle pour que les bibliothèques publiques deviennent généralement accessibles. C’est avec ce contexte à l’esprit que ces ouvrages – l’un écrit par François Séguin et l’autre publié par Claude Corbo – doivent être considérés. Séguin, qui est titulaire d’une maîtrise en bibliothéconomie, d’une maîtrise en sciences politiques et qui a mené une carrière de trente- deux ans dans les bibliothèques publiques de Montréal, a réalisé la première étude exhaustive sur le développement des bibliothèques publiques au Québec. Ses douze chapitres émaillés de nombreuses notes de bas de page synthétisent une abondance de sources primaires et secondaires de langue française et de langue anglaise. S’amorçant au cours du 17esiècle et se terminant dans le 21e, sa narration explique comment le processus d’accès public à des livres et à des bibliothèques a été introduit dans la société francophone. Son étude est axée sur cinq thèmes majeurs : (i) l’insuccès de l’Institut canadien de Montréal et d’autres bibliothèques dans leur tentative de constituer des collections accessibles au public en dehors de la juridiction morale et théologique de la hiérarchie catholique ; (ii) l’acceptation de la juridiction morale et théologique de la hiérarchie par l’Institut canadien de Québec, évoluant vers la mise sur pied de la bibliothèque publique de la

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ville de Québec, de la Bibliothèque municipale de Montréal et d’autres bibliothèques ; (iii) l’échec des bibliothèques paroissiales à remplir leur rôle efficacement, à l’exception de la Bibliothèque Saint-Sulpice de Montréal, qui est devenue dans les années 1960 la Bibliothèque nationale du Québec (BNQ), puis dans les années 2000 la Grande Bibliothèque du Québec, née de la fusion de la BNQ et de la Bibliothèque municipale de Montréal ; (iv) le foisonnement des bibliothèques publiques à travers le Québec francophone depuis 1980 ; et (v) le rôle précurseur de la communauté anglophone dans l’instauration des bibliothèques publiques gratuites à travers la province. Le rôle dérangeant de la fiction dans les bibliothèques francophones est clairement dépeint au fil des pages. Le livre est illustré et bien indexé. Corbo, ancien recteur de l’Université du Québec à Montréal (UQAM) et éminent professeur en sciences politiques, a publié un recueil d’essais sur vingt-huit bibliothèques et collections spécialisées au Québec. Dans ce projet, il a bénéficié de l’assistance de deux collaboratrices à la rédaction tout aussi distinguées, Sophie Montreuil et Isabelle Crevier. Ensemble, ils ont passé une commande à des historiens et experts de renom pour retracer l’histoire et l’origine de chaque bibliothèque ou collection, en plus de formuler des commentaires sur leurs « remarquables » qualités – collections, service et impact culturel. L’ouvrage est organisé en trois sections : « Bibliothèques fondatrices », sept bibliothèques importantes sur le plan historique qui n’existent plus ou qui ont été absorbées par d’autres bibliothèques ; « Bibliothèques québécoises remarquables », vingt grandes bibliothèques publiques, universitaires et spécialisées ; et « Annexe », une collection numérique de publications dans le domaine des sciences sociales et humaines – « Les Classiques des sciences sociales ». Une indication de l’importance de la communauté anglophone dans le développement des bibliothèques au Québec : environ le tiers des bibliothèques étudiées dans le recueil sont anglophones, bien que tous les essais soient rédigés en français. Quatre essais sont des traductions de l’anglais. Il faut souligner un certain nombre d’omissions surprenantes, comme la Bibliothèque McLennan- Redpath de l’Université McGill. Aucun des essais ne contient des notes de bas de page, mais chacun se conclut par une courte liste de lectures complémentaires. L’ouvrage est abondamment illustré, mais ne comporte aucun index. Contrairement à Séguin, Corbo inclut des bibliothèques univer­ sitaires et des bibliothèques spécialisées associées à des professions et

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à des institutions publiques – comme la Bibliothèque de l’Assemblée nationale du Québec. Ceci étant dit, toutefois, la plupart des bibliothèques mentionnées par Séguin sont aussi traitées par Corbo – incluant l’Institut canadien de Montréal, la Bibliothèque municipale de Montréal, la Bibliothèque publique de Westmount et la Grande Bibliothèque. Une différence majeure entre les deux ouvrages réside dans la vision unifiée de Séguin, qui imprègne l’ensemble de son texte. À titre de comparaison, le recueil de Corbo, qui réunit des essais de plusieurs auteurs sur différentes institutions, reflète une diversité de points de vue et est marqué par l’absence d’une interprétation directrice. Une autre différence majeure est que le travail de Séguin s’adresse clairement à un public érudit, qui recherche des descriptions et des explications détaillées. Le but de Corbo est d’attirer le grand public et d’inciter les lecteurs à visiter des bibliothèques. Les deux ouvrages sont similaires en ce qu’ils incluent la présentation de bibliothèques mises en place par la communauté anglophone de la province, malgré que leur intérêt premier soit le développement des bibliothèques francophones. Séguin comble une lacune importante dans notre compréhension du développement des bibliothèques publiques canadiennes. Quiconque s’intéresse à l’histoire des bibliothèques canadiennes, particulièrement au Québec, devrait lire ce livre instructif et bien écrit. Son ouvrage présente quelques autres études provinciales d’auteurs tels que Lorne Bruce, Free Books for All: The Public Library Movement in Ontario, 1850-1930 (1994) et Places to Grow: Public Libraries and Communities in Ontario, 1930-2000 (2010) ; Donald Kerr, A Book in Every Hand: Public Libraries in Saskatchewan (2005), British Columbia Libraries: Historical Profiles... (1986) et The Library Book: A History of Service to British Columbia… (2011). Bien que le premier marché pour D’obscurantisme et de lumières soit vraisemblablement des lecteurs érudits, on peut penser qu’un lectorat encore plus vaste pourrait apprécier une version abrégée centrée sur les thèmes majeurs de Séguin. Le recoupement de l’histoire populaire et de l’histoire savante par Corbo évite le danger courant de se retrouver entre deux chaises et de ne réussir ni l’une ni l’autre. Que cet ouvrage captive ou non un public populaire, il attirera certainement un public érudit. Est ainsi rassemblée l’information précieuse sur les grandes bibliothèques importantes, qui est autrement disséminée à travers une diversité de sources qui ne sont pas toujours faciles d’accès. Le souhait serait que des ouvrages similaires, dépeignant des bibliothèques et collections

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« remarquables », puissent être accessibles pour d’autres provinces et régions du pays.

PETER F. MCNALLY Université McGill (translated by Marie-Claude Rochon)

François Séguin, D’obscurantisme et de lumières: la bibliothèque publique au Québec des origines au 21e siècle (Montréal, QC: Hurtubise, 2016), 657 pp. $49.95 (Paperback) ISBN 9782897238803 Claude Corbo (dir.), avec la collaboration de Sophie Montreuil et d’Isabelle Crevier, Bibliothèques québécoises remarquables (Montréal, QC: Bibliothèques et Archives nationales du Québec, et Del Busso, 2017) 347 pp. $37.95 (Paperback) ISBN 9782924719251

Overview studies in Canadian library history are few and far between at either national or provincial levels. It is encouraging, therefore, to see two recent publications providing overviews of Quebec libraries. Although different in focus and approach, taken together these studies will provide academic and general readers alike with important insights into the province’s library heritage. Quebec enjoys Canada’s oldest and most complex library tradition. The Jesuit Library (1632), in Quebec City, is the first library on the continent north of Mexico. Like other libraries of the French regime, it was part of the religious establishment and inaccessible to the general public. With the coming of the British Regime in 1763, publicly accessible libraries were introduced—at least for urban elite and middle class people. The Quebec Library (1779) and the Montreal Library (1796) were subscription libraries with bilingual—French/English— collections. From 1764 to the early twentieth century, commercial lending libraries, newsrooms, and reading rooms—usually of short duration—appeared in urban settings with books, periodicals, and newspapers available in French and English. Mechanics’ Institutes began appearing in the 1820s and 30s, along with their French-language counterparts, Instituts d’artisans, in the 1850s and 60s. Depending upon their constituencies, the collections would favour English or French-language publications. In 1840/41 Alexandre Vattemare (1796- 1864) visited Montreal and Quebec City, following a stay in the United States. His espousal of public libraries played a role in the emergence of Francophone Quebec’s first non-religious voluntary organization,

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L’Institut canadien, which soon opened Montreal’s first publicly accessible library catering to the French-speaking community. The place of fiction was a source of tension in Quebec libraries as much as it was elsewhere, with readers wanting access to novels and elites attempting to discourage such access. For the period 1763-1850, library development in Quebec roughly paralleled other parts of British North America. For the next one-hundred years or so, to the Quiet Revolution of the 1960s, Quebec’s libraries diverged into two separate streams: Anglophone libraries following general trends in English-speaking Canada, and Francophone libraries following a unique path notable for reading and education being largely controlled by conservative forces acting through the agency of ultramontane ideology—clerical control of social and cultural institutions. Concerning the public library movement that swept through Ontario and the western provinces, and with rather less vigour Atlantic Canada, during the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, Quebec’s involvement was largely limited to the Anglophone community. Only during the later twentieth and early twenty-first century did public libraries become generally available in Francophone Quebec. It is with this background in mind that these books—one written by François Séguin and the other edited by Claude Corbo—must be considered. Séguin, holding Masters degrees in Librarianship and Political Science, and enjoying a thirty-two year career in Montreal public libraries, has produced the first full-scale study of Quebec’s public library development. His twelve densely footnoted chapters synthesize a massive body of French and English-language primary and secondary material. Beginning in the seventeenth century and finishing in the twenty-first, his narrative documents how the process of public access to books and libraries began finding its way into Francophone society. The focus of his study is on five major themes: (i) defeat of I’Institut canadien de Montréal and other libraries attempting to develop publicly accessible collections outside the moral and theological jurisdiction of the Catholic hierarchy; (ii) acceptance of the hierarchy’s moral and theological jurisdiction by I’Institut canadien de Québec, evolving over time into Quebec City’s public library, Bibliothèque municipal de Montréal, and other libraries; (iii) failure of parish libraries to fulfill their role effectively, with the exception of the Sulpician Library of Montreal, transformed in the 1960s into Bibliothèque nationale du Québec, and in the 2000s into La Grande Bibliothèque du Québec, embracing both BNQ and

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the Montreal Municipal Library; (iv) public libraries flourishing throughout French-speaking Quebec since 1980; and (v) the English-speaking community’s pioneering role in introducing free public libraries into the province. The unsettling role of fiction in Francophone libraries is well delineated throughout. The book is illustrated and well indexed. Corbo, formerly head of Université du Québec à Montréal (UQÀM), and a distinguished professor of Political Science, has edited a collection of essays on twenty-eight Quebec libraries and specialized collections. Assisting him in this project are two equally distinguished co-editors, Sophie Montreuil and Isabelle Crevier. Together they commissioned noted historians and experts to outline the history and origin of each library or collection, in addition to commenting on their “remarkable” qualities—collections, service, and cultural impact. The volume is organized into three sections: “Bibliothèques fondatrices,” seven historically important libraries no longer in existence or absorbed into other libraries; “Bibliothèques québécoises remarquables,” twenty significant public, academic, and specialized libraries; and “Annexe,” a digital collection of French language publications in the Humanities and Social Sciences—Les Classiques des sciences sociales. Indicative of the Anglophone community’s importance to Quebec’s library development, approximately one-third of the libraries explored in the collection are English, although all the essays are in French. Four essays are translations from English. There are some curious omissions such as McGill University’s McLennan-Redpath Library. None of the essays is footnoted, but each concludes with a short list of further readings. The volume is profusely illustrated, but there is no index. Unlike Séguin, Corbo includes academic libraries and specialized libraries associated with professions and public institutions—such as Quebec’s National Assembly Library. That said, however, most of the libraries mentioned by Séquin are also covered by Corbo—including L’Institut canadien de Montréal, Bibliothèque municipal de Montréal, Westmount Public Library, and La Grand Bibliothèque. A major difference between the two volumes is that Séguin has a unified vision that permeates his entire text. By comparison, Corbo’s collection of essays by diverse authors on specific institutions reflects a variety of viewpoints and is without a governing interpretation. Another major difference is that Séguin’s work is clearly aimed at a scholarly audience, wishing detailed descriptions and explanations. Corbo’s aim is to attract a general audience, and inspire readers to visit libraries. Both

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volumes are similar in including discussion of libraries developed by the province’s English-speaking community, although their primary concern is with Francophone library development. Séguin fills an important gap in our understanding of Canadian public library development. Anyone interested in Canadian, and specifically Quebec, library history needs to read this informative and well written book. His volume joins the small body of other provincial studies: Lorne Bruce’s Free Books for All: The Public Library Movement in Ontario, 1850-1930 (1994) and Places to Grow: Public Libraries and Communities in Ontario, 1930-2000 (2010), Donald Kerr’s A Book in Every Hand: Public Libraries in Saskatchewan (2005), British Columbia Libraries: Historical Profiles... (1986), and The Library Book: a History of Service to British Columbia… (2011). Although the major market for D’obscurantisme et de lumières will undoubtedly be scholarly readers, one can speculate that an even larger market might welcome an abbreviated edition that concentrates upon Séquin’s major themes. Corbo’s combining of popular and academic history avoids the usual danger of falling between two stools and doing neither well. Whether or not this volume attracts a popular audience, it will certainly attract a scholarly audience. Valuable information is brought together on major and important libraries that is otherwise spread across a range of sources not always conveniently at hand. One wishes that similar volumes, discussing “remarkable” libraries and collections, were available for other provinces and regions of the country. Armed with a bilingual dictionary, unilingual Anglophones will find these two volumes enlightening and informative!

PETER F. MCNALLY McGill University

Tony Tremblay, ed., New Brunswick at the Crossroads: Literary Ferment and Social Change in the East (Waterloo, ON: Wilfrid Laurier UP, 2017), 215 pp. $39.99 (Paperback) ISBN 9781771122078 There is no denying the value and significance of the five primary chapters that comprise the bulk of New Brunswick at the Crossroads: Literary Ferment and Social Change in the East, the most recent effort to define, defend, and heighten the place and profile of New Brunswick in the story of Canadian literature. In order, these chapters are Gwendolyn Davies’s “Loyalist Literature in New Brunswick, 1783-1843”; Chantal Richard’s “Emergent Acadian Nationalism, 1864-

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1955”; Thomas Hodd’s “The Fredericton Confederation Awakening, 1843-1900”; Tony Tremblay’s “Mid-Century Emergent Modernism, 1935-1955”; and Marie-Linda Lord’s “Modernity and the Challenge of Urbanity in Acadian Literature, 1958-1999.” Any of these chapters could facilitate or contribute to the development of a course focused on New Brunswick literatures—something that, before reading this volume, I didn’t even know I’d been missing—and as a reader, I came away from each of these contained topics with not only a progressively deeper understanding of New Brunswick cultural history but also with gratitude and appreciation for the extensive and distinct expertise of each of these scholars. There are, unfortunately, fundamental and at times inexcusable issues with the structure and framing of this volume, and this is particularly evident in Christl Verduyn’s “Foreword” and in Tony Tremblay’s “Introduction.” Regrettably, there is no chapter dedicated to Indigenous literatures in this volume, and as editor, Tremblay justifies this deliberate oversight by stating that “New Brunswick’s First Nations artists, musicians, writers, and filmmakers are mobilizing currently, as are First Nations artists in other parts of Canada; however, that mobilization is current and thus out of our (admittedly historical) purview” (11). This outdated narrative, which openly and shamelessly elides Indigenous contributions to the literary and cultural history of this land, reproduces the protective colonial logics of exclusion and of early Indigenous illiteracy and unintelligibility— logics that have long protected Settler Canadian colonizing cultures against Indigenous perspectives and stories. But just because some Settlers still are not accustomed to considering Indigenous cultural practices and histories does not mean that Indigenous peoples have not been speaking and writing all along. In 2018, there is simply no excuse for this negligence, which should have been identified, challenged, and remedied during the editorial process. Why, for example, is the early oral culture of the Acadians, so splendidly described in the chapter by Richard, to be deemed relevant to New Brunswick literary history, if Maliseet, Mi’kmaq, and Passamaquoddy oral cultures are not? Why are the “diaries, letters . . . and even sermons” of the Loyalists “that found their way into the newspapers and printers’ shops of Saint John, and later Fredericton, from 1783 onward” (Davies, 20-21) considered an important if overlooked part of the Canadian story, if the letters and petitions written by and on behalf of Indigenous peoples during the same period, not to mention their documented orations, are not?

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What could the early twentieth-century stories of someone like Henry “Red Eagle” Perley, whose family was from Tobique, tell us about the land currently called New Brunswick? And who would or could argue that a poem by Charles G.D. Roberts has received less critical attention than an awhikhigan, or birch bark writing, by Gabriel Acquin? If the purpose of this volume was to expound upon Settler New Brunswick literary history, then this intent should have been clearly signposted and contextualized from the beginning. Any argument that there has been no Indigenous literary activity in this land until recently is simply indefensible. In the end, had Tremblay enlisted the expertise of a scholar versed in Wabanaki literary history, perhaps even an Indigenous scholar, Verduyn’s “Foreword” might have made more sense. As it stands, Verduyn’s opening discussion attempts to link anti-racist and Indigenous movements in literary studies with Tremblay’s desire to “draw important and overdue attention to the contribution of New Brunswick literature and literary criticism to Canadian cultural history” (ix). Just as today’s most transformative scholars concern themselves with “the adequate inclusion and assessment of Indigenous and diasporic contributions to Canadian cultural history,” she writes, New Brunswick at the Crossroads eschews exclusory logics and “establishes the importance of New Brunswick’s cultural story” (vii, xv ). As an introduction to a volume that pointedly excludes Indigenous voices and literatures from the story that it tells, these prefatory remarks simply do not work; indeed, in the existing context, the continuous references to pieces of Indigenous scholarship and to “settler colonialism in Canada” (Verduyn, ix) come across as seeking to bend the ethics of social justice movements in the humanities for the insidious purpose of boosting the signal of New Brunswick’s occupying Settler culture. Given the strength of the five existing chapters, and the undeniable value of a volume of essays dedicated to the “constellation of micro­ cultures” (Tremblay, 4) that comprise what is currently New Brunswick, a second edition of New Brunswick at the Crossroads is needed to correct the exclusion of Indigenous literatures. Such a chapter would fit easily into the book’s existing frameworks, including Tremblay’s discussion of literary ferment and David Creelman’s concluding identification of the “four socio-cultural conditions” that have produced literary movements in the region: “compression and concentration,” “adversarial tensions,” emergent aesthetic conditions,” and “individuals of daring and genius who can work together as a collective” (156). Without a chapter dedicated to the “conditions that were in place to enable, stifle, or

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augment” (Tremblay, xix) Indigenous literary production, this book not only reproduces the marginalization of Wabanaki cultures in their own homelands but it also fails to accomplish its stated objective of foregrounding the literary cultures of the province.

RACHEL BRYANT Dalhousie University

David McKnight, Experiment: Printing the Canadian Imagination (Edmonton, AB: University of Alberta Press, 2018), Exhibition Catalogue, 156 pp.; $39.95 (Paperback) ISBN 9781551953663

What is an exhibition catalogue for? The exhibition is the event, which is to say the moment when an assemblage of a particular array of artifacts becomes, upon the gallery doors opening, historical— I’m thinking of what Hegel, in his 1861 Lectures on the Philosophy of History, might call the thing “before their eyes” (1). All exhibitions eventually disassemble and disappear, though, for they are time-bound events. The exhibition catalogue becomes not only the representation of the event, but also its authoritative trace, transforming the lost (or disappearing) event into history, that is, again from Hegel, “an object for the conceptive faculty” (2). The catalogue transforms the event into an idea, one more unhooked from time, that can circulate freely without the objects themselves. We depend on these documents to remember and also to interpret and articulate the spirit of the subject. They are thresholds, tied to the waning event but given to the enjoyment of the unprivileged, all the rest of us outside of the event who were unable to see it for ourselves. The best gesture to the necessary conversations the event will engender. I start this review from so distant a vantage to try to come to terms with what is happening, and not happening, in the pages of Experiment: Printing the Canadian Imagination, the official catalogue prepared by David McKnight for an exhibition of modernist and avant-garde literary objects at the University of Alberta. The catalogue stems from an exhibit highlighting over 100 key documents in the David McKnight Canadian Little Magazine and Small Press Collection, an extensive collection of Canadian little magazines, small press and micro-press imprints (including thousands of Canadian magazines, hundreds of imprints, hordes of ephemera, and most of the 1,500 Coach House Press titles), alongside a complementary

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research archive donated in 2012 to the University of Alberta. The exhibit was on display at the Bruce Peel Special Collections Library at the University of Alberta from 27 April—24 August 2018. The full-colour, paper-bound catalogue (published in a University of Alberta Press series dedicated to showcasing exhibitions from Bruce Peel Special Collections) reminds me that I was not there, that I did not get to see these marvellous objects assembled before my very eyes. It does so, however, I would like to suggest, by withholding the idea of the event. Rest assured, Experiment: Printing the Canadian Imagination is a beautiful book object. Every one of its 156 pages is elegantly typeset (by Natalie Olsen of Kisscut Design) and thoughtfully arranged. The vast majority of the images are book covers, highlighting the shifting innovations in the field of Canadian small press and avant-garde book publishing. They are not arranged chronologically, however, but, strangely, alphabetically by the name of the author, a decision that de-accentuates the chronological narrative sweep of any progression over time. Christian Bök’s Eunoia (2001) thus appears just before George Bowering’s “Baseball” (1967) in a disorienting anachronism. In fact, by the arrangement of the representation of the objects in this catalogue, and by the pithy captions, we are not meant to consider the relationship between these objects at all. Someone is said to be “avant- garde,” but avant of what? Another cover is noted for using Gothic type. Was this not a thing done? Why not is a mystery left as such. There is no attention paid to how the design, style, and look of each book responded to works that came before and advanced an ongoing conversation. We are certainly not meant to consider the contents of the books—the words within disappear entirely. Oddly, we are meant to judge the collection by its covers. They start to feel like a game hunter’s trophies, misarranged by colour rather than genus. This approach withholds from readers the great power of this incredible collection of objects, which is the evidence of a manifold, multiform conversation between writers (at the level of the micropress), and between members of a small coterie (at the level of the small press), in the moment before their ideas exploded onto a much larger stage and arrested attention around the world. Rather than focus in on the authors, and what they had to say (let alone how they said it), the introductory essays foreground the heroism of the collector—fine, but even there, the catalogue never seeks to pierce the collector’s mysterious and potent attraction to these objects. They were merely something collectible, something rare and valuable and

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ripe for gathering, it is suggested. He might have done stamps. Hegel warned about histories that remain limited to the anecdote, arguing that rather narrow and trivial details overwhelm and ultimately obscure the subject under consideration. Such histories invite and demand more rigorous work. This catalogue, with its tease and suggestiveness, its beauty and its obscured voice, makes me want to access these objects, makes me want (as Hegel suggests is the ultimate antidote to the anecdote) “to see everything” for myself, alive and in the midst of its own vitality. I suppose what is meant by the phrase “Canadian imagination” in the title is the scope of the work the remarkable David McKnight collection will engender. In a way, then, the value of this book is tied up with its advertisement function of the things in the collection, like a glamourous introduction to the more productive finding aid: promotional rather than devotional or analytical, announcing its existence for all to come and see all the wonders this book steadfastly doesn’t betray.

GREGORY BETTS Brock University/University College Dublin

Marie-Claire Boscq, Imprimeurs et libraires parisiens sous surveillance (1814-1848), Paris : Classiques Garnier, coll. « Littérature et censure », 2018, 464 p., 48 € (broché), ISBN 978-2-406-07310-9

Grâce à l’abondance d’archives sur laquelle se reposer, l’étude de la surveillance et de la censure de l’imprimé est l’un des aspects les mieux connus de l’histoire du livre et de l’édition en France. Les travaux d’Odile Krakovitch (Hugo censuré : la liberté au théâtre au XIX e siècle, Paris, Calmann-Lévy, 1985), d’Yvan Leclerc (Crimes écrits. La littérature en procès au XIX e siècle, Paris, Plon, 1991) et de Jean-Yves Mollier (La mise au pas des écrivains : l’impossible mission de l’abbé Bethléem au XX e siècle, Paris, Fayard, 2014) ont pavé la voie pour les chercheurs d’aujourd’hui. Encore faut-il avoir la patience et la rigueur nécessaires pour s’attaquer au massif des dossiers conservés aux Archives nationales, et en particulier au pic de la fameuse série F18, où se trouve l’essentiel des documents sur la censure. Marie- Pier Boscq a d’abord eu une « carrière d’ingénieur et de dirigeante d’entreprise » avant de rédiger la thèse dont est tiré ce livre. Le produit de ses recherches, consacré à la période située entre la fin du premier

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Empire et de la deuxième République, témoigne qu’elle n’a manqué ni de la patience ni de la rigueur nécessaires. Malgré les incessants changements de régime entre 1814 et 1848, il apparaît que les principes présidant à la législation sur la surveillance des imprimés et à leur exercice n’ont pas fondamentalement changé depuis l’Empire : il s’agit toujours de contrôler plutôt les médiateurs (imprimeurs et libraires-éditeurs) que les auteurs de textes interdits ; ceux-ci doivent être laissés libres de créer, pour autant que leurs écrits ou dessins de presse ne portent pas « atteinte aux devoirs des sujets envers le souverain et à l’intérêt de l’État ». Le décret que Napoléon fait passer en 1810 institue un numerus clausus sur la profession d’imprimeur à Paris et dans les départements et l’obligation pour les imprimeurs et les libraires (qui souvent sont éditeurs) d’obtenir pour pouvoir exercer un brevet. Le brevet (pour lequel plusieurs gens du livre brevetés devaient se porter garants et pour lequel il fallait avoir un certificat de bonne vie et mœurs) permettait de fermer la profession aux individus en délicatesse avec le pouvoir politique ou la religion. Une fois le brevet en main, il fallait se plier à la censure proscriptive. Là encore, la situation du théâtre, de la presse et du livre n’a guère changé sous la Restauration et la monarchie de Juillet. Marie-Claire Boscq détaille dans son livre les modalités d’obtention et de suspension du brevet, mais aussi les évolutions de la loi et les différentes professions (directeurs, inspecteurs) impliquées dans ce qu’elle appelle la « Librairie », à savoir l’administration chargée de la surveillance du secteur professionnel des imprimeurs, libraires, éditeurs, propriétaires de cabinets de lecture et autres « gens du livre ». A particulièrement retenu mon attention la partie sur les professionnels de l’imprimé. L’une des grandes forces du livre est de ponctuer le propos de nombreux témoignages inédits issus des archives : dossiers d’inspection, rapports à la direction, lettres au ministre, etc. Ces changements de rythme de lecture, associés à un style dynamique (on aurait bien supprimé quelques points d’exclamation), rendent agréable la lecture de cette somme rébarbative de documents.

ANTHONY GLINOER

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Ad Stijnman and Elizabeth Savage, eds., Printing Colour 1400-1700: History, Techniques, Functions and Receptions, “Library of the Written World. Volume 41. The Handpress World, vol. 32.” (Leiden, Boston: Brill, 2015), xxx, 248 pp., with 125 full colour illustrations, US $198 (Cloth) ISBN 9789004269682

Interdisciplinary and transnational in approach, Stijnman and Savage’s insightful collection presents a wealth of technical information and new research on the history of monochrome and polychrome printing in Early Modern Continental Europe. Stijnman is best known for his major work, Engraving and Etching 1400-2000: A History of the Development of Manual Intaglio Printmaking Processes (2012), while Savage has published extensively on early colour printing in relief, and is the author of a ground-breaking article on frisket sheets The Papers of the Bibliographical Society of America (2014). Together, they have assembled a team of international contributors including conservators, curators, scientists, and printmakers. Each chapter in Printing Colour reiterates that it is through the analysis of the material object and the processes by which it was created and through interdisciplinary collaboration across art history, bibliography, conservation and imaging science, that scholars can best understand historical printing practices. The introductory texts, namely Peter Parshall’s preface and Savage and Stijnman’s overview of printed colour before 1700, provide clear, concise and technically minded descriptions of workshop practices, while emphasizing that this study focuses “not on the resulting artistic style of colour prints but on the underlying techniques that enabled those styles to develop” (1). Indeed, much of previous scholarship on colour printing has been dominated by art historical studies of the so-called chiaroscuro prints, originally created to imitate the “dark and light” modelling effect of Italian Renaissance drawing. The studies in Printing Colour not only expand to consider other less-often examined forms of colour printing, but also reveal hitherto unknown facts about pivotal figures such as the Italian printer Ugo da Carpi, who first patented the in chiaro et scuro technique in 1516 Venice. Technically-minded, Printing Colour is above all informed by the close, physical evidence-based examination of large corpuses of objects, rather than individual examples. Savage, in her study of colour printing in the German-speaking countries of the Early Modern period, works from 2,000 impressions of over 400 individual

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woodcuts. In her chapter on colour stamping in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries, Doris Oltorogge examines over 40 historical recipes for colour ink contained in over 20 manuscript sources. In Chapter 12, a seven-person team of scholars from Philadelphia’s Museum of Art, Boston’s Museum of Fine Arts, and London’s Victoria and Albert go a step further and present the results of the complex spectroscopic analysis of ink on thirty-nine woodcut prints from the workshops of Ugo da Carpi and Giuseppe Niccolò Vincento. Their work not only reveals the carrier oils (mostly linseed, but in one case, walnut) and the sixteen different pigments used to formulate the inks, but also seeks to develop an accurate and scientifically-informed vocabulary to describe colour. This object-centric approach enables Printing Colour to fundamentally revise previous conceptions of early print making. Colour prints were much more common than thought; techniques were created and deployed by printers, rather than designers or artists; and colour printing is characterized by a series of “dead-end experiments, independent reinventions of forgotten innovations and ad hoc technical variants” (2). The explosion of digitization and the subsequent efforts of researchers have revealed that printing in colour was much more common and practiced over a much wider geographical range than previously thought. The study of colour printing was hampered, in the pre-digital era, by standard cataloging practice’s inability to capture printed colour. Savage, Stijnman, and their contributors aim to provide accurate, technically-informed vocabulary that will better equip scholars and cataloguers to accurately identify and describe colour printed objects (in this case, the multi- lingual glossary included in the appendices is of particular import). Whereas art historical scholarship often focuses on the artist or the designer, Printing Colour emphasizes that the choice to print in colour was almost always that of the printer, and was usually made for financial and practical reasons rather than artistic ones. By the sixteenth century, relief printing was so professionalized that the designer, block cutter, and printer were different people with distinct roles and sometimes part of different guilds. Savage, in her chapter on printmaking in Early Modern German-speaking lands, emphasizes that it was the printers, not the designers, “who enabled prints to be issued in colour. They decided whether or not to add colour […] and controlled the visual effect of the artworks by choosing the colours and tonal contrast of the inks” (99). Though colour printing was practiced more widely than thought, new techniques were developed in one

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region, sometimes adopted elsewhere, and then were subsequently forgotten. Jun Nakamura describes the case of the Dutch printmaker and painter Hercules Seger, an innovator who used very fine parallel drypoint hatching to raise burrs (which only allowed for limited impressions) and create soft areas of tone while also deploying a proto- aquatint process and lift ground process. These techniques died with him and were not developed again until the late eighteenth century. The late polychrome intaglio prints of Johannes Teyler, examined by Simon Turner, feature non-linear, tonal stipple and mezzotint elements and were technical tours-de-force. In Chapter 19, following Turner’s study, Elmer Kolfin and Marrigje Rikken show how post- 1695, for a short period of time, Teyler’s techniques were adopted by several other printers in Amsterdam only to be forgotten. The collection ends with a disappointingly brief chapter by Stijnman on “Jacob Christoff Le Blon and the Invention of Trichomatic Colour Printing, c. 1710.” Le Blon was a miniature maker who “invented a way to overprint transparent layers of three primary colours (blue, yellow and red, in that order) in exact proportions that allowed any desired gradation to be achieved” (216). According to Le Blon’s method, a fourth layer of black or blue ink was printed over the three primary colours in order to enhance contrast. Those readers wishing to learn more about Le Blon and his extraordinary colour mezzotints will no doubt find what they seek in Stijman’s aforementioned Engraving and Etching 1400-2000. The line leading from the jigsaw relief cuts used to print bi-colour initials in the 1457 Mainz Psalter, to chiaruscoro and camaïeu woodcut prints, to à la poupée colour intaglio, to Le Blon’s technique is not a straight one. Considered together, the twenty chapters of Printing Colour are of immense value in retracing these developments and there is little to critique in this work—it will be of great use to scholars of early modern printing and illustration processes as well as curators and special collections librarians charged with the acquisition, description, and care of printed colour books and prints. The numerous photographs and tables, as well as the chronology of techniques, multi-lingual glossary, and extensive bibliography that accompany the text are of great value to the researcher seeking to accurately describe prints and book illustrations and to learn more about how they were produced. Printing Colour would be even more effective if it included photographs of printing surfaces and diagrams of printing techniques. Only one diagram of a printing process is included (on p. 71 in Mayumi Ikeda’s chapter on the printers Fust and Schöffer).

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The many other processes and techniques described throughout the text would benefit from visual as well as verbal explanation. Throughout Printing Colour, the authors place more emphasis on the first innovators of each technique rather than on subsequent and ongoing practices. While it is useful to confirm the identity and accurate dates of new techniques, and to learn more about previously unstudied workshop practices of figures like the immensely important Ugo da Carpi or the production of groundbreaking works like the 1457 Mainz Psalter (whose bicolour initials were printed using the “jigsaw” relief method), what might we learn about the many, more obscure printers who produced similar products during the same time period? Alexandre Dencher, in his chapter on the ‘Camaïeu’ print in seventeenth-century Paris, mentions in passing the Right Bank-based imagiers (woodcut printers and block cutters) whose workshops produced vibrant-colored prints including royal portraits, calendars, devotional images, playing cards and maps. Their simple, widely-disseminated colour prints are worthy of further study and one should hope that the foundational work completed in Printing Colour will be elaborated on by a second wave of researchers.

RUTH-ELLEN ST. ONGE Rare Book School, University of Virginia

Bart Layton (writer-director), American Animals (New York, NY: The Orchard Studio, 2018) Film, 116 min.

An account of the four university students from Kentucky who carried out the violent robbery of the University of Transylvania Special Collections Library in 2004, this feature film begins with the assertion that it is not based on a true story, it is a true story. Exploring the lives of Warren Lipka, Spencer Reinhard, Eric Borsuk, and Charles “Chas” Allen II, the film moves between young actors who re-enact the events that led these privileged students to plan and carry out their foolhardy scheme and a series of interviews with the real-life ex-cons (recently released from a federal institution). In 2004, Warren Lipka was on a full athletic scholarship at University of Kentucky and planning a career in politics, while Spencer Reinhard was on an arts scholarship at University of Transylvania and planning a career in graphic arts. Although their frustrations were very different, these two former high-school buddies were both suffering

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from significant freshman angst. They were seeking a transformative experience, a chance to distinguish themselves and to find a way for their lives to be somehow more than those of their parents. Reinhard’s class visit to special collections inspired him and Lipka to undertake a kind of thought exercise. Stimulated by popular heist movies, they began to consider what it would take to steal some of the treasures from special collections. Over time, the idea seems to have taken on a life of its own—“Wait a minute, you mean we’re actually doing it?”—leading the two to recruit Borsuk and Allen. All four pled guilty, so few details emerged during criminal proceedings, and this means hat the film American Animals offers a largely untold story. It seems that the robbery was inspired by the beauty and value of the double elephant folio plates in John James Audubon’s The Birds of North America. Audubon had worked with engraver-publisher Robert Havell in London to publish 435 hand-coloured life-sized engravings in four volumes between 1827 and 1838, with five volumes of accompanying text published separately under the title Ornithological Biography. Of an estimated 200 sets sold by subscription, approximately 120 complete sets are known to survive today, including the one bequested to University of Transylvania by book collector Clara Peck of New York. The robbery may have been inspired by the Audubon plates, but the thieves took only two of the four volumes, abandoning them almost immediately because their large size and weight (fifty pounds each) proved to be too unwieldy. They got away with several smaller volumes, including a first edition of Charles Darwin’s Origin of Species and a fifteenth- century illuminated manuscript, but it was not long before authorities caught up to them. Reinhard came out of his class visit to special collections with wildly inflated confidence in his own understanding of the value of the books he had seen and of the security protocols in place. Depending almost exclusively on the perspective of the thieves, the film does not attempt to detail the many reasons that they were never going to get away with it. It does not tackle the complexities of valuation or the (mostly) secret security protocols routinely employed in special collections libraries, and it does little to explore the many roadblocks that prevent stolen rare books from ever being sold. This is a story that calls to mind the old adage that a little knowledge is a dangerous thing. It is not unusual for thefts to occur in special collections libraries, but this one is unusual in its violence—a librarian was assaulted—and

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in the remarkable stupidity of the perpetrators: perpetrators who had everything to lose.

LINDA QUIRK University of Alberta

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One of the objects of the Bibliographical Society of Canada is to promote the study of bibliography and the publication of works of bibliography with a principal emphasis on those connected with Canada. We should like to suggest to our members, and to all those sympathetic to our aims and purposes, that the work of the Bibliographical Society of Canada can be supported by funds additional to membership fees. For example, you are urged to include the Society as a beneficiary when preparing your will. The following form is suggested:

I give, devise, and bequeath to the Bibliographical Society of Canada the sum of ______which shall be held by the Society as an endowment, the income from said endowment to be used for such of the Society’s purposes as its Council in its discretion may determine.

The Bibliographical Society of Canada is a registered Canadian Charitable Organization (BN 89246-1443-R001) and is authorized to issue official receipts for gifts, which may be used by donors to claim deductions in computing their taxable income. The President or Treasurer of the Society will be happy to discuss these matters with interested persons.

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Un des objectifs de la Société bibliographique du Canada est de favoriser l’étude de la bibliographie et d’encourager la publication d’ouvrages bibliographiques, en particulier ceux qui se rapportent au Canada. La société aimerait suggérer à ses membres et à tous ceux qui sympathisent avec ses buts et objectifs d’appuyer financièrement ses entreprises, non seulement par la cotisation annuelle, mais aussi par des dons, qui peuvent même prendre la forme de legs. Dans ce dernier cas, la formulation suivante peut servir de modèle :

Je lègue à la Société bibliographique du Canada la somme de ______laquelle formera un capital dont les intérêts seront utilisés pour la poursuite de l’un ou l’autre des objectifs de la société selon ce que le conseil de ladite société déterminera.

De plus, la Société bibliographique du Canada est un organisme de charité enregistré (BN 89246-1443-R001) et est ainsi autorisée à émettre des reçus pour fins d’impôt. Le président ou le trésorier de la société seront heureux de discuter de la question des dons avec les personnes intéressées.

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Scholars working in any aspect of bibliographical study, Canadian or otherwise, including printing and publishing history and textual studies, are invited to submit papers in either English or French on our Online Journal System (https://jps.library.utoronto.ca/index.php /bsc/about/submissions). All submissions should follow The Chicago Manual of Style (17th ed., 2017) in format, with footnotes numbered consecutively. Books for review should be sent to either Kristine Smitka for books in English ([email protected]) or Stéphanie Bernier for books in French ([email protected]). Opinions expressed by the authors of the papers and reviews are not necessarily those of the Society. Past issues of the Papers/Cahiers have been digitized and are available online (http://jps.library.utoronto.ca/index.php/bsc/index), except for the last three years. Articles published in the Papers/Cahiers are indexed in the Canadian Periodical Index, America: History and Life, and the MLA International Bibliography, and contents are listed in the Recent Periodicals section of The Library.

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Nous invitons les spécialistes de la bibliographie ou de l’histoire de l’imprimerie et de l’édition à soumettre leurs articles, rédigés en français ou en anglais, sur notre système de journal en ligne (https:// jps.library.utoronto.ca/index.php/bsc/about/submissions). (Veuillez choisir “français” au côté droit de l’écran.) Les comptes rendus de livres sont envoyés au responsable de la chro­nique de revue de livres concerné, soit Kristine Smitka pour les livres de langue anglaise ([email protected]) soit Stéphanie Bernier pour les livres de langue française ([email protected]). Les opinions exprimées dans les articles et comptes rendus publiés dans les Cahiers sont celles de leurs auteurs et n’engagent pas la responsabilité de la société. Les Cahiers ont été numérisées et ils sont accessibles en ligne (http:// jps.library.utoronto.ca/index.php/bsc/index), à l’exception des trois dernières années. Les articles publiés dans les Cahiers sont répertoriés dans Canadian Periodical Index, America: History and Life, and the MLA International Bibliography, et on trouve une liste des tables des matières dans la rubrique consacrée aux périodiques récents dans The Library.

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Special Issue of the Papers of the Bibliographical Society of Canada (to be published in Fall 2019)

For this special issue of the Papers of the Bibliographical Society of Canada, we are still looking for notes, documents, tools, book reviews, interviews, and photos. In 1975, Toronto police morality squad ordered issue 18 of The Body Politic off the shelves because of a cartoon depicting two men engaging in a sexual act. In early January 1978, the newsmagazine would again find itself at the centre of controversy when its publishers were charged with the use of the mails for transmitting indecent, immoral, or scurrilous literature. The resulting court cases would transform and help modernize the country’s otherwise restrictive postal laws. At the height of the sexual liberation movement, The Body Politic would become the newsmagazine of record for Canada’s LGBTQ+ communities with a readership that extended well beyond the national border. As Don McLeod points out, however, The Body Politic is part of a surprising long legacy of LGBTQ+ print publishing in Canada.1 The first homosexual periodical, GAY, began publishing in 1964. Around this time, several homophile groups also began publishing newsletters for their members, a tradition that still continues among many LGBTQ+ organizations, especially in Quebec, where LGBTQ+ print publishing is particularly important. Throughout the 1990s, the proliferation of reprographic and computer technologies facilitated the emergence of a strong tradition of zine publishing, including the ground-breaking gendertrash from hell, which gave voice to genderqueers outside of the lesbian and gay press. Indeed, the rise of LGBTQ+ print publishing coincides with the mobilization of the homophile, gay and lesbian rights, queer, and trans movements over the course of the last six decades. For information and questions, please contact the two editors of the special issue: Nicholas Giguère ([email protected]) and Rebecka Sheffield ([email protected]).

1 Donald W. McLeod, A Brief History of Gay: Canada’s First Gay Tabloid, 1964-1966 (Toronto: Homewood Books, 2003).

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Numéro spécial des Cahiers de la Société bibliographique du Canada (à paraître à l’automne 2019)

Pour le présent numéro des Cahiers de la Société bibliographique du Canada, nous recherchons toujours des notes, des documents, des outils, des critiques de livres, interviews et photos. En 1975, l’escouade de la moralité de la police de Toronto a autorisé la saisie de la dix-huitième livraison du Body Politic, car ce numéro contenait une bande dessinée montrant deux hommes en train d’avoir une relation sexuelle. Trois ans plus tard, le journal s’est retrouvé une fois de plus au cœur d’une controverse lorsque ses éditeurs ont été accusés d’utiliser le courrier postal afin de diffuser du matériel indécent, immoral et vulgaire. Ces affaires judiciaires ont néanmoins eu le mérite de contribuer à la modernisation des lois postales canadiennes, qui étaient jusqu’alors plutôt restrictives. Au plus fort du mouvement de libération sexuelle, The Body Politic, dont le lectorat transcendait largement les frontières du Canada, s’est imposé comme le principal représentant des communautés LGBTQ+ au pays. Toutefois, comme le souligne Don McLeod, ce titre s’inscrit dans une longue tradition d’imprimés LGBTQ+ au Canada.1 En effet, le premier périodique axé sur l’homosexualité, GAY, a été créé en 1964. Pendant cette période, plusieurs groupes homophiles ont aussi commencé à produire des bulletins pour leurs membres, une tradition qui persiste encore aujourd’hui parmi plusieurs organisations LGBTQ+, plus spécifiquement au Québec, où cette presse spécialisée est particulièrement vivace. La prolifération des techniques de reprographie et l’apparition des technologies numériques ont facilité l’émergence, durant les années 1990, d’une forte tradition de fanzines. L’une des plus importantes de ces publications éphémères est certainement gendertrash from hell, puisqu’elle s’est avérée une tribune pour les genderqueers qui n’adhéraient pas aux propos de la presse gaie et lesbienne, jugée normative. En fait, l’histoire des imprimés LGBTQ+ au Canada est intimement liée à l’évolution des mouvements homophile, gai, lesbien, trans et queer au cours des six dernières décennies. Pour toute question ou demande d’information, veuillez contacter les directeurs du numéro : Nicholas Giguère (Nicholas.Giguere@USherbrooke. ca) et Rebecka Sheffield ([email protected]).

1 Donald W. McLeod, A Brief History of Gay: Canada’s First Gay Tabloid, 1964-1966 (Toronto: Homewood Books, 2003).

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Memorial section for William F.E. Morley, Francess Halpenny, and Greta Golick

PBSC is seeking material to commemorate the life and work of Bill Morley, Francess Halpenny, and Greta Golick. Their presence is greatly missed but their contributions to the literary life of Canada, and to their own universities—Queen’s University and University of Toronto—will long be remembered. Submissions may take the form of a personal essay or reminiscence about Morley, Halpenny, or Golick, or their influence on the contributor. We especially welcome photos. As well, submissions may take the form of a story, book review, document, or tool (see http://www.bsc-sbc.ca/en/2018/06/21/call -for-papers-documents-and-tools/#more-1331). All submissions must be accompanied by a short biographical statement about the contributor.

Submissions may be made via the PBSC online journal management system as .doc or .docx files. (http://jps.library.utoronto.ca/index .php/bsc/about/submissions#onlineSubmissions) Deadline: 15 August 2019 Queries to Editor Ruth Bradley-St-Cyr ([email protected]) are welcome at any time.

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Section commémorative en l’honneur de William F.E. Morley, Francess Halpenny et Greta Golick

Les membres du comité éditorial des CSBC sollicitent des contributions afin de commémorer la vie et l’œuvre de Bill Morley, Francess Halpenny et Greta Golick. Leur absence se fait déjà grandement sentir, mais leurs contributions à la vie littéraire du Canada ainsi qu’aux universités où ils ont travaillé – l’Université Queen’s et l’Université de Toronto – marqueront à tout jamais les esprits. Les soumissions peuvent prendre la forme d’un essai plus personnel sur Morley, Halpenny ou Golick mettant en relief leur influence. Nous apprécierions particulièrement des photos. Les soumissions peuvent tout aussi bien prendre la forme d’une histoire, d’un souvenir, d’une critique ou encore d’un document d’archives ou d’un outil de recherche (consultez le site http:// www.bsc-sbc.ca/en/2018/06/21/call-for-papers-documents-and- tools/#more-1331). Les articles doit être accompagnée d’une courte biographie du contributeur.

Tous les textes doivent être soumis via le système de gestion en ligne des Cahiers de la Société bibliographique du Canada sous la forme de fichiers .doc ou .docx (http://jps.library.utoronto.ca/index.php/bsc /about/submissions#onlineSubmissions). Date limite : 15 août 2019 Pour toute question, veuillez-vous adresser à Ruth Bradley St-Cyr ([email protected]), la directrice des CSBC.

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