Neve Gordon Curriculum Vitae
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The Empty Square of the Occupation
University of Wollongong Research Online Faculty of Arts - Papers (Archive) Faculty of Arts, Social Sciences & Humanities 1-1-2010 The empty square of the occupation Marcelo G. Svirsky University of Wollongong, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://ro.uow.edu.au/artspapers Part of the Arts and Humanities Commons, and the Social and Behavioral Sciences Commons Recommended Citation Svirsky, Marcelo G., The empty square of the occupation 2010, 381-411. https://ro.uow.edu.au/artspapers/1298 Research Online is the open access institutional repository for the University of Wollongong. For further information contact the UOW Library: [email protected] The Empty Square of the Occupation Marcelo Svirsky Cardiff University Abstract This paper is an attempt to implement Gilles Deleuze’s theory of the series and the event, and the related function of the empty square (as formulated primarily in The Logic of Sense), in relation to the geopolitical regime comprising ‘Israel proper’ and the system of occupation in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. The purpose of this exercise is to help establish a practical access to Deleuze’s philosophies, and to offer a clinical account of the Israeli occupation of the Palestinian territories. Keywords: Israel/Palestine, occupation, Deleuze, empty square, series, event The regime of Israeli occupation of the Palestinian territories of the West Bank and Gaza, following the Six Day War of June 1967,1 has become increasingly theorised, especially since the outbreak of the first Palestinian intifada (in Arabic, literally ‘shaking-off’, or ‘revolt’) in 1987. By deploying nuts and bolts from Deleuze’s conceptual ‘toolboxes’, my aim is to proffer an analysis of the event of the occupation that frees us from prevailing views of the system of relationships between Israel and the Palestinian people. -
Israel's Tenured Extremists
Israel’s Tenured Extremists by Steven Plaut srael is under assault from within and not just from the usual suspects. Its legitimacy and, in many cases, its very existence are being attacked by a domestic academic fifth I column. Hundreds of professors and lecturers, employed by Israel’s state-financed universities, are building careers as full-time activists working against the very country in which they live. And the problem is growing. Fortunately, the Israeli public has become aware of the problem and is increasingly demanding that something be done about it. A not inconsiderable part of the credit for this belongs to the Middle East Quarterly, probably the first serious journal to discuss the problem a decade ago, sparking a debate that con- tinues to challenge the Israeli academy’s offensive against the Jewish state. cation records getting hired and promoted as acts “SOCRATES” of political solidarity, the article offered thumb- BLOWS THE WHISTLE nail characterizations of about two dozen Israeli academic extremists. Today that list seems tame In fall 2001, the Middle East Quarterly ran a and thin, at least when compared with the dimen- major exposé of anti-Israel academics based in- sions of the problem as it is now understood. A side Israeli universities. Titled “Israel’s Academic few of the names were of obscure academicians Extremists,”1 it shattered the conspiracy of silence of little interest, evidently spotlighted as a result that had long been observed in the Israeli media of some outlandish statements and positions. and on Israeli campuses about scholars working Two of those named, Benny Morris and Ilan Gur- against their own country and in support of its Ze’ev, would no longer make the list and are gen- enemies. -
Western Interests, Israeli Unilateralism, and the Two-State Solution Author(S): Neve Gordon, Yinon Cohen Reviewed Work(S): Source: Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol
Western Interests, Israeli Unilateralism, and the Two-State Solution Author(s): Neve Gordon, Yinon Cohen Reviewed work(s): Source: Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. 41, No. 3 (Spring 2012), pp. 6-18 Published by: University of California Press on behalf of the Institute for Palestine Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1525/jps.2012.XLI.3.6 . Accessed: 09/07/2012 02:01 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. University of California Press and Institute for Palestine Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal of Palestine Studies. http://www.jstor.org Western Interests, IsraelI UnIlateralIsm, and the tWo-state solUtIon Neve GordoN aNd YiNoN CoheN This essay analyzes the impact of Israeli unilateralism—specifically that of its settlement project—on the two-state solution. After explor- ing the relationship between unilateralism and power, the authors show, inter alia, that in-migration has accounted for about half the settlement growth since the international embrace of the land-for- peace formula in 1991, that the level of in-migration does not fluc- tuate according to government composition (right or left), and that Israeli-Palestinian negotiations have spurred rather than inhibited settlement expansion. -
The Occupation of the American Mind
THE OCCUPATION OF THE AMERICAN MIND ISRAEL’S PUBLIC RELATIONS WAR IN THE UNITED STATES A DOCUMENTARY NARRATED BY ROGER WATERS “It doesn’t matter if justice is on your side. You have to depict your position as just.” —Benjamin Netanyahu, Prime Minister of Israel Over the past few years, Israel’s ongoing military occupation of Palestinian territory and repeated invasions of the Gaza strip have triggered a fierce backlash against Israeli policies virtually everywhere in the world—except the United States. The Occupation of the American Mind takes an eye-opening look at this critical exception, zeroing in on pro-Israel public relations efforts within the U.S. Narrated by Roger Waters and featuring leading observers of the Israeli- Palestinian conflict and U.S. media culture, the film explores how the Israeli government, the U.S. government, and the pro-Israel lobby have joined forces, often with very different motives, to shape American media coverage of the conflict in Israel’s favor. From the U.S.-based public relations campaigns that emerged in the 1980s to today, the film provides a sweeping analysis of Israel’s decades-long battle for the hearts, minds, and tax dollars of the American people in the face of widening international condemnation of its increasingly right-wing policies. ISRAEL’S PUBLIC THE OCCUPATION OF RELATIONS WAR IN THE AMERICAN MIND THE UNITED STATES FILMMAKERS' STATEMENT Over the past 25 years, the Media Education Foundation has produced dozens of educational films that examine how mainstream media narratives shape our understanding of the world. A number of these films have focused explicitly on mainstream news coverage of crucial policy issues. -
En Forensic Architecture, Hacia Una Estética Investigativa
cuando los -Araqib, 2016. FORENSIC ARCHITECTURE — FORENSIC ARCHITECTURE HACIA UNA ESTÉTICA INVESTIGATIVA El poblado y el cementerio de los al-Turi en al-Araqib: imagen captada con cometa sobreimpresa sobre una fotografía de la RAF (imágenes 5033 El poblado y el cementerio de los al-Turi y 5034) fechada en 1945. La imagen captada por la cometa consta de dos fotografías tomadas estaciones del año distintas, límites del desierto son o áridos verdes. Hagit Keysar/Public Lab, Ariel Caine, Zochrot, Forensic Architecture, poblado de al En muchos aspectos, Forensic Architecture es la reencarnación 055 actual de la factografía soviética, una iniciativa colectiva que, en los años veinte y treinta del siglo XX, fue concebida con el propósito de construir hechos, en lugar de limitarse a documentarlos. La diferencia entre ambos empeños —los dos de un atrevimiento similar a la hora de servirse de los últimos progresos tecnológicos y de los medios— es que los hechos que Forensic Architecture pretende (re)construir son, en su mayor parte, actos de violencia que el propio Estado que los ha cometido oculta de forma deliberada. Estos hechos se registran en edificios (o en lo que queda de ellos) que Weizman y su equipo identifican tanto con fotografías (sensores) como con herramientas para decodificar otros sensores (como las nubes que se ciernen sobre una ciudad bombardeada). Al analizar el enorme banco de imágenes que proporcionan las redes sociales en las zonas en conflicto mediante un cálculo de paralajes diferenciales, Forensic Architecture se está convirtiendo rápidamente en la máquina visual más efectiva contra la ocultación de pruebas que persiguen los autores de crímenes de lesa humanidad. -
Evisceration of the Civilian
doi:10.1017/aju.2016.7 SYMPOSIUM ON CRITICAL PERSPECTIVES ON HUMAN SHIELDS HUMAN SHIELDS, SOVEREIGN POWER, AND THE EVISCERATION OF THE CIVILIAN Neve Gordon and Nicola Perugini* Human shields were prominent in the 2016 military campaign seeking to recapture Mosul from the hands of ISIS militants. On October 24, 2016, Pope Francis expressed his concern over the use of over two hundred boys and men as human shields in the Iraqi city.1 In an election rally the following day, Donald Trump decried the enemy’s use of “human shields all over the place,”2 while the New York Times reported that the Islamic State is driving hundreds of civilians into Mosul, using them as human shields. A few days later, the United Nations disseminated a press release, warning that ISIS militants are using “tens of thousands” as human shields, thus casting massive numbers of Iraqi civilians as weapons of war.3 Surely thousands of Iraqi civilians did not volunteer to become shields, and, most likely, the vast majority of them were not coerced into becoming involuntary shields. Their proximity to the fray in Mosul,4 a city that had become a conflict zone, was enough to brand them as weapons and to categorize them as human shields, thereby stripping them of some of the protections international humanitarian law (IHL) bestows on civilians.5 International law allows military forces to strike targets protected by human shields and even to kill these shields, provided the attack takes place in accordance with the principles of proportionality and military necessity.6 The human shield is a civilian whose status as a civilian is assumed only to be disavowed. -
Repairing the U.S.-Israel Relationship Repairing the U.S.-Israel Relationship
Council Special Report No. 76 November 2016 Robert D. Blackwill Philip H. Gordon Repairing the U.S.-Israel Relationship Repairing the U.S.-Israel Relationship Council Special Report No. 76 November 2016 Robert D. Blackwill and Philip H. Gordon Repairing the U.S.-Israel Relationship The Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) is an independent, nonpartisan membership organization, think tank, and publisher dedicated to being a resource for its members, government officials, business execu- tives, journalists, educators and students, civic and religious leaders, and other interested citizens in order to help them better understand the world and the foreign policy choices facing the United States and other countries. Founded in 1921, CFR carries out its mission by maintaining a diverse membership, with special programs to promote interest and develop expertise in the next generation of foreign policy leaders; con- vening meetings at its headquarters in New York and in Washington, DC, and other cities where senior government officials, members of Congress, global leaders, and prominent thinkers come together with Council members to discuss and debate major international issues; supporting a Studies Program that fos- ters independent research, enabling CFR scholars to produce articles, reports, and books and hold round- tables that analyze foreign policy issues and make concrete policy recommendations; publishing Foreign Affairs, the preeminent journal on international affairs and U.S. foreign policy; sponsoring Independent Task Forces that produce reports with both findings and policy prescriptions on the most important foreign policy topics; and providing up-to-date information and analysis about world events and American foreign policy on its website, CFR.org. -
Using Technical Customs Rules As Instruments of Foreign Policy
© Middle East Institute. This article is for personal research only and may not be copied or distributed in any form without the permission of The Middle East Journal. The European Union and Israel’s Occupation: Using Technical Customs Rules as Instruments of Foreign Policy Neve Gordon and Sharon Pardo This article describes the rules of origin dispute between the European Union and Israel, and argues that these technical customs rules are also instruments of foreign policy. Although the rules have had no direct impact on Israel’s industry in the Occupied Territories, they have bolstered the European Union’s self-identi- fication as a “normative power” while constituting an important legal precedent that has served to legitimize other actions against Israel’s occupation. In January 2005, the European Union decided to implement fully the rules of origin (ROO) clause1 of the 1995 European Community (EC)–Israel Association Agreement2 and to subject products manufactured in the territories Israel had occupied during the 1967 Arab-Israeli war to customs duty. The EU’s decision spurred a scholarly debate about its legal basis,3 the implications it would likely have on Europe’s normative Neve Gordon teaches at the Department of Politics and Government, Ben-Gurion University of the Negev. He is the author of Israel’s Occupation (University of California Press, 2008) and coauthor (with Nicola Perugini) of The Human Right to Dominate (Oxford University Press, 2015). Sharon Pardo teaches at the Department of Politics and Government, Ben-Gurion University of the Ne- gev. He is the author of Normative Power Europe Meets Israel (Lexington, 2015, forthcoming), and, with Joel Peters, the coauthor of Uneasy Neighbors: Israel and the European Union (Lexington, 2010) and Israel and the European Union: A Documentary History (Lexington, 2012). -
The European Union and Israel's Occupation
The European Union and Israel’s Occupation: Using Technical Customs Rules as Instruments of Foreign Policy Neve Gordon, Sharon Pardo The Middle East Journal, Volume 69, Number 1, Winter 2015, pp. 74-90 (Article) Published by Middle East Institute For additional information about this article https://muse.jhu.edu/article/566238 [ This content has been declared free to read by the pubisher during the COVID-19 pandemic. ] © Middle East Institute. This article is for personal research only and may not be copied or distributed in any form without the permission of The Middle East Journal. The European Union and Israel’s Occupation: Using Technical Customs Rules as Instruments of Foreign Policy Neve Gordon and Sharon Pardo This article describes the rules of origin dispute between the European Union and Israel, and argues that these technical customs rules are also instruments of foreign policy. Although the rules have had no direct impact on Israel’s industry in the Occupied Territories, they have bolstered the European Union’s self-identi- fication as a “normative power” while constituting an important legal precedent that has served to legitimize other actions against Israel’s occupation. In January 2005, the European Union decided to implement fully the rules of origin (ROO) clause1 of the 1995 European Community (EC)–Israel Association Agreement2 and to subject products manufactured in the territories Israel had occupied during the 1967 Arab-Israeli war to customs duty. The EU’s decision spurred a scholarly debate about its legal basis,3 the implications it would likely have on Europe’s normative Neve Gordon teaches at the Department of Politics and Government, Ben-Gurion University of the Negev. -
The Political Economy of Israel's Homeland Security
Working Paper III: The Political Economy of Israel’s Homeland Security/Surveillance Industry by Neve Gordon* April 28, 2009 * Ben-Gurion University, Beer-Sheva, Israel, [email protected] 1 Table of Contents INTRODUCTION: EXPERIENCING HORROR .................................................................................................3 CHAPTER ONE: ISRAEL AS A HOMELAND SECURITY/SURVEILLANCE CAPITAL..............................5 1.1 THE SIZE OF ISRAEL’S HOMELAND SECURITY/SURVEILLANCE INDUSTRY.........................................................7 Figure 1: Israel Homeland Security............................................................................................................................11 1.2 THE INDUSTRY’S REVENUES.....................................................................................................................................11 1.3 THE INDUSTRY’S STRUCTURE...................................................................................................................................13 1.4 POST‐FORDIST MODE OF PRODUCTION .................................................................................................................16 CHAPTER TWO: THE EMERGENCE OF ISRAEL’S HOMELAND SECURITY INDUSTRY ................... 17 Figure 4: Historical Roots of the Homeland Security Industry.......................................................................17 2.1 THE MILITARY INDUSTRY .........................................................................................................................................17 -
BRICUP Newsletter 32 September 2010 [email protected]
1 BRICUP Newsletter 32 September 2010 www.bricup.org.uk [email protected] The theatre boycott in Ariel Contents Fifty-three Israeli theatre professionals, including P1 The theatre boycott in Ariel performers, playwrights and directors, have signed a petition stating they will not perform in Ariel or any P2 Boycotting Ariel: missing the Forest other West Bank settlement and called on Israeli theatre managers to limit their activity to within the for the Trees. The PACBI Column, Green Line. The Israeli Culture and Sport Minister Limor Livnat said that the actors’ protest was a serious matter that was causing a rift in Israeli society. P3 PSCAB - The Palestinian Students' She said “Culture is a bridge in society, and political Campaign for the Academic Boycott disputes should be left outside cultural life and art.” of Israel But this bogus argument was precisely countered in the open letter from ‘Wall of Silence’, who contributed the following to the ongoing discussion of P4 An open letter from PSCAB to Chick the cultural boycott of Israel. Corea: Don’t turn your back on Gaza ”Political change never takes place as the consequence of a single isolated factor. Apartheid fell in South Africa because of the combined effect of the P5 Gaza Students Condemn Eilat international boycott, the dis-investment and sanctions Funjoya Student Festival campaign and resistance from black South Africans themselves – most significantly the wave of strikes they instigated in the 1980's. Strikes are not an option for Palestinians – the majority of whom are P6 ‘Faithless’ joins the boycott completely excluded from the Israeli economy. -
Ethnic Cleansing and the Formation of Settler Colonial Geographies
This is the version of the article accepted for publication in Political Geography published by Elsevier https://doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2016.01.010 Accepted version downloaded from SOAS Research Online: https://eprints.soas.ac.uk/31016/ ETHNIC CLEANSING AND THE FORMATION OF SETTLER COLONIAL GEOGRAPHIES Authors: Neve Gordon and Moriel Ram Jon Stewart's The Daily Show was well-known for its left leaning political satire. Although the program focused on the United States, from time to time Stewart broadened the coverage and examined political events in other countries. Over the years, the policies adopted by the Israeli government had been among his satirical targets. A section dealing with Israel’s 2014 military campaign in Gaza caught our eyes, since in the map suspended behind Stewart Israel's borders were not drawn according to the internationally recognized 1949 armistice agreements (Figure 1). The map is accurate in the sense that Israel's borders do not encompass the Palestinian West Bank and Gaza Strip, but its depiction of the Golan Heights as an integral part of Israel is flawed. The fact that Stewart's team chose this map is, however, hardly coincidental, since many existing maps have erased the line separating the Golan from Israel. Figure 1 about here Reflecting on the difference between the West Bank and the Golan Heights, two areas that Israel occupied in the June 1967 War, Meir Shalev, one of Israel's most popular authors, remarked that ‘The holy sites of the West Bank represent today the pinnacles of lunacy, evilness and stupidity… The Golan, on the other hand, is the only normal territory we have left.