Muslim Societies in the Age of Mass Consumption Johanna Pink
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Muslim Societies in the Age of Mass Consumption Edited by Johanna Pink Muslim Societies in the Age of Mass Consumption, Edited by Johanna Pink This book first published 2009 Cambridge Scholars Publishing 12 Back Chapman Street, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2XX, UK British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Copyright © 2009 by Johanna Pink and contributors All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. ISBN (10): 1-4438-1405-9, ISBN (13): 978-1-4438-1405-8 CONTENTS Introduction (Johanna Pink) . ix I Spaces of Consumption in a Globalized World . 1 1 Halal, Haram, or What? Creating Muslim Space in London (Johan Fischer)........................... 3 2 New Transnational Geographies of Islamism, Capitalism, and Subjectivity: The Veiling-Fashion Industry in Turkey (Banu Gökarıksel and Anna Secor).................... 23 3 The Shopping Mall: The Enchanted Part of a Disenchanted City. The Case of ANKAmall, Ankara (Aksu Akçao˘glu)......... 53 4 Between East and West: Consumer Culture and Identity Negotiation in Contemporary Turkey (Tanfer Emin Tunç)..... 73 II Facetted Consumer Identities: Politics and Strategies of Consumption . 87 5 Consumers’ Monarchy: Citizenship, Consumption, and Material Politics in Saudi Arabia since the 1970s (Relli Shechter)..... 89 6 The Cola Turka Controversy: Consuming Cola as a Turkish Muslim (Dilek Kaya Mutlu)..................... 105 7 Consumption in Yemen: Continuity and Change (Ulrike Stohrer).129 8 (Un-)Islamic Consumers? The Case of Polish Tatars (Katarzyna Górak-Sosnowska and MichałŁyszczarz)............. 145 9 Marketing the Alevi Musical Revival (Ayhan Erol)......... 165 v vi Contents III Islamic Products, Islamic Brands, and Muslim Target Groups 185 10 Barbie, Razanne, Fulla: A Tale of Culture, Globalization, Consumerism, and Islam (Petra Kuppinger)............ 187 11 Islamizing the Market? Advertising, Products, and Consumption in an Islamic Framework in Syria (Alina Kokoschka)....... 225 12 Video Games, Video Clips, and Islam: New Media and the Communication of Values (Vít Šisler)............... 241 13 Representation of Fashion as Muslima Identity in Paras Magazine (Firly Annisa)...................... 271 14 The Re-Spiritualization of Consumption or the Commer- cialization of Religion: Creativity, Responsibility, and Hope. The Case of Sunsilk Clean and Fresh in Indonesia (Ragnar K. Willer).281 15 American-Muslim Identity: Advertising, Mass Media + New Media (Michael Hastings-Black).................. 303 IV Epilogue . 325 16 The Economic Politics of Muslim Consumption (Patrick Haenni).327 List of Contributors . 343 CHAPTER SIX THE COLA TURKA CONTROVERSY: CONSUMING COLA AS A TURKISH MUSLIM DILEK KAYA MUTLU In July 2003, the Turkish food and beverage group Ülker, which is known for its Islamic leanings, launched Cola Turka as a local competitor to Coca- Cola and Pepsi. In accordance with an advertising phenomenon of the time that attempted to sell “Turkish authenticity,”1 Cola Turka was introduced to the public in a series of humorous television commercials that conveyed the message that as Coca-Cola Americanizes, Cola Turka “Turkifies” those who drink it—even Americans. With American comedians David Brown and Chevy Chase in the leading roles, the commercials presented a funny utopia in which Americans in New York become Turkish after sipping Cola Turka—they adopt Turkish customs such as holding beads, growing a mous- tache, sending a shopping basket down a skyscraper, cooking biber dolması (stuffed green peppers), kissing the hands of elders, pouring water after a de- parting car so it has a safe trip, and singing a Turkish marching song. These traditional motifs suggest that Cola Turka was not simply intended to “Turk- ify” its consumers but to make them alaturka (from the Italian alla turca, meaning “Turkish style”), a concept apparent in the brand name. As op- posed to alafranga (alla franca, i.e., European) mode and behavior, being alaturka has long signified, especially for the West and Westernist Turks, being backward, uncivilized, and against change and progress.2 Cola Turka 1 Yael Navaro-Yashin, “The Market for Identities: Secularism, Islamism, Commodities,” in Fragments of Culture: The Everyday of Modern Turkey, ed. Deniz Kandiyoti Saktanber and Ay¸se(London: I. B. Tauris, 2002), 230. 2 Nilüfer Göle, The Forbidden Modern: Civilization and Veiling (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1996), 15. 105 106 Chapter Six commercials not only saved the term alaturka from its negative connota- tions but transformed it into the symbol of a “lost” national essence. Tar- geting the supposedly “Americanized” Turkish consumers of American cola brands, Ülker invited them to return to their fundamental nature by drinking Cola Turka. By promoting an alaturka version of Turkishness, Cola Turka also presented a soft critique of Westernization. Cola Turka seemed to capitalize on the growing anti-American sentiment in Turkey, following the U.S. invasion of Iraq. Moreover, it was launched during the time when Turkish soldiers in northern Iraq were arrested by U.S. troops, deported with hands cuffed and heads hooded, and imprisoned and interrogated for 60 hours. The incident, called the “Hood Event,” was viewed in Turkey as an insult to the Turkish Army and the nation,3 and was interpreted as revenge for the vote by the Turkish Parliament that denied the U.S. request to use Turkish territory to invade Iraq.4 The Hood Event was not the first crisis in the history of U.S.–Turkish relations, but it was registered in the Turkish national memory as “the most humiliating event” between the two NATO allies.5 It was argued that Cola Turka helped re- lieve Turkish anger toward the United States and repair Turkey’s damaged national pride.6 Ülker officials and their advertising team, however, rejected the notion that they were inciting anti-Americanism. “This is not Turkish propaganda, but rather positive nationalism,” which is not based on hatred and antago- nism, said Serdar Erener, one of the makers of the television commercials.7 Indeed, perhaps, as one columnist argued, Cola Turka’s promotional dis- course was “not political but fantastic” because it was more motivated by “conquering” America, rather than “cursing” it.8 Yet even if Cola Turka was 3 Turan Yavuz, Çuvallayan ittifak (Ankara: Destek Yayınları, 2006), 215–223. 4 Ertugrul˘ Özkök, “Domuzlar körfezi fiyaskosu gibi,” Hürriyet (7 July 2003): 23; Mehmet Yılmaz, “PKK kartı yine masada,” Aksiyon, no. 449 (14 July 2003): 40–46 [41–42]. 5 Ufuk ¸Sanlı,“Süleymaniye baskınının ¸sifreleri,” Aksiyon, no. 604 (3 July 2006): 48–49 [49]. 6 Resul Tosun, “Amerika’dan hırsımızı Cola Turka ile çıkartıyoruz,” Yeni ¸Safak (9 July 2003): 15; Yılmaz Yıldız, “Ülker’in ‘Cola Turka’sı Türkler’i Türkle¸stiriyor,” Yeni ¸Safak (11 July 2003): 7. 7 As cited in Ruhi Sanyer, “Aslında Amerikalıymı¸s,” Radikal (21 March 2004): 15; Mevlüt Tezel, “Chevy Chase gibi Hollywood starının oynatılmasını Plato Filmcilige˘ borçluyuz,” Hür- riyet (13 July 2003): 6. See Derya Özkan and Robert J. Foster, “Consumer Citizenship, Na- tionalism, and Neoliberal Globalization in Turkey: The Advertising Launch of Cola Turka,” Advertising & Society Review 6, no. 3 (2005), for a discussion of Cola Turka’s marketing strat- egy, described as “positive nationalism.” 8 Tayfun Atay, “Cola’nı imanla iç,” Milliyet (28 April 2004, http://www.milliyet.com.tr/2004/ 04/28/sanat/san09.html, accessed 10 June 2008). Dilek Kaya Mutlu: The Cola Turka Controversy 107 not seriously anti-American, it was so timely that it became a phenomenon when it was initially released.9 Although Cola Turka can be seen as part of a growing trend (i.e., Zam Zam Cola in Iran, Mecca Cola in France, and Qibla Cola in Britain), it dif- fers from other Islamic cola brands with its emphasis on being Turkish rather than on being Islamic. In addition to the absence of any religious word in its brand name, the initial TV commercials commodified the traditional Turk- ish way of life more than they commodified Islam.10 Moreover, although Ülker is one of the major representatives of “green capital”—i.e., Islamic capital—in Turkey, unlike other Islamic cola brands, it did not launch Cola Turka as a political statement against the exploitation of Muslims. For in- stance, Tawfik Mathlouthi, the Tunisian French businessman who launched Mecca Cola in 2002 with the slogan “Don’t drink stupid, drink committed,” explained the motivation behind that beverage to a reporter: “[It is all about combating] America’s imperialism and Zionism by providing a substitute for American goods and increasing the blockade of countries boycotting American goods.”11 Although a soft criticism of Americanization was apparent in the initial television commercials, Cola Turka was not launched with such a political and missionary statement. Nor did it invite its consumers to be politically committed. Company officials even rejected media accusations that they were promoting nationalism.12 A company official stated, “We have nothing to do with nationalism and politics. We are entrepreneurs and we are doing our job.”13 9 Arguably, Cola Turka would not have the same social impact if it were launched today. Although the use of local images and motifs has continued, the direct emphasis on Turkishness has gradually disappeared from Cola Turka commercials. For instance, the commercial that aired throughout the summer in 2008 emphasizes more joy and entertainment (like Coca-Cola advertisements), than Turkishness. 10 In one of the early television commercials that aired during Ramadan, David Brown is shown fasting and waiting for the azan to break his fast and drink Cola Turka. Pretending to be a pious Muslim, he says to Turks who are impatient to break their fasts, “No azan, no iftar” (“No breaking of the Ramadan fast before the call for prayer”).