Alexander Treiger Greek into Arabic in Byzantine Antioch: ʿAbdallāh ibn al-Faḍl’s »Book of the Garden« (Kitāb ar-rawḍa)

It is well known that in the eighth to tenth centuries hundreds Greek into Arabic in Byzantine Antioch of Greek philosophical, medical, and scientifc works were translated from Greek and Syriac into Arabic, mainly by Syri- On 28 October 969, the brilliant military campaign of the ac-speaking Christians, in the Abbasid capital Baghdad 1. It is, Byzantine emperor Nikephoros II Phokas (r. 963-969) in north- however, virtually unknown that there was yet another, con- ern Syria culminated in the re-conquest of the great city of current, and no less ambitious undertaking whereby Christian Antioch-on-the-Orontes. This ancient Greek metropolis had texts were translated from Greek, Syriac, and Coptic (and been a prominent centre of Christianity from the frst century later from Latin and European vernaculars) into Arabic, for AD – according to Acts 11:26, it is in Antioch that Christians the use of Middle Eastern Christians – »Melkites«, »Jaco- frst received the name »Christians«. Alongside Rome, Con- bites«, »Nestorians«, and Copts – who were feeling increas- stantinople, Alexandria, and Jerusalem, Antioch belonged to ingly more at home with Arabic than with their traditional the »pentarchy« of the ancient patriarchates. The patriarchate liturgical languages 2. of Antioch’s canonical territory stretched as far east as Central The history of this translation movement remains to be Asia. In the tenth century, Antiochian Orthodox catholicosates written. What is clear – for instance, from the frst volume of (dependent local churches governed by a catholicos on behalf Georg Graf’s »Geschichte der christlichen arabischen Litera- of the patriarch of Antioch) were established in Baghdad and tur«, which catalogues these translations, and from the rele- Romagyris (near modern Tashkent) 4. It was only after the vant sections of Joseph Nasrallah’s »Histoire du mouvement devastating Mamluk conquest of 1268 that the patriarchate littéraire dans l’Église melchite« – is that it was happening of Antioch was forced to leave the city, ultimately relocating in several localities, at different time periods (though most to Damascus, where it resides until the present day. intensely in the eighth to eleventh centuries), and in different The Byzantine re-conquest of Antioch brought about a ecclesiastical communities. Even after the eleventh century, period of cultural revival for the Arabic-speaking Orthodox translation activity continued, albeit at a slower pace, accel- Christian community in that region 5. Re-integrated with erating again in the seventeenth century. It can be argued Byzantium for the frst time since the Muslim conquest of that this »ecclesiastical« translation movement has continued the seventh century, the Arabic-speaking Orthodox of An- without interruption to the present day 3. tioch launched a massive attempt to translate their patristic In this article, I shall focus on one of the most important – heritage into Arabic. The translators Antonios, Ibrāhīm ibn and the least studied – centres of this translation activity: the Yūḥannā, ʿAbdallāh ibn al-Faḍl, and others – all of them region of Antioch after the Byzantine re-conquest of the city fully bilingual in Greek and Arabic – rendered into Arabic in 969. I shall briefy discuss the most important Antiochene fundamental works of the Greek Church Fathers as well as translators – Antonios, Ibrāhīm ibn Yūḥannā, Gregory, Kyr contemporary Byzantine treatises. These Arabic translations Chariton, Yānī ibn ad-Duks, Kyr Christopher ibn ad-Dawbalī had a profound impact on the subsequent history of Middle (or ad-Duwaylī) and especially ʿAbdallāh ibn al-Faḍl (all of Eastern Christianity: they were read, copied, and cited exten- them Arabic-speaking Orthodox Christians or »Melkites«) – sively by Arabophone Christians of all denominations. Some and will then focus on ʿAbdallāh ibn Faḍl’s still unpublished of these Arabic translations, together with many original masterpiece »Book of the Garden« (Kitāb ar-rawḍa) as an Arabic Christian works, were later translated into Ge‘ez, thus example of a translation produced in that milieu. infuencing Christianity in Ethiopia.

1 Gutas, Greek Thought. 5 Todt, Region; Ciggaar / Metcalf, Antioch; Krivov, Araby. Todt’s Habilitation on 2 For an overview of the Christian communities in the Islamic world, see Griffth, Antioch in the Byzantine period will soon be published in the series Mainzer Church 129-140. On the Arab Orthodox (or »Melkites«) see now Noble / Treiger, Veröffentlichungen zur Byzantinistik. For the signifcance of Antioch as a centre Orthodox Church. of cultural transfer see also Burnett, Antioch; for a comprehensive overview of 3 Treiger, Graeco-Arabica. Antioch see Todt / Vest, Syria 1,109-663. 4 Noble / Treiger, Orthodox Church 26 and 287 n. 113; Parry, Central Asia.

Greek into Arabic in Byzantine Antioch | Alexander Treiger 227 The Antiochene Graeco-Arabic translation movement be- and Symeon Metaphrastes’ »Encomium to St John the Theo- gins with Antonios, the abbot of the famous monastery of logian« (Menologion for May 8th: Sinai ar. 405, fols 50v-61v). St Symeon the Stylite the Younger on the Wondrous Moun- Ibrāhīm ibn Yūḥannā is also the author of hagiographical tain (Thaumaston Oros) southwest of Antioch in the frst half works, of which only one – the life of the patriarch of Antioch of the eleventh century 6. Before relocating to Antioch and Christopher (martyred in 967) – has survived 10. Of Ibrāhīm becoming abbot of the monastery of St Symeon, Antonios ibn Yūḥannā’s translations, only the Arabic versions of some had been a monk at the great lavra of Mar Saba in Palestine. of Gregory of Nazianzus’ »Orations« have been published 11. It is noteworthy that in the eighth to tenth centuries Mar Four other translators deserve mention: Gregory, the ab- Saba was a cutting-edge translation centre where patristic bot of the monastery of the Theotokos in Dafnūnā (ancient and hagiographical works were translated between four lan- Daphne) on the Black Mountain near Antioch (second half of guages: Greek, Syriac, Arabic, and Georgian 7. It is likely that the tenth century), Kyr Chariton, abbot of the monastery of Antonios received his initial training as a Graeco-Arabic trans- the Theotokos Aršāyā, and two previously unknown transla- lator at Mar Saba. The Antiochene Graeco-Arabic translation tors: the deacon of the cathedral of Antioch Yānī ibn ad-Duks movement thus carries on efforts of the earlier generations of (i. e., John, son of the doux [of Antioch?]) and the deacon K[ī]r translators, centred in Palestine. Antonios is best known for Iḫrisṭufūr (Kyr Christopher) ibn ad-Dawbalī (or ad-Duwaylī). his Arabic translations of works of John of Damascus (the Dia- Gregory translated several works from Syriac (rather than lectica, the »Exposition of the Orthodox Faith«, and six shorter Greek) into Arabic: Pseudo-Severian of Gabala’s »Homily on treatises); however, he also translated other works, such as his the Nativity« (CPG 4290), Pseudo-Isaac the Syrian’s Response near-contemporary Paul of Monemvasia’s »Benefcial Tales«. to Symeon (= Philoxenos of Mabbug’s »Letter to Patrikios« 12), None of his translations has yet been published, though some and (it would seem) Maximos the Confessor’s »Chapters on editions and studies are currently in preparation 8. Love« 13. Kyr Chariton translated into Arabic sections from Another important translator from Antioch is Ibrāhīm ibn Theodore the Stoudite’s »Little Catechesis«. Of the deacon Yūḥannā (d. ca. 1030), who held the Byzantine honorifc title Yānī ibn ad-Duks, only one translation is known: Germanos of protospatharios (Ar. ubrūṭusbaṯār). He is most famous for of Constantinople’s Homily on the »Sash of the Theotokos« his translation of select Orations of Gregory of Nazianzus (CPG 8013; BHG 1086); the Arabic translation is preserved (Arabic translations of Orations 29, 30, and 43 are specifcally in the Menologion for the month of August (August 31st). ascribed to him, and others may well be by him) as well as Deacon Christopher translated into Arabic an account of Dionysius the Areopagite’s »On Good and Evil« (= »Divine the placing of the robe of the Theotokos in Blachernae (the Names«, chapter 4, §§18-35). To the extensive list of his trans- Arabic translation is preserved in the Menologion for July 2nd – lations, offered by Joseph Nasrallah, one can add the Arabic Sinai ar. 407 [year 1334], fol. 1r). None of these translations version of Basil the Great’s »Homily on Cheesefare Sunday« has been published 14. (= Basil’s second homily on Lent, CPG 2846) 9; John Chrysos- The most important participant in the Antiochene trans- tom’s »Encomium to the Prophet Elijah« (= In ss. Petrum et lation movement of Christian works is unquestionably the Heliam, CPG 4513; Menologion for July 20th: Sinai ar. 407, eleventh-century Arab Orthodox translator and theologian fols 156v-168v; Sinai ar. 423, fols 578r-587v); Symeon Meta- ʿAbdallāh ibn al-Faḍl al-Anṭākī. It is to his activity as a Grae- phrastes’ »Encomium to St Luke« (Sinai ar. 482, fols 15r-22v); co-Arabic translator that we shall now turn.

6 Nasrallah, Histoire 273-289. Earlier scholarship has incorrectly dated Antonios ascribed to Ibrāhīm ibn Yūḥannā) and possibly Beirut, Bibliothèque Orientale 512, to the second half of the tenth century, a view based on a misreading of the pp 547-563; cf. Fedwick, Bibliotheca 1088 and 1215; Nasrallah, Dossier 29. colophon of Vat. ar. 436. 10 Lamoreaux, Ibrāhīm; Noble / Treiger, Orthodox Church 26 f. 7 The Greek, Arabic, and Georgian translations of Isaac the Syrian, produced from 11 Grēgorios Nazianzēnos, Discours 24; Grēgorios Nazianzēnos, Versio I; Grēgo- the Syriac original in the frst half of the ninth century, are among the most strik- rios Nazianzēnos, Versio II; Grēgorios Nazianzēnos, Versio III; Grēgorios Na- ing examples of the multilingual translation activity of the Sabaite monks. See zianzēnos, Versio IV. See also Tokay, Continuity; cf. her doctoral dissertation Brock, Syriac into Greek; Pataridze, Isaac. Only the Greek translation has so far »Continuity and Transformation: Theosis in the Arabic Translation of Gregory been published: Isaak o Syros, Logoi askētikoi. See also Treiger, Syro-Arabic. Nazianzen’s Oration on Baptism (Oration 40)« defended at Cardiff University 8 Over thirty years ago Mgr Michel Abraṣ (currently the Melkite Catholic titular in 2013. bishop of Myra) prepared a critical edition of the Arabic translation of John of 12 This text is also preserved in Greek, in the Sabaitic Greek translation of Isaac. Damascus’ Dialectica, but it has remained unpublished. Father Joe Buhagiar-Bi- However, Gregory’s translation seems to have been done directly from the anco’s critical edition of the Arabic version of the »Exposition of the Orthodox original Syriac (specifcally, from a Melkite Syriac version where the text was Faith« is forthcoming in the series TESOC (Textes et études sur l’Orient chré- attributed to Isaac rather than to Philoxenos). المحبة الشريفة في Damascus, Orthodox Patriarchate 162 (19th c.), no. 1 (entitled tien), published by CEDRAC (Centre de documentation et de recherches arabes 13 .(الوصايا النجيلية chrétiennes) in Beirut. In 2016, Habib Ibrahim completed a PhD dissertation at the École Pratique des Hautes Études, entitled »Jean Damascène arabe: Édition 14 Sergey Kim has prepared a critical edition of the Arabic version of Pseudo-Sever- critique des deux traités contre les Nestoriens«. For a preliminary analysis of ian of Gabala’s »Homily on the Nativity«, as part of his doctoral dissertation Antonios’ translation method, see Graf, Übersetzungen; Treiger, Graeco-Arabica »Sévérien de Gabala dans les littératures arménienne et géorgienne«, defended 209-218; and Ibrahim’s dissertation. at the Université Paris IV-Sorbonne in 2014. Joe Glynias has prepared an edi- 9 Graf, Geschichte 2,45-48; Nasrallah, Histoire 289-305; Nasrallah, Auteurs 75-82. tion of Yānī ibn ad-Duks’ translation of Germanus, forthcoming in a collected The Arabic translation of Basil’s »Homily on Cheesefare Sunday« is preserved in volume co-edited by Barbara Roggema and myself. Saint Petersburg, Institute of Oriental Manuscripts A509, fols 19r-24v (explicitly

228 Greek into Arabic in Byzantine Antioch | Alexander Treiger ʿAbdallāh ibn al-Faḍl al-Anṭākī as a Translator 4. Basil the Great: a. »Homilies on the Psalms«; Unfortunately, we know little about ʿAbdallāh ibn al-Faḍl’s b. Hexaëmeron; life. From his full name as given in the manuscripts we can 5. Gregory of Nyssa: deduce that he was a deacon (šammās) from Antioch and a a. »On the Creation of Man«; grandson of a metropolitan bishop (muṭrān), whose name b. Liber in Hexaëmeron (entitled Fī ḫulqat al-insān wa-šaraf was also ʿAbdallāh. We know also that his Arabic translation maʿānīhi); of Basil’s Hexaëmeron and his own theological compilation c. »Commentary on the Song of Songs«; »Joy of the Believer« (Bahǧat al-muʾmin) were completed in 6. Maximus the Confessor: 1052, while his philosophical magnum opus »Book of Bene- a. »Disputation with Pyrrhus«; ft« (Kitāb al-manfaʿa) was written between 1043 and 1052 15. b. »Chapters on Love« 21; He was thus active around the year 1050. c. Capita theologica et oeconomica; Some of ʿAbdallāh’s works and translations were commis- 7. Andrew of Crete, »Encomium to St Nicholas«; sioned by various church offcials and intellectuals: the »Expo- 8. John of Damascus, Libellus de recta fde (entitled Dustūr fī sition of the Orthodox Faith« (Šarḥ al-amāna al-mustaqīma) l-amāna al-mustaqīma); was commissioned by John, bishop of Manbiǧ (Hierapolis 9. Isaac the Syrian: or Mabbug in northern Syria), the translation of the Psalms a. »Thirty-Five Homilies on Ascetic Life« (entitled Fī l-ḥayāt by a certain Abū Zakarīyā ibn Salāma, the translation of an-nuskīya); Isaac of Nineveh (made from the Sabaitic Greek version) by b. Fī ruʾūs al-maʿrifa (seems to render the Greek expression Nikephoros (Nīkūfūr) Abū n-Naṣr ibn Buṭrus al-Qubuqlīs (i. e., kephalaia gnōstika); kouboukleisios, or »chamberlain«, of the patriarch of Anti- 10. Pseudo-Sophronius, »Book of Proof on Establishing the och), and the translation of John Chrysostom’s »Commentary [Correct] Faith« (Kitāb al-burhān fī taṯbīt al-īmān, a trea- on the Gospel of Matthew« by »master Abū l-Faḍl Salāma tise in 28 chapters dealing with the frst six Ecumenical ibn al-Muʿarraǧ, the deacon, kouboukleisios, and doctor« 16. Councils and various heresies and incorporating Pseu- ʿAbdallāh ibn al-Faḍl was fully profcient in both Greek and do-Leontius of Byzantium’s De Sectis [CPG 6823] and Arabic. The style of his Arabic works is impeccable, and it is Sophronius of Jerusalem’s »Synodical Letter«); known that he studied Arabic grammar with no less of an 11. Pseudo-Caesarius, »Centuries« (embedded in »Joy of the expert than the famous Arab poet and freethinker Abū l-ʿAlāʾ Believer«); al-Maʿarrī (d. 1058), to whom he refers as his teacher (šayḫ) 17. Moving now to ʿAbdallāh ibn al-Faḍl’s translations, even One recently discovered translation, not included under ʿAb- the list of them is daunting 18. dallāh ibn al-Faḍl’s name in any of the previous catalogues 1. The Psalms 19; is: 2. Lectionaries from the Gospels, Epistles, and the Prophets; 12. John of Thessalonica’s »Encomium to St Demetrios« (CPG 3. John Chrysostom 20: 7925; BHG 547h) 22. a. »Commentary on Genesis«; Its introduction indicates that the translation was commis- b. »Commentary on the Gospel of Matthew«; sioned by a certain Abū l-Fatḥ ʿĪsā ibn Idrīs (who is otherwise c. »Commentary on the Gospel of John«; unknown). The translation is interspersed with ʿAbdallāh ibn d. »Homilies on First Corinthians«; al-Faḍl’s very intriguing commentary (tafsīr), which deals with e. »Commentary on Hebrews«; anti-Pagan polemic. f. »Commentary on Romans«; g. Eighty-Seven Homilies (entitled Mawāʿiẓ šarīfa wa-alfāẓ In addition, ʿAbdallāh ibn al-Faḍl translated into Arabic: muḫtaṣara laṭīfa li-fam aḏ-ḏahab); 13. The Byzantine forilegium Loci Communes, giving it the h. »Exhortation to Penitence«; title »Book of the Garden« (Kitāb ar-rawḍa).

15 Treiger, ʿAbdallāh. On ʿAbdallāh ibn al-Faḍl’s translation of Basil’s Hexaëmeron, most infuential in the Christian Arab world. See Polosin / Serikov / Francuzov, see now Alexandre Roberts’ doctoral dissertation »Matter Redeemed: Alchemy Psalter. and Exegesis from Antioch to Constantinople, 11th century«, defended at the 20 Habib Ibrahim kindly informs me that some of the Arabic translations of John University of California, Berkeley in 2015. Roberts’ monograph on ʿAbdallāh Chrysostom are in reality by Antonios and were misascribed to ʿAbdallāh ibn ibn al-Faḍl is forthcoming. al-Faḍl in the seventeenth century. His dissertation (see n. 8 above) has sorted 16 Sinai ar. 76, fol. 8r. this out. 17 Noble / Treiger, Theology 375 f. 21 It remains to be seen how different this translation is from Gregory’s Syro-Arabic 18 For a list of manuscripts, see Graf, Geschichte 2,53-58; Nasrallah, Histoire 196- translation of the same work (see n. 13 above). 220; cf. Daiber, Graeco-Arabica. 22 Sinai ar. 350, fols 237v-270v; Sinai ar. 352, fols 98r-114r; cf. Graf, Geschichte 19 ʿAbdallāh ibn al-Faḍl’s Arabic translation (more precisely, adaptation of an ear- 1,501. For the Greek original see Philippidis-Braat, Enkomion. lier translation) of the Psalms (made from the Septuagint) became by far the

Greek into Arabic in Byzantine Antioch | Alexander Treiger 229 ʿAbdallāh ibn al-Faḍl’s »Book of the Garden« Translation (Kitāb ar-rawḍa) »In the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit. In the majority of studies devoted to ʿAbdallāh ibn al-Faḍl First, let us glorify God, the universal substance with three (including Graf’s »Geschichte« and Nasrallah’s »Histoire«), individuals, Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, who has delivered Kitāb ar-rawḍa is treated as though it were his own com- us from the plight of misguidance, mercifully raised us up pilation, culled from a variety of Greek sources. It was only from the abyss of blindness, and generously led us to true in 1986 that Michel van Esbroeck recognized that this is guidance – with [words of glory] ftting and appropriate for not the case and correctly identifed Kitāb ar-rawḍa as an Him. Now then, He (may He be blessed and exalted!) said in integral Arabic translation of the Byzantine forilegium Loci His holy Gospel, »whoever practices and teaches, this one is Communes 23. This forilegium belongs to the genre of the great in the kingdom of heaven« (cf. Matt 5:19). Since I lack so-called »sacro-profane« forilegia, in that each chapter cites these two things and am deprived of these two qualities, I frst the sacred authorities (the Bible – including the Septua- decided that I should aspire to acquire at least a bit of each 49. gint’s »deuterocanonical« books – and the Church Fathers) Therefore, I began translating from Greek into Arabic select and then sayings of (or attributed to) ancient Greek authors, teachings that the souls of the intellectuals aspire to hear and including Thales, Pythagoras, Solon, Euripides, Socrates, Plato, the minds of the earnest desire to contemplate. Aristotle, Isocrates, Demosthenes, Diogenes, Philo, Apollo- I have called this book, which weaves these [teachings] nius, Epicurus, Menander, and many others 24. ʿAbdallāh ibn together, ›The Book of the Garden‹, this being a ftting and Faḍl’s translation thus offers its Arab Christian readers some appropriate [title]. In this work of translation, I have followed Greek Christian and philosophical material, focusing mostly the method of earlier translators, who would add and omit on ethics, translated into Arabic outside of Baghdad and [material] as well as change the order [of exposition]. They independently of the Abbasid translation movement. asked God, who alone is mighty, perfect, powerful, and ex- The »Book of the Garden« begins with an artful introduc- alted, to grant them a good reward, deliver them from pain- tion, which reads as follows 25. ful retribution, and guide them to the truth through His grace, 26 forbearance, and generosity. If [the reader] benefts from [this بسم الب والبن والروح القدس . book] – by fnding encouragement or deterrent, command or اما بعدَ ِحمد ا الجوهر العام ذي الشخاص الثلثة اب وابن وروح قدس 27 الذي restriction, desire or fear in the statements of the holy fathers انتشلنا 28من ورطة 29 الضللة 30 ورفعنا من وهدة العماية تراؤفا 31 وقادنا الى and of the ancient philosophers assembled therein – let him الهداية ّتعطفا بما هو حقيق 32 به وخليق فانه لما كان تبارك وتعالى قد قال في انجيله not neglect to mention me with approval, if I am still in this المقدس » من يعمل ويعلّم، ذاك هو العظيم في ملكوت السما «33 وكنا فاقدين لهذين passing world, or to pray most fervently that God have mercy المرين وعارين 34 من هاتين الخلتين راينا ان نتشبث 35 )?( في الحظوة بيسير 36 on my soul], if I have passed on to the abode of eternity. Let] منهما فشرعنا في استخراج عدة من المعاني التي تصبو 37 الى سماعها انفس اولي him adhere to what is most beautiful and revert to what is النظر وتهش الى التصفح لها همم 38 ذوي الخطر من اللغة اليونانية الى اللغة العربية. -best. God loves those who do good works. He alone is suff وسمينا هذا الكتاب الجامع لها »كتاب الروضة « لما في ذلك من المناسبة والمشاكلة .»cient for us, and in Him we trust وجرينا في نقله مجرى من تقدم من النقلة في استعمال الزيادة والحذف والتقديم والتاخير راغبين الى ا ذي 39 العزة والكمال والقدرة والجلل في حسن 40 الثواب Abdallāh ibn al-Faḍl’s casual remark that he has »followed والخلص من اليم العقاب والرشاد الى الصواب بمنه وطوله 41 وجوده، فمن انتفع the method of earlier translators« and, like them, has taken منه واعظا او رادعا او آمرا او زاجرا 42 او راغبا 43 او راهبا بما يلتقطه من الفاظ liberty to »add and omit [material] as well as change the order الباء القديسين والفلسفة الغابرين 44 فل 45 يخلّنا 46 من الذكر الرضي ان كنا في دار (of exposition]« (az-ziyāda wa-l-ḥaḏf wa-t-taqdīm wa-t-taʾḫīr] الفناء او 47 الترحم السني ان كنا في ربع 48 البقاء اخذا بالجمل ورجوعا الى confrms that he was well aware of earlier Graeco-Arabic الفضل، فان ا يحب المحسنين وهو حسبنا وعليه معتمدنا .

.CP حفي || S خفي || emendation حقيق Van Esbroeck, Sentences. For a critical edition of the Greek original see Ps.-Max- 32 23 .P السموات || S C السما imus Confessor, Loci communes. The version translated by ʿAbdallāh ibn al-Faḍl 33 .P وعاريين || S C وعارين is »MaxI«, datable to between 650 and the tenth century (Ps.-Maximus Con- 34 .S نتسبب || CP نتشبت fessor, Loci communes xxix). 35 .S تيسير || CP بيسير On Philonic quotations, see now Parker / Treiger, Philo’s Odyssey 136 f. 36 24 .S تصب || CP تصبوا || emendation تصبو The text is edited on the basis of four manuscripts: S, V [the beginning missing], 37 25 .S هممة || CP همم C, and P. (For the list of the manuscripts and the sigla, see below.) It is ʿAb- 38 .P ذو || V S C ذي dallāh ibn Faḍl’s habit to compose introductions to his theological works and 39 .S يرزقنا جزيل || V CP في حسن translations. All these introductions deserve to be edited and studied – in ways 40 .V S C || om. P وطوله analogous to what has been done for Syriac introductions in Riad, Preface. 41 .S زاجزا || V CP زاجرا 42 بسم ا الحي الزلي || P الله الواحد امين .S || add بسم الب والبن والروح القدس 26 .S راعيا || V CP راغبا 43 السرمدي وبه نستعين. كتاب الروضة وهو الجامع لما في ذلك من المناسبة والمشاكلة مما عني .S العابدين || V CP الغابرين 44 في تاليفه ونقله واستخراجه من اللغة اليونانية الى اللغة العربية الشماس الجل الكاتب عبد ا .CP ول || V S فل C. 45 ابن الفضل ابن عبد ا المطران النطاكي ابي الفتح، نيّح ا ضريحه ورمسه، امين .CP يخلينا || V S يخلنا P. 46 القدس || S C قدس 27 .S CP و || V او S C. 47 انتاشنا || P انتشلنا 28 .P دار || V S C ربع P. 48 ورط || S C ورطة 29 ,(» In this sentence and throughout, ʿAbdallāh ibn al-Faḍl uses the plural (»we S. 49 الظللة || CP الضللة 30 .S. but means the singular. I translate accordingly تراوقا || CP تراؤفا 31

230 Greek into Arabic in Byzantine Antioch | Alexander Treiger translations, whether philosophical and scientifc, produced The table of contents of the »Book of the Garden« mirrors in Baghdad, or Christian, produced in Palestine and Antioch, closely that of the Greek Vorlage, though ʿAbdallāh ibn al-Faḍl and thought of himself as following in the footsteps of his frequently abbreviates the titles. illustrious predecessors.

On Boldness and في الدالة On Virtue and 31. Περὶ παρρησίας καὶ τοῦ في الفضيلة وما Περὶ βίου ἀρετῆς καὶ .1 Reproof والتوبيخ What Has Been ἐλέγχειν قيل فيها κακίας Said Concerning It On Industriousness في محبة التعب Περὶ φιλοπονίας .32 [On Intelligence [lit. Love of Toil في العقل والراي Περὶ φρονήσεως .2 and Opinion On Oath في اليمين Περὶ ὅρκου .33 On Chastity في العفة Περὶ ἁγνείας καὶ .3 On Empty Praise في المجد الفارغ σωφροσύνης 34. Περὶ κενοδοξίας On Truthfulness في الصدق On Bravery 35. Περὶ ἀληθείας καὶ ψεύδους في النجدة Περὶ ἀνδρείας καὶ ἰσχύος .4 and Lie والكذب On Justice في العدل Περὶ δικαιοσύνης .5 On Death في الموت Περὶ θανάτου .36 [On Friend[ship في الصديق Περὶ φίλων καὶ .6 On Peace and War في السلم φιλαδελφίας 37. Περὶ εἰρήνης καὶ πολέμου والحرب On Mercy في الرحمة Περὶ ἐλεημοσύνης .7 On Hope في الرجاء Περὶ ἐλπίδος .38 On Benefcence في الحسان Περὶ εὐεργεσίας καὶ .8 On Women في النساء χάριτος 39. Περὶ γυναικῶν On Answering في المجاوبة On Leadership 40. Περὶ ἀντιλογίας καὶ في الرياسة Περὶ ἀρχῆς καὶ ἐξουσίας .9 θρασύτητος back, Audacity, والقدام On Defamation في الهجاء Περὶ ψεύδους καὶ .10 and Quarrelsome- والخصومة and Deceit والمحل διαβολῆς ness On Flattery في الملق Περὶ κολακείας .11 On Old Age and في الشيب Περὶ γήρως καὶ νεότητος .41 Youth والشباب On Wealth and في الغنى والفقر Περὶ πλούτου καὶ πενίας .12 καὶ φιλαργυρίας Poverty On Patience and في الصبر وطول Περὶ ὑπομονῆς καὶ .42 Forbearance الروح On Self-Suffciency μακροθυμίας في القناعة Περὶ αὐταρκείας .13 On Prayer في الصلة Περὶ προσευχῆς .14 On Praise في المديح Περὶ ἐπαίνου .43 On Instruction and في التعليم والقول Περὶ διδαχῆς καὶ λόγων καὶ .15 44. Περὶ κάλλους On Beauty في الجمال ὁμιλίας Speech 45. Περὶ μελλούσης κρίσεως On the Future في الدينونة On Admonition في الوعظ Περὶ νουθεσίας .16 Judgement العتيدة On Education في الدب Περὶ παιδείας καὶ .17 46. Περὶ δόξης On Glory في المجد φιλοσοφίας καὶ παίδων On Employing في القدام بالكلم ἀνατροφῆς 47. Περὶ γλωσσαλγίας Hurtful Speech الضار On Good Luck and في السعد Περὶ εὐτυχίας καὶ .18 On Providence في السياسة // في Bad Luck 48. Περὶ προνοίας والنحس δυστυχίας الهتمام On Anger في الغضب Περὶ ὀργῆς καὶ θυμοῦ .19 See n. 1 to On Silence the table في الصمت Περὶ σιωπῆς καὶ .20 ἀπορρήτων -On Humble Dispo في اتضاع العزم Περὶ ταπεινοφροσύνης .49 On Admiration sition في الكبار Περὶ πολυπραγμοσύνης .21 and Tranquility والهدو καὶ ἡσυχίας On Physicians في الطباء Περὶ ἰατρῶν .50 On Acquiring في اقتنا الكثير Περὶ πλεονεξίας .22 51. Περὶ πίστεως On Faith في المانة [Many [Things 52. Περὶ μνήμης On Memory في الذكر On Honouring the في كرامة Περὶ τιμῆς γονέων καὶ .23 On the Soul في النفس Parents and Loving 53. Περὶ ψυχῆς الوالدين وحب φιλοτεκνίας On Envy في الحسد the Children 54. Περὶ φθόνου الولد On Choice and في الختيار On Fear 55. Περὶ ἐκουσίου καὶ في الخوف Περὶ φόβου .24 Compulsion والضطرار On Those Who ἀκουσίου في المتنقلين Περὶ τῶν ταχέως .25 -On »Know Thy في » اعرف ذاتك « »Move Quickly to- 56. Περὶ τοῦ »Γνῶθι σαυτόν سرعة في التوبة μεταβαλλομένων καὶ περὶ μετανοίας wards Repentance self« On Goodness في الصلح On Sin and Con- 57. Περὶ χρηστότητος في الخطية Περὶ ἁμαρτίας καὶ .26 fession والعتراف ἐξαγορεύσεως On [Religious] Law في الشريعة Περὶ νόμου .58 On Gluttony في الشره Περὶ ἀκρασίας καὶ .27 On Thought في الفكر γαστριμαργίας 59. Περὶ λογικοῦ καὶ λογισμοῦ On Ignorance في الجهل On Sorrow 60. Περὶ ἀφροσύνης في الحزن Περὶ λύπης καὶ ἀθυμίας .28 On Profigacy في التفريط On Sleep 61. Περὶ ἀσωτίας في النوم Περὶ ὕπνου .29 On Custom and في العادة والخلق On Drunkenness 62. Περὶ συνηθείας καὶ ἔθους في السكر Περὶ μέθης .30 Character

Greek into Arabic in Byzantine Antioch | Alexander Treiger 231 On That We في أنه ينبغي ان On Noble and Ig- 68. Περὶ τοῦ ὅτι δεῖ τιμᾶν في الحسب Περὶ εὐγενείας καὶ .63 Ought to Honour نكرم الفضيلة noble Descent ἀρετὴν καὶ κολάζειν κακίαν والقراف δυσγενείας Virtue and Despise ونخسس بالرذيلة See n. 2 to the table Vice On That Vice Is في أن الرذيلة On Laughter 69. Περὶ τοῦ ὅτι εὔκολος ἡ في الضحك Περὶ γέλωτος .64 κακία καὶ δυσάρεστος ἡ Easy and Virtue Is سهلة والفضيلة On Dreaming في ُالحلم Περὶ ἐνυπνίων .65 Diffcult to Attain شاقة الملك ἀρετή On Evillessness في عدم الشر Περὶ ἀκακίας καὶ .66 70. On Self-Love في حب الذات and Rancour Περὶ φιλαυτίας وانتعاصه μνησικακίας On That Plenty Is في ان الكثرة See n. 3 to 71. Περὶ ὅτι οὐκ ἀεὶ τὸ πλεῖον Not Always Good ليست دايما جيدة the table ἄριστον On the Insanity of في ُخباط العالم Περὶ βίου ἀνωμαλίας .67 the World

in the title of the chapter itself. Both are possible translations ,(في الهتمام) appears in the table of contents of Kitāb ar-rawḍa; the second (في السياسة) The frst translation 1 of the Greek term πρóνοια (»providence«). 2 This is a rare word. The original meaning of the word muqrif (»disgusting«) is, in fact, »born from a slave father«; hence iqrāf can be understood as »ignoble descent«, corresponding to the Greek δυσγένεια. .(means »rancour« and thus closely mirrors μνησικακία انتعاصه( انتعاص It would seem that the correct form is .انعاصه or ابغاضه All the manuscripts seem to read 3

Below I offer a critical edition and English translation of one the Arab Christian audience, this ancient Greek material was sample chapter from this work: Chapter 56. This chapter set in parallel with the Christian Scriptures and the Church is devoted to the Delphic maxim »Know thyself« (Γνῶθι Fathers, thus providing a comprehensive and balanced guide σαυτόν; in Arabic: iʿrif nafsaka). As all the other chapters, this to ethical life – in many ways analogous to Arab Muslim adab chapter too consists of a compilation of sayings. The anon- literature 50. ymous Byzantine compiler begins with a quotation from the I will conclude with a couple of notes on ʿAbdallāh ibn Gospel, then moves to the »Apostle« (in this case St Paul’s al-Faḍl’s own commentary interspersed with the text. His frst epistle to the Romans), then to the Old Testament books of comment is essentially philosophical: he argues that the diff- wisdom (Ecclesiastes and Sirach). There follow several quo- culty of knowing oneself lies in the fact that we are complex tations from the Church Fathers: Basil the Great, Gregory entities, composed of two contrary elements, body and soul. the Theologian, John Chrysostom, Clement of Alexandria, In order to truly know oneself, one has to study philosophy, and Didymus the Blind. After that, the forilegium shifts to which provides not only knowledge of the self, but also its »profane« part. It includes quotations from the Greek knowledge of God – the key to eternal »happiness« (saʿāda). comic poets Philemon (ca. 361-263 BC) and Antiphanes (ca. The link between knowledge of the self and knowledge of 408-334 BC), the orator Demosthenes (384-322 BC), the God is attested in several Christian authors, including Clem- philosophers Thales, Heraclitus, and Chilon of Sparta (sixth ent of Alexandria 51 and Basil the Great 52. This theme appears century BC), and fnally Xenophon. prominently also in Muslim and medieval Jewish sources 53. The importance of these quotations, and of ʿAbdallāh ibn ʿAbdallāh ibn al-Faḍl’s second comment is quite intriguing al-Faḍl’s translation of this Byzantine forilegium as a whole, in that it displays knowledge of Arabic grammar and, more- lies in the fact that in eleventh-century Antioch there was an over, of Arabic grammatical terminology (there are, in fact, attempt, independent of the Baghdad Graeco-Arabic transla- many such grammatical comments in the Rawḍa). In this tion movement, to translate into Arabic some ancient Greek comment, ʿAbdallāh ibn al-Faḍl indicates which of the differ- knowledge. Through this means, Arab Christians gained ac- ent usages of the Arabic preposition or particle lām (vocalized cess to otherwise inaccessible Greek material. That this ma- li- or la-) he intended in the passage just translated; he also terial proved extremely popular is indicated by the amount cites the eighth-century Arab grammarian al-Ḫalīl ibn Aḥmad of the preserved manuscripts of the Kitāb ar-rawḍa – twelve (d. ca. 791) to the effect that there are thirty distinct usages of manuscripts are known: eight currently in the Middle East, lām. It is as though ʿAbdallāh ibn al-Faḍl is commenting on his one in the Vatican, and two in Russia. Most importantly for own skillful way of rendering Greek phrases into Arabic and

50 A particularly intriguing parallel is the hitherto unpublished tenth-century Ṣūfī 51 Klēmēs Alexandreias, Paedagogus 3.1, 235: Ἦν ἄρα, ὡς ἔοικεν, πάντων μέγιστον compilation Rawḍat al-ʿulamāʾ by az-Zandawaysitī, in 98 chapters with similar μαθημάτων τὸ γνῶναι αὑτόν· ἑαυτὸν γάρ τις ἐὰν γνῷ, Θεὸν εἴσεται, Θεὸν δὲ subjects to ʿAbdallāh ibn al-Faḍl’s Kitāb ar-rawḍa. I thank Professor Gerhard εἰδὼς ἐξομοιωθήσεται Θεῷ. Böwering for this reference. 52 Basileios Kaisareias, Know Thyself 217B. 53 Altmann, Delphic; Mohamed, Knowledge 8-12.

232 Greek into Arabic in Byzantine Antioch | Alexander Treiger is boasting of his expertise in Arabic grammar, probably quite 6 Cairo, Franciscan Center of Christian Oriental Studies 116 uncommon in Arab Christian circles in Byzantine Antioch. (year 1755), fols 3r-83v / pp V-171 [C]; ʿAbdallāh ibn al-Faḍl’s Kitāb ar-rawḍa and the other trans- 7 Moscow, State Institute of International Relations (MGIMO) lations produced by him and his colleagues provide a unique 53 (year 1785), pp 2-165; perspective on Arab Christian culture in Antioch under Byz- 8 Zaḥla, Heirs of ʿĪsā Iskandar al-Maʿlūf 1954 [Nasrallah’s antine rule. They are worthy of careful study in the same catalogue 1] (year 1799), pp 240-321; way that for several generations scholars have now been 9 Saint Petersburg, Institute of Oriental Manuscripts, B1225 scrutinizing the Graeco-Arabic philosophical and scientifc (18th century), fols 1v-79r [P]; translations produced in Abbasid Baghdad. One may hope 10 Joun, Dayr al-Muḫalliṣ 173 (18th century) pp. 218-289; that the coming years will see critical editions of the relevant 11 Beirut, Bibliothèque Orientale 545 (year 1851) [R]; texts, with appropriate glossaries, similar to the editions of 12 Beirut, Bibliothèque Orientale 544 (19th century) [Q] 55. translations from the Abbasid period, as well as frst critical Two additional manuscripts in private collections are currently studies of the Antiochene translation movement and of its inaccessible (and probably lost): impact on the Arabic-speaking Christian communities in the 13 Aleppo, Heirs of Greek Catholic priest Dimitri Nasrallah 56; Middle East. Nothing of the sort exists at present. The social 14 Beirut, Heirs of Buṭrus Effendi Tayyān (mid-18th century; background of the Antiochene Graeco-Arabic translation probably copied from the Sharfeh manuscript) 57. movement would also need to be explored, so that the study The edition offered below is based on the following of »Greek Thought, Arabic Culture« in Byzantine Antioch be- seven manuscripts: S (fols 356v-358r); T (fols 52v-53r); V (fols comes an integral part of both Arabic and Byzantine Studies 54. 149v-150v); C (fols 70r-71v / pp 134-137); P (fols 63v-65r); R (fols 72r-73v / pp 141-144); Q (fols 70r-72r / pp 135-139) 58. Out of these, both S and T omit the entire »profane« section Edition and Translation of Kitāb ar-rawḍa, of the chapter (from Didymus’ saying onwards). Chapter 56 In the apparatus, I have tried to record even the most min- ute discrepancies between the manuscripts, so as to better As mentioned above, ʿAbdallāh ibn al-Faḍl’s »Book of the establish the relationship between them, thus facilitating a Garden« (Kitāb ar-rawḍa) is extant in twelve manuscripts. I list future critical edition of this important work. In the prepara- them below in the chronological order (indicating, in bold tion of the edition of chapter 56, it became obvious that (1) face in brackets, the sigla of those I have consulted): the oldest manuscript S has some idiosyncratic readings and 1 Sinai ar. 66 (year 1266), fols 260r-375v (breaks off in the is not as reliable as one would expect; (2) V and T are the middle of chapter 69) [S]; most reliable witnesses (and T may have been copied from 2 Sinai ar. 456 (13th century), fols 18v-60v (lacks the introduc- V 59); and (3) the four late manuscripts CPRQ, all of them of tion and is truncated at the very end of chapter 71) [T]; Syrian provenance, share certain mistakes (e. g., they attribute 3 Vat. ar. 111 (14th century), fols 99r-160r (beginning of the saying no. 9 to »Climacus« rather than Clement) and go back introduction missing) [V]; to a single hyparchetype – possibly an old manuscript once 4 Sharfeh ar. 8/10 (year 1600), no. 7; kept in the patriarchal library in Damascus (and presumably 5 Damascus, Greek Orthodox Patriarchate 269 [old shelfmark destroyed in the riots of 1860). When these four manuscripts 1706] (year 1723), no. 2 (includes chapters 9-53 and 64-71 agree, I refer to them collectively as Σ 60. only); The Greek text (of the recension MaxI, in the manuscript Vorlage used by ʿAbdallāh ibn al-Faḍl) is referenced as [Ψ].

54 Cf. Treiger, Graeco-Arabica. 56 Sbath, Fihris 49, no. 375. 55 According to Cheikho’s catalogue, this manuscript »a été transcrit en 1881 57 According to Louis Cheikho’s handwritten note (preserved in Beirut, Biblio- sur une copie de la fn du XVIIIe siècle qui se trouve au couvent des Syriens thèque Orientale 544, fol. 0v), this manuscript was kept »at the nobleman Catholiques à Charfé (Liban)« (Cheikho, Catalogue 234). This information, re- Buṭrus’ residence« (fī bayt al-waǧīh Buṭrus) in Beirut. It opened with questions peated by both Graf and Nasrallah, is highly questionable. Though the manu- and discussions between a Master and a Disciple; Kitāb ar-rawḍa occupied script is clearly a 19th-century one (the copyist and the paper are the same as the very end of the manuscript (pp 468-511); the order of quotations was those of Beirut, Bibliothèque Orientale 542 and 543, two 19th-century manu- somewhat different than in the two other Beirut copies and was somewhat scripts of ʿAbdallāh ibn al-Faḍl’s works), the colophon is dated »May 8, 1281 to less complete. On another manuscript from Buṭrus Effendi Tayyān’s private col- the Divine Incarnation« (li-tamān ayyām min šahr īyār sanat alf wa-m(ʾ)iyatayn lection see Samir, Évangiles 462 f. and 518. wa-iḥdā wa-ṯamānūn (!) li-t-taǧassud al-ilāhī), i. e. 1273 AD, if the so-called 58 I have also consulted Cheikho’s edition of this chapter, based on manuscript Q Melkite era of the Incarnation is used (see Samir, L’ère). The date »1881« is thus (Cheikho, Chrestomathia 247-249). However, it contains many faulty readings the result of Cheikho’s correcting 1281 to 1881. It would seem, rather, that (as a result of the editor using a late and unreliable manuscript as well as tacitly the 19th-century copyist simply transcribed a 13th-century colophon from his »correcting« the language) and is therefore untrustworthy. Vorlage (as suggested in Bacha / Cheikho, ʿAbdallāh 945) or that he meant the 59 See nn 70, 73, and 74 below. hiǧrī date (May 8, 1281 AH = 1865 AD). The assumption that this manuscript 60 It would seem that in a future critical edition, it would be suffcient to use only was copied from the Sharfeh one may also be erroneous and have its origin in three manuscripts: S, V, and one of Σ (ideally, one of the 18th-century manu- the confusion between Beirut, Bibliothèque Orientale 544 and Buṭrus Effendi scripts, C and P, which are much superior to the 19th-century ones); the Sharfeh Tayyān’s manuscript (on which see n. 61 below), which indeed has similarities manuscript and the Damascus one may also provide useful readings. to the Sharfeh one (e.g., both begin with the discussion between Master and Disciple).

Greek into Arabic in Byzantine Antioch | Alexander Treiger 233 It is virtually identical to the critical Greek text published by text are systematically preferred to those that do not, for the Sibylle Ihm. With only a few exceptions, specifcally discussed obvious reason that they must refect the translator’s version in the apparatus, readings that agree with the critical Greek of the text.

10 قال ديديمس : معرفة النسان انه يجهل دليل على حكمته كما ان علمه بانه قد ظلم الباب السادس والخمسون: في »اعرف ذاتك » دليل على99 العدل. 1 قال النجيل61 : لماذا تبصر القذى62 الذي63 في عين اخيك والخشبة 11 قال فيليمن100 : اعرف هذا وهو انك انسان101 وتبقى دايما. التي64 في عينك ل تميز. 12 102 انتفانوس103: ايها الفاضل، ان تكن104 مايتا فليكن عزمك عزم الموات . 2 قال ا ل رس ول: من انت الذي تدين الغريب الذي هو عبد ا65 نهض ام 13 105 ديمستانس106: على ما ارى ان المستقبل غير ظاهر لكل الناس والوقات سقط66، انه سينهض لن الرب قادر ان ينهضه. الصغار تصير اسبابا لمور عظام، ولهذه الحال ينبغي ان تقتصد107 في حسن 3 67 سليمن68: ِامش في طرق69 قلبك غير70 معيب71 واعرف ذاتك72 وان ا الحال وتقدم108 الرويّة بظهور المستقبل . يقودك73 الى الحكم على كل هذه . 14 109 ثاليس110: ما َاصعب معرفة النسان ذاته ال ان111 ذلك سعادة لنه يعيش 4 قال س ي راخ74: تحفظ وتيقظ 75 جدا فانك تمش مع سقطتك. بحسب الطبيعة. 5 76 باسيليوس : اذا عرفت ذاتك على الواجب قادك ذلك 77 الى78 معرفة ا . شرح: انما112 صعُب على النسان ان يعرف ذاته لهذا السبب وهو انه مركب 6 79 وقال: ليس شي اصعب من معرفة النسان نفسه وذاته لن العين ليست فقط من جزوين متضادين113 في الكيفية وذلك ان احدهما بسيط والخر مركب وهذا تنظر الى ما خارجا ول تستعمل النظر الى ذاتها لكن وعقلنا يرنو80 بحدة81 الى ُالج ْرم82 معقول وذلك محسوس114 وهذا ٍباق ل يزول وذاك ٍفان115 يحول، ول سبيل الى الغريب83 ويتباطا 84 في تعرف85 المناقص86 الخاصية 87 . تعرف هذين على ما ينبغي ال بدرس116 جميع العلوم ول يوصل الى ما117 ل118 7 قال الثاولوغس88 : اكشف عن حالك كثيرا دون احوال89 القربا 90 فانت في هذا تراه العيون ال باعظم مشقّة. ومن قرا العلوم فقد تفلسف ومن تفلسف فقد عرف الرابح91 واما في ذاك92 فاوليك93. ا عز وجل بعض المعرفة ومن عرف119 الباري تقدس اسمه حسب الممكن فهو 8 قال الذهبي الفم : ذلك الذي يعرف ذاته على التحقيق الذي ل يظن نفسه شيا . السعيد. والشيا120 التي تدل على ان النسان قد علم121 حسب الطوق هي122 94 9 اقليمس95 : ان اردت ان تعرف ا فتقدم96 بمعرفة97 ذاتك98.

.S الريح or المريح || Q الرانج / Ψ] VT CPR] الرابح S Σ. 91 النجيل المقدس || Ψ] VT] النجيل 61 .T Σ ذلك || S V ذاك RQ. 92 القذا / T CP القدا || S V القذى 62 .Σ فاوليك || S VT فاوليك CR. 93 التي || S VT PQ الذي 63 .S T Σ قال .VT. 94 no add. [Ψ] V || add الذي || S Σ التي 64 Σ (in C it seems that اقليمقس || S قليمس / T اقليمس / (Ψ] V (sine punctis] اڡلىمس S T Σ. 95 ا || Ψ] V] ل 65 .(اقليمقس was written frst, then corrected to اقليمس -Ψ] S. T seems to be copied di] نهض ام سقط || T سيطام )!( نهض / V Σ سقط ام نهض 66 .VT فاتقدم || S Σ فتقدم are written close together, as if in one word, and 96 ام and سقط rectly from V, where .S Σ بعرفان || VT بمعرفة Though S agrees with the Greek text, στήκει ἢ 97 .ي can be mistaken for a ق the πίπτει, this could be an educated copyist’s correction based on the well-known 98 Both S and T end the chapter here, omitting all the »profane« authors, as well .as the lectio diffcilior. as the saying by Didymus سقط ام نهض Gospel passage; I am therefore adopting .Σ علم || Ψ] V] على S T Σ. 99 قال .no add. [Ψ] V || add 67 .Q فليمن || V CPR فيليمن Σ. 100 سليمان || S VT سليمن 68 .V انسانا || Σ انسان T (seems to be a misreading of V). 101 طرف || Ψ] V S Σ] طرق 69 .Σ قال . no add. [Ψ] V || add T. 102 عنو / (V (sine punctis عىو || Ψ] S Σ] غير 70 / PR ابيفانوس || (as in the Greek) انتفانوس V (sine punctis), to be read as اىىڡاىوس S. 103 مغيب || Ψ] VT Σ] معيب 71 .CQ ابيفانس .R ذلك || Ψ] S VT CPQ] ذاتك 72 .V يكن || Ψ] Σ] تكن Q. 104 يقدوك || Ψ] S VT CPR] يقودك 73 .Σ قال . no add. [Ψ] V || add P. 105 شيراخ || S VT CRQ سيراخ 74 .P ديمشتانس / Q ديمسثانس / CR ديمستانس || (V (sine punctis دىمسىاىس P. 106 (!)وتيقض || S VT CRQ وتيقظ 75 .(Σ (the Greek is ambiguous نقتصد || V تقتصد S T CPR. 107 قال .no add. [Ψ] V Q || add 76 CR (the Greek is ambiguous). Notice that P has a mixed ونقدم || V PQ وتقدم VT. 108 ذالك || S Σ ذلك 77 .نقتصد ... وتقدم :V. version على || Ψ] S T Σ] الى 78 .Σ قال . no add. [Ψ] V || add This entire saying is omitted in T, as well as in Cheikho’s edition. 109 79 .V ىالىىس || Σ باليس / (as in the Greek) ثاليس Reading P. 110 يدنوا / Q يرنوا / V يرىوا / S يريوا || CR يرنو 80 . P seemingly crosses out the alif Σ. 111 بجدة || Ψ] S V] بحدة 81 .V انه لما || Σ انما Σ. 112 الحرم / S الحزم || Ψ] V] الجرم 82 -emendation (seems warranted by the reading of V, and the mas جزوين متضادين which is 113 ,الغريب I am emending it to ,القريب Though all the manuscripts read 83 V صورين متضادين || (.etc ,احدهما بسيط والخر مركب :ʿAbdallāh ibn al-Faḍl’s standard rendering of ἀλλότριος, as also in saying no. 2 culine form of what follows .Σ صورتين متضادتين || .above .V CPR || om. Q وهذا معقول وذلك محسوس R. 114 وتتباطى / V CPQ وتتباطا || Ψ] S] ويتباطا 84 .R فانه || PQ فاني || V C فان Σ. 115 ذلك وتعرف || Ψ] S V] تعرف 85 .Q يدرس || V CPR بدرس S (ante corr.) V. 116 المناقض || (.Ψ] Σ S (post corr] المناقص 86 .Σ || om. V ما CR. 117 الخاصة || S V PQ الخاصية 87 .CR || om. V PQ ل T. 118 الثاولوغوس || S V Σ الثاولوغس 88 .V CRQ || om. P عرف S. 119 (!)حوال || VT Σ احوال 89 .Σ وللشيا || V والشيا S (supra lineam) Σ. This is an old marginal gloss, 120 اي في الطبيعة .no add. [Ψ] VT || add 90 .Σ علم باريه || (V (lectio diffcilior علم which goes back to ʿAbdallāh ibn al-Faḍl’s comment in chapter 23 that when the 121 .P وهي || V CRQ هي Gospel commands to »love your neighbour as yourself«, the »neighbour« (qarīb) 122 is he who is »close in nature« (al-qarīb fī ṭ-ṭabī‘a), i. e., the »universal man« (al-in- sān al-kullī ), meaning that one is obligated to love every fellow human being.

234 Greek into Arabic in Byzantine Antioch | Alexander Treiger 17 قال كسانوفن131: ذاك 132 يُ َظ ّن عندي انه ل يعلم قوة نفسه الذي يجهل ذاته وهذا استعمال الفضايل والبتعاد من الرذايل، والسلم. وله معنى اخر غير هذا وهو فليس بظاهر للناس وهو انهم يجوزون خيرات جمة لمعرفتهم ذواتهم وشرورا عدة لجهلهم اياها. ظاهر ل يحتاج الى123 ابانة . شرح: اللم التي في133 »لمعرفتهم«134 و» لجهلهم« يسميها افاضل النحاة 15 كان ايراقلطس124 شابا وصار125 احكم اهل زمانه فانه 126 علم انه ما يعلم شيا . سببيّة 135، واللمات على ما ذكر الخليل136 ثلثون137 لما . 16 سيل127 خيلن : ما ُاصعب المور؟ فقال: ان128 يعرف النسان ذاته، وهذا نافع في129 وعظة 130 الشامخين الذين يجوزون مقدارهم

Chapter 56: On »Know Thyself« (cf. Greek original in (12) Antiphanes: »O you excellent one, since you are mortal, Ps.-Maximus Confessor, Loci communes 809-820) let your resolution be the resolution of the dead«. (13) Demosthenes: »In my opinion, the future is hidden (1) The Gospel said: »And why do you look at the speck from all the people, and small moments can become an oc- in your brother’s eye, but do not distinguish the plank in your casion for grievous matters. For this reason, we must be mod- own eye?« (Matt. 7:3, Luke 6:41). erate in comfort (ḥusn al-ḥāl) and think in advance about the (2) The Apostle said: »Who are you to judge a stranger who appearance of the future«. is a servant of God, whether he stands or falls. Indeed, he will (14) Thales: »How diffcult it is for a person to know him- stand, for the Lord is able to make him stand« (cf. Rom. 14:4). self! Yet this is [true] happiness, for [only he who knows him- (3) Solomon: »Walk in the ways of your heart without self] lives in accord with nature«. blame, and know yourself and that God will bring you into [ʿAbdallāh ibn al-Faḍl’s] Commentary: It is for the following judgment for all these« (cf. Eccles. 11:9). reason that it is diffcult for a person to know himself: a person (4) Sirach said: »Take heed to yourself, and be very vigilant, is combined of two qualitatively opposing forms, one of which for you walk [in danger of] your ruin« (Sir. 13:16). is simple, and the other composite, one of which is intelligible, (5) Basil: »Once you know yourself, of necessity this will and the other sensible, one of which is incorruptible and abides lead you to the knowledge of God«. for ever (bāqin lā yazūl), while the other is corruptible and (6) He also said: »There is no more arduous thing for a passing (fānin yaḥūl). There is no other way to properly know person than to know himself and his essence, for it is not only these two [components] except through the study of all the the eye that looks at what is outside without attending to sciences. That which eyes do not see cannot be attained except look at itself, but our intellect too gazes sharply at another’s with the greatest diffculty. Whoever has studied the sciences sin to them collectively 138 but is slow to apprise itself of its has philosophized (tafalsafa). Whoever has philosophized has own defects«. attained some knowledge of God (ʿarafa llāha ʿazza wa-ǧalla (7) [Gregory] the Theologian said: »Expose frequently your baʿḍa l-maʿrifa). Whoever knows the Creator, hallowed be own state rather than the state of others, for you are the one His name, as far as is possible [to man], is the one who has to beneft from it, while in the opposite case it is the others attained happiness (fa-huwa s-saʿīd). The following bears wit- who will beneft«. ness to his having attained knowledge of the Creator to the (8) Chrysostom said: »Only one who does not think himself degree that is possible [to man]: that he practices the virtues to be of any [worth] truly knows oneself«. and abstains from the vices. That’s all (wa-s-salām). There is (9) Clement: »If you wish to know God, get to know your- another meaning to this [passage], but it is obvious enough self frst«. and is in no need of clarifcation. (10) Didymus said: »When a person knows that he is igno- (15) Heraclitus was a young man, yet he became the wisest rant, this is a sign of his wisdom, just as if he knows that he has of all the people of his age because he recognized that he wronged [someone], this is a sign of his justice«. knew nothing. (11) Philemon said: »Know this: you are human, and you (16) Chilon was asked: »What is the most diffcult thing?« will remain [human] forever«. He answered: »To know oneself«. This is useful in instructing the proud, who think too highly (?) of themselves.

.Σ ذلك || V ذاك V CPR || om. Q. 132 الى 123 .V Q || om. CPR في Σ. 133 ابراقلطس || V اىراڡلطس 124 .V معرفتهم || Σ لمعرفتهم P. 134 (!)وكان ار || Ψ] V CRQ] وصار 125 .Q سبية || P سبيبه / CR سببية / V سبىية V. 135 بانه || Ψ] Σ] فانه 126 .V PQ الجليل || CR الخليل V. 136 سلن || (Ψ] Σ (P has both the hamza and the two dots underneath] سيل / سئل 127 .V ثلثين || R ثلثون / CPQ ثلثون P. 137 انه || Ψ] V CRQ] ان 128 The reading should clearly be ǧurm, »sin« (= Greek ἁμάρτημα), rather than V CPR || om. Q. 138 في 129 .»CR. ǧirm, »body عظة || V PQ وعظة 130 .Σ كسانوفون || V كساىوفن 131

Greek into Arabic in Byzantine Antioch | Alexander Treiger 235 (17) Xenophon said: In my view, if a person does not know īyāhā < Gr. διὰ δὲ τὸ ἐψεῦσθαι ἑαυτῶν, »on account of being himself, he is ignorant of the power of his soul. The following mistaken about themselves«). is not apparent to people: that they obtain numerous good [ʿAbdallāh ibn al-Faḍl’s] Commentary: The letter lām in things on account of their knowledge of themselves (li-maʿrifa- li-maʿrifatihim and li-ǧahlihim is called by the most excellent tihim ḏawātihim < Gr. διὰ μὲν τὸ εἰδέναι ἑαυτούς) and many bad grammarians »causal« (sababīya). Al-Ḫalīl [ibn Aḥmad] men- things on account of their ignorance of themselves (li-ǧahlihim tioned that there are thirty [different usages of] lām 139.

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Greek into Arabic in Byzantine Antioch | Alexander Treiger 237 Summary / Zusammenfassung

Greek into Arabic in Byzantine Antioch: Aus dem Griechischen ins Arabische im byzantinischen ʿAbdallāh ibn al-Faḍl’s »Book of the Garden« (Kitāb Antiochien: ʿAbdallāh ibn al-Faḍls »Buch des Gartens« ar-rawḍa ) (Kitāb ar-rawḍa ) This article focuses on one of the most important – and the Dieser Artikel konzentriert sich auf eines der wichtigsten – und least studied – centres of Christian Graeco-Arabic translation am wenigsten erforschten – Zentren christlicher griechisch- activity: the region of Antioch after the Byzantine recon- arabischer Übersetzungstätigkeit: die Region von Antiochia quest of the city in 969. It discusses the most important nach der byzantinischen Rückeroberung der Stadt im Jahr Antiochene translators: Antonios, Ibrāhīm ibn Yūḥannā, Greg- 969. Es werden zunächst die wichtigsten antiochenischen ory, Kyr Chariton, Yānī ibn ad-Duks, Kyr Christopher ibn Übersetzer besprochen: Antonios, Ibrahim ibn Yūḥannā, Gre- ad-Dawbalī (or ad-Duwaylī), and especially ʿAbdallāh ibn gor, Kyr Chariton, Yāni ibn ad-Duks, Kyr Christopher ibn al-Faḍl (all of them Arabic-speaking Orthodox Christians or ad-Dawbalī (oder ad-Duwaylī) und besonders ʿAbdallāh ibn »Melkites«). Subsequently, it focuses on ʿAbdallāh ibn Faḍl’s al-Faḍl, die alle arabisch sprechende orthodoxe Christen oder still unpublished masterpiece »Book of the Garden« (Kitāb »Melkiten« waren. Anschließend wird das noch unveröffent- ar-rawḍa) – an Arabic translation of the Byzantine »sacro-pro- lichte Meisterwerk ʿAbdallāh ibn al-Faḍls »Kitāb ar-rawḍa« fane« forilegium Loci communes (mis-ascribed to Maximus in den Mittelpunkt der Untersuchung gestellt – eine ara- the Confessor) – as an example of a Graeco-Arabic transla- bische Übersetzung des byzantinischen »sacro-profanen« tion produced in that milieu. The article includes a critical Florilegiums Loci communes (das fälschlicherweise Maximos edition and an English translation of chapter 56 of the »Book Confessor zugeschrieben wird) – als ein herausragendes Bei- of the Garden«, entitled »On ›Know Thyself‹«. spiel einer griechisch-arabischen Übersetzung, die in diesem Umfeld entstehen konnte. Der Artikel enthält eine kritische Ausgabe und eine englische Übersetzung des Kapitels 56 des »Kitāb ar-rawḍa«, das den Titel »Über das ›Erkenne dich selbst‹« trägt.

238 Greek into Arabic in Byzantine Antioch | Alexander Treiger