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PEACE BUILDING, CONFLICT RESOLUTION AND CULTURAL COOPERATION BETWEEN ALBANIANS AND SERBS: THE EXAMPLE OF CSO ACTIVITIES IN THE REGION VUJANOVAC (SOUTHEAST SERBIA)
Christoph GIESEL Humboldt University, Germany
1. Introduction The three municipalities P resevo (Serbian; Albanian: P resheva), Bujanovac (Serbian; Albanian: Bujanoci) and Medveda (Serbian; Albanian: Medvegja) with their eponymic, urban administrative centres in the southeast of Serbia directly at the border to Kosovo possessing, unlike the remaining municipalities of Serbia, a large fraction of Albanian population. In the com- munities of Presevo and Bujanovac Albanians constitute majority of the pop- ulation. Therefore, the Presevo-Bujanovac-Medveda region (PBM region or P resevo Valley1) constitutes the densest Albanian settlement area directly under Serbian administration. Official information from the partially contro- versial 2002 Serbian census (cp. Kothenschulte 2002c)2 describes the ethnic distribution in the individual administrative areas in per cent as follows (cp. Zavod za Statistiku 2002): 372 3. Uluslararas› Balkan Kongresi / 3rd International Balkan Congress
The main problems this region has had to cope with since the creation of Yugoslavia and until now are its economical backwardness and discrimination and, resulting from this, the overall poverty and lack of prospects for all its inhabitants, regardless their ethnicity, as well as the political and social dis- crimination the Albanian majority had to suffer from the Serbian administra- tion, who did not even stop at violent persecution and expulsion in the past. Especially since the disintegration of communist Yugoslavia the multi- ethnic region has suffered highly aggressive ethnically motivated tensions between groups of Albanian and Serbian population, as well as general bad interethnic relations, social, political and enormous economical and infra- structural problems. These are perfect conditions for a breakout of violent con- flicts which are either ethnically motivated or exploited. The conflict in this region is very miscellaneous and formed by a large range of different social, political and economical dimensions and players or interest groups on a local, regional and international level. 2. Topical Subject, Matter of the Essay and Material Foundation The essay on hand4 deals with the role of civil society organizations (CSOs) in building peace, resolving conflicts and cultural co-operation in the Balkans using the example of the two Serbian-Albanian CSOs Odgovornost za Buducnosti (OzB; engl.: Responsibility for Future) from Belgrade and Susedi za Mir (SzM; engl.: Neighbours for Peace) from Bujanovac which are aiming at developing the multiethnic dialogue between Serbians, Albanians and Roma and operating in the region of Bujanovac. In the course of the pres- entation the following aspects will find consideration: basic concerns and con- cepts, methods of operation, projects, successes, problems, cultural dimen- sions and the range of effect and methods of operation. It seems necessary to carefully analyze the most important political, social, historical and ethnical aspects (partly with a special focus on the Albanian case) connected with the situation and the resulting regional conflicts. The objective is a better under- standing of difficulties and conditions in which the activities of the organiza- tion are embedded. On account of the complexity and multidimensionality of the context of the topic and the small frame of this presentation, however, it is impossible to demonstrate the complex and controversial nature of the conflict to a suitable extent. The following information is an attempt to outline the basic aspects, although many relations, aspects and causes cannot be subject to a detailed treatment. Apart from critical judgements to some aspects it is not my intention to take sides for positions of the different protagonists. This attitude requires (in Peace Building, Conflict Resolutin and Cultural Cooperation Between Albanians and Serbs 373 spite of a frequently superficially appearing congruence) that in the judge- ments protagonists are not equalized with the respectively ethnical group in whose names so called representation of interests takes place on the military and political sphere. In that sense conflicts between the basic needs of the mul- tiethnical population on the one side and the interests of Albanian and Serbian political protagonists on the other side shall be revealed. The material foundation of the essay is the result of a series of interviews and group talks which were conducted by the author with 28 different persons being in contact with the CSO at the end of April 2007.5 One-to-one interviews were conducted with a former 36 year-old UÇPBM militant from Veliki Trnovac as well as the Albanian, regional politician Shaip Kamberi (mean- while mayor of the town Bujanovac) in Bujanovac and the journalist and peace activist Branka Jovanovic in Belgrade. The group talks were conducted in the following places in the municipality of Bujanovac which mostly differ in their ethnic structure and consisted of the following interview partners: • Biljac (mixed population, predominantly Albanian, about 90% Albanian and scarcely 10% Serbians6; five male, Albanian partners aged between 17 and 24), • Bujanovac (mixed population, in each case about a third Roma, Serbians and Albanians, one Albanian and two Serbian partner(all female) as well as at a time one Serbian and two Albanian male partners aged between 21 and 38), • Konculj7 (purely Albanian population; one female and four male part- ners aged between 15 and 18), • Oslare (mixed population: about 60% Albanians, 40% Serbians; at a time two male Serbian and Albanian partners aged between 17 and 22), • Rakovac (purely Serbian population; two female partners aged 17 and 18) and • Zbevac (purely Serbian population; four partners aged between 16 and 29). During the interview primarily the following aspects received attention: general information about the respective places and the overall situation in the region; interethnic relations; political, social conditions, activities in the region from the 1990s until today; project activities of the CSO and their effects; esti- mation of future conditions and perspectives, personal attitudes, experiences and evaluations, which stand in connection with the topic and many more.8 A further source of information, were written materials which are in most 374 3. Uluslararas› Balkan Kongresi / 3rd International Balkan Congress cases available in the internet (especially internet articles from the homepage of the international operating German radio station Deutsche Welle, cp. www.dw-world.de) as well as a few German and Serbian newspaper articles. Three reports of the organisation Schweizer Flüchtlingshilfe (“Swiss Refugee Work”) on the situation in the PBM-region from (cp. Brunnbauer 1999, Mattern 2005; Ilazi 2009) just as two reports published by a German peace keeping initiative about the activities of the CSO (cp. Hülsbusch / Keimburg 2001; Jovanovic 2002) which is closely studied in this essay served as main sources. 3. Selected Aspects of the Political, Ethnical and Social Basic Issue and the Regional Conflict since the Creation of the Communist Yugoslavia until Today9 Due to the high fraction of Albanian population, the PBM region was originally part of the Autonomous Province of Kosovo which had been creat- ed by the Yugoslavian constitution of 1946. Modelled after the Soviet Union where Stalin had drawn arbitrary borders between soviet republics and autonomous provinces in multiethnic areas, the region was divested from the autonomous province and subordinated to the administration of the truncated People´s (later Socialist) Republic of Serbia within Yugoslavia. In exchange the regions of Leposavic and Zubin Potok, which were inhabited predomi- nantly by Serbians, were integrated into the North of Kosovo (cp. Mattern 2005, 2) Because of pseudo-federalism and centralistic coordination of politi- cal, social and economic concerns during the early years of communist Yugoslavia, perceivable social and political differences occurred only after a gradual upgrade of the legal status of the Kosovo as an autonomous province from 1974 onwards. Although the Albanians in Kosovo and the Albanians in the PBM region understood themselves as a historical, political, cultural and linguistic unit, Albanians in the PBM region had a substantially lower legal status than those in Kosovo and were divided in two administrative units with a different status by a purely administrative border (cp. Brunnbauer 1999, 373 ff.; Dominik 2001, 41, 47 and 171). Although multiethnic life in the PBM region was not always free of conflicts and tensions the interethnic co-opera- tion to a large extent still worked (cp. Hülsbusch / Keimburg 2001 et al). The dissolution of the autonomy of Kosovo in 1989 and the resulting loss of privileges for the Albanians there in turn also lead to the virtual equalisa- tion of the legal status of the Albanians in Kosovo and PBM. Particularly from this moment onwards they were subject to tightened repression, human rights violations and discrimination, the government of Slobodan Milosevic consis- tently breaching regulations of the Yugoslavian constitution (cp. Brunnbauer Peace Building, Conflict Resolutin and Cultural Cooperation Between Albanians and Serbs 375
1999; Mattern 2005, 2). Emigration movements of Albanians from the PBM region to Macedonia and Kosovo, which had already begun during the 1970s, were intensified by these developments. Especially in predominantly Albanian parts of the PBM region the situation also lead to a local emigration pressure on Serbian inhabitants as well, who - mostly due to economical reasons – nev- ertheless left for Central- and Northern Serbia.10 Despite these conditions rela- tions between the Albanian and Serbian population all in all remained rela- tively peaceful although not free of tensions. The pressure of the Serbian administration on Albanians in the PBM tightened firstly with the initiation of the Kosovo Crisis in 1998 and secondly and especially with the NATO bom- bardments and the Serbian forces leaving the region whereupon violent assaults by Serbian police forces against Albanians of the PBM occurred reg- ularly and often resulted in fatalities, violations of human rights and danger- ous tensions. About 10,000-15,000 Albanians had to flee from the Serbian spe- cial police and army forces to Kosovo and Macedonia or were dislodged using force (cp. Berger 2001, 5 and 15; Brunnbauer 1999; Mattern 2005, 3; Ilazi 2009, 2). On the other hand thousands of Serbian refugees who were also vio- lently dislodged from Kosovo were accommodated in this region. The resulting tensions had a huge influence on the relationships between the people. Neighbours of different ethnic origins stopped talking to each other, although this had before been usual and necessary for their everyday life; they broke up their former interethnic contacts or kept them hidden (cp. Hülsbusch / Keimburg 2001 et al). The result was a situation full of suspense with frequent provocations especially among young people and full of cases that people in the neighbourhood did not know each other anymore. In some parts of the PBM region hospitals often have been the only institutions where Serbs and Albanians converged. A separation between Serbs and Albanians was done in a lot of schools as well. The conflict escalated in an outbreak of violence at the end of 2000, when a militant nationalist Albanian group calling themselves UÇPBM (alb.: Ushtrisë Çlirimtare për Preshevë, Bujanoc dhe Medvegjë; engl.: Liberation Army of PBM) started to attack Serbian police and army forces and civilians. This 17 month long military confrontations caused up to (supposedly) 100 Serbian and Albanian causalities (cp. Berger 2001, 5; Dikic 2002; Mattern 2005, 3). Furthermore, according to estimations, approximately 2000 Serbians had to flee from acts of violence of Albanian rebels to Central Serbia in 2001 (cp. Berger 2001, 5; Ilazi 2009, 2). The UÇPBM was considered to be a kind of continuation of former UÇK from Kosovo that had influenced and con- trolled not only to armed and political incidents in the PBM region by his transnational network (cp. Berlekamp 2001). The climax of these activities, 376 3. Uluslararas› Balkan Kongresi / 3rd International Balkan Congress which the Serbian government classified as acts of terrorism, was the devel- opment of the violent conflict in Macedonia between a Macedonian UÇK and Macedonian security forces in 2001. It becomes obvious that the conflict in Bujanovac is to be seen as a part of the whole conflict between Albanian and Slaw actors in the region. Its further development depends on political activi- ties and developments in the Kosovo region and the relations between the gov- ernments of Serbia and Kosovo, which are at present in a very bad condition. These conflicts, however, do not only rely on a purely political background. The Albanian mafia, working on a transnational level, is also seen as one of the main important actors in the military conflicts. There are numerous hints that they, by destabilizing the regions politically and by bolstering Albanian politicians, try to strengthen their own political influence as well as to secure their traditional smuggling routes all over the region and hence to guarantee for an unobstructed course of their illegal business (cp. Mappes-Niediek 2003, 72-76; Mattern 2005, 8; Schoeller 2001). Simultaneously to the activities carried out by the UÇPBM, some Albanian political parties being active in this region made political demands on the improvement of the military, political and economic situation of the local Albanians as a precondition for the termination of the conflicts (cp. Mattern 2005, 7; Unknown author 2001a and b). The political ideas which are communicated by the Albanian civil and military parties involved in the conflict concerning the future of the PBM region generally range from giving autonomy and appropriate integration into social and administrative structures in Serbia to the Albanians on the one hand and the attachment to the Kosovo on the other; depending on the protagonists involved, the political interests, the point of time and its political situation (cp. f.e. Brunnbauer 1999; Dikic / Ristic 2002; Jovanovic 2002; Kothenschulte 2002a; Mattern 2005, 1ff., 6ff. and 15; Presova 2003 et al). In this context some ultranationalist Albanian forces even formulate the aim of creating a united Greater Albania. With the mediation and aid of the International Community, the Serbian government was able to solve the conflict temporarily by means of negotia- tions and made extensive concessions to the political representatives of the Albanians. But in the long run the conflict was just solved superficially. In the first phase after the signing of the Konculj Peace Treaty of 2001 they also strove for drastic improvements for the population on basis of the so called Covic Plan. The following aims were set in this: The reduction of tensions and an overall improvement of the region’s security situation, the launching of a process of stabilisation by decentralisa- Peace Building, Conflict Resolutin and Cultural Cooperation Between Albanians and Serbs 377 tion respecting European standards of minority rights, further the abolishment of the discrimination of the Albanians which had been institutionalized for years, a full integration of the Albanian people into the political and social structures of Serbia, at the same time calling for the Albanians‘ abjuration from a possible attachment of the PBM region to the Kosovo, changes in the discriminating electoral law and the self-government, the formation of an eth- nically mixed police, a sufficient up to proportional representation of Albanians in political and administrative institutions, return of refugees, improvements in the field of infrastructure (except in the public health and education system), economical promotion of the region etc. (cp. Berger 2001, 15; Dikic 2002; Ilazi 2009, 1 and 10-15; Mattern 2005, 3ff.). Some of these aims like the changing of the electoral law, the implemen- tation of more political rights, the creation of multiethnic police units, the establishment of Albanian media, the improvement of the education in Albanian11, and, although to a lesser extent, a return of refugees, the amnesty of former UÇPBM fighters and a more extensive participation of Albanians in public, political and administrative functions could finally be reached (cp. f.e. Dikic / Ristic 2002; Kothenschulte 2001, 2002c/e, 2003b/f; Mattern 2005, 5 and 13ff.; Sambale 2002 et al). The Serbian government in return could achieve a cessation of the hos- tilities and relatively secure and internationally accepted border lines in this region. Experts nevertheless remain sceptical about the region’s situation: “It remains doubtful how the concept of a multiethnical society will be successful in the Presevo valley and other parts of the former Yugoslavia. Both parts of the population live in separate worlds. […] The peace which prevails today is fragile and there are many elements questioning its stability. The bad relation between Pristina and Belgrade here works as an anti-integrative fac- tor (cp. Mattern 2005, 1).”12 Nevertheless, despite some improvements, the political and economic problems including the organized crime in the core still remain unsolved until today. Several items are being criticised from the Albanian side in this context (cp. f.e. Berger 2001, 5; Dikic 2002 and 2003; Ilazi 2009, 5ff. and 9-15; Jovanovic 2002, Kothenschulte 2002d and 2004b/d; Mattern 2005, 5 and 9-15): • the Albanians’ disastrous economic condition, • the insufficient or only slow progress in the integration process of the Albanians as well as the predominance of the Serbian or Albanian language respectively in the fields of administration, law, health and education, in cor- porations with governmental shares, in the police and the regional media,13 378 3. Uluslararas› Balkan Kongresi / 3rd International Balkan Congress
• the insufficient decentralisation, • an insufficient cooperation between governmental bodies and local municipalities, • the Covic Plan’s inadequacy to realise the actions and results which had been promised, • constantly increasing loss of importance of the multiethnic police due to the high presence of the Serbian police and the armed forces, • cases of violence, discrimination and violations of human rights (f.e. committed by several policemen and soldiers) and • insufficient prerequisites for the return of Albanian refugees to commu- nities which are dominated by Serbians, e.g. Medveda. According to the Albanian politician Shaip Kamberi Serbian policy towards Albanians just has been dynamic until 2003. At the latest since the beginning of the negotiations about the Kosovo’s status in 2005, the Serbian government after all did not carry out enduring and serious confidence-build- ing actions. Many commitments were not kept by the Serbian government which also gave the impression of reducing the conflict to a totally military one (cp. f.e. Jovanovic). At the same time tensions increased noticeable in 2005 as a result of an incident, where a 15-year-old boy was erroneously killed by Serbian border police. Huge frustration and suspiciousness was also caused among the Albanian as well as among the Serbian population in this context by the denial of equal participation in the negotiations about the status of Kosovo from the international community and the Serbian government (cp. DW Radio 2005; Ilazi 2009, 2-5; Kothenschulte 2003c; Mattern 2005, 5ff.). By now, however, the difficult political and social situation of the Albanian -and also Serbian and Roma- population is not only seen as caused by a lack of commitment on the part of the Serbian government. On the one hand latent and open attitudes of blockade against state integration policies are also recognisable on the part of some important Albanian players (cp. Ivanovic 2008; Kothenschulte 2002h, 2003e and 2004b et al). On the other hand many of the officials from the local Albanian parties which came to power after 2001 are accused of being responsible for the insufficient improvement of the polit- ical situation because of their incompetence, corruption, idleness as well as personal gain and of doing nothing against further stagnation in the region. Furthermore the most Albanian (as well as Serbian) politicians neglected to frame multiethnic and economic visions (cp. f.e. Jovanovic 2002). Peace Building, Conflict Resolutin and Cultural Cooperation Between Albanians and Serbs 379
The economic situation is still shaped by a strong poverty and unem- ployment as well as a lack of investment; investment that fails to appear due to political instability and a tense security environment. Only in the area of infrastructure some achievements could be reached (cp. Ilazi 2009, 11ff.; Mattern 2005, 11-13). In the end all inhabitants suffer from these problems independent of their ethnic affiliation. The different groups are similarly united in their fear of mutual assault and their dissatisfaction with the political and economical situ- ation (cp. Danilovic 2006; Ilazi 2009, 2, 11ff. and 14; Jovanovic 2002) even if the ethnopolitical interests of the two largest ethnic groups stand in strong antagonism to each other (cp. Ilazi 2009, 14ff.). A large majority of the Albanian population have been turning to Kosovo while avoiding recourse to political, administrative, social or economic struc- tures of Serbia has manifested itself during recent years (cp. f.e. Jovanovic 2002; Kothenschulte 2004b et al). Furthermore, the Albanian population is afraid of violent assaults by Serbian police or military as well as nationalist extremists, confinement of political rights as well as state-run repression (cp. Danilovic 2006; Ilazi 2009, 2) especially after the declaration of independence of Kosovo. However, there is a strong fear of armed assaults by Albanian extremists on the part of the Serbian population. They find their fear confirmed by sin- gular assaults which have occurred from 2001 until even now and then espe- cially against Serbian police men and government institutions (cp. Danilovic 2006; Ilazi 2009, 2 and 6; Kothenschulte 2003a/d). Albanian demands for inte- gration into Kosovo rouse further apprehension under the impression of the fate of the Serbians in Kosovo. The lack of transparency of political decision making and negotiation processes as well as the feeling to be unattended and neglected by the Serbian government causes a huge feeling of insecurity, con- fusion and irritation among the local Serbian population. In the course of the reforms of 2001 which were supposed to end the discrimination of Albanians, Serbian political and administrative players suffered a loss of political power and privileges which they try to keep so much as possible until today (with partly success). Some Serbians were dismissed in favour of ethnic Albanians especially in the public sector which lead to additional existential fear for those who were concerned (cp. f.e. Ilazi 2009, 11; Jovanovic 2002; Kothenschulte 2002f/g, 2004e; Mattern 2005, 2, 8 and 15f. et al). Alongside political instability and lack of economic perspective which is an important criterion for the perceptible emigration (cp. also Kothenschulte 380 3. Uluslararas› Balkan Kongresi / 3rd International Balkan Congress
2002b), certain Albanian players in predominantly Albanian settlements build up migration-pressure which is sometimes organised and always aimed at the Serbian population. The willingness for resettlement of Serbians suffering from poverty is boosted by highly inflated offers for their estates (cp. Jovanovic 2002). Further potential for conflicts lies in the fact that Serbians from Kosovo are frustrated because they have been relocated to the PBM- region. The Roma of the region who are most affected by poverty (cp. Danilovic / Dikic 2009) on the other hand see themselves discriminated or threatened by Serbians and Albanians and also suffer, alongside fear of expulsion, from their economic and political interests being drowned in the maelstrom of the Serbian-Albanian conflict. Consequently, the atmosphere in the whole population is similarly formed by a climate of social and physical existential fears, frustration, disap- pointment, disorientation, lack of perspective, resignation, fears of violence, discrimination and suspicion towards politics as well as people of different ethnic groups (cp. f.e. Danilovic 2006; Ilazi 2009, 2 and 14ff.; Jovanovic 2002). In connection with a lack of implementation of a multiethnic perspec- tive and confidence-building measures on the part of important Albanian and Serbian political players in the conflict, the situation is increasingly radi- calised by an open rejection of the respective other group either by Serbians or Albanians. This in return boosts inclination towards violence in parts of the population. Accordingly, nationalistically oriented political players have the biggest influx (cp. Kothenschulte 2004a/b; Mattern 2005, 2, 8 and 16). Especially the youth which suffers from a lack of perspective is particularly accessible for nationalistic concepts which suggest to them liberation from their current negative situation. When Kosovo declared its independence on 17th February 2008 the situation in the PBM-region declined although it had already been laden with tension. Presence of military forces increased since 2005 while the multiethnic police have gradually lost relevance. Additionally, there are, since 2008, once again more and more special operations of the Serbian police and singular measurements of repression, occasional attacks from Albanian extremists which are aimed at the Serbian state as well as spo- radic assaults among the civil population aimed at Albanians as well as Serbians (cp. Ilazi 2009, 6-9 and 15). Today the representation of interests of Albanians is still divided into two strong rivalling fractions where one fraction supports the integration to Kosovo and the other wants autonomy status of the PBM region within Serbia, the same political status for Albanians in Serbia like the Serbs within Kosovo Peace Building, Conflict Resolutin and Cultural Cooperation Between Albanians and Serbs 381 as well as integration and stabilisation of the Albanian position in Serbia. The lack of political unity and the strong competition between different Albanian political protagonists lessen the politic political power of the ethnic Albanian community of the PBM region as a whole within Serbia (cp. Ilazi 2009, 3-5, 10ff. and 14; Ismaili 2006; Ivanovic 2006 and 2008; Kothenschulte 2004c/f; Mattern 2005, 1ff. and 15). Ilazi (2009) evaluates the situation in the PBM region in these conditions as follows: “After a unilateral declaration of independence by Kosovo in February 2008, it was clear for all Albanian parties in the Presevo Valley, that a solu- tion for the Presevo Valley was to be found only in Serbia. However, disap- pointment of ethnic Albanians towards Serbians during negotiations was so immense because the problems of the Presevo Valley were forgotten and had been moved into the shadow cast by the Kosovo negotiations. […] The decla- ration of independence did not destabilise the Presevo Valley. Neither did the Serbian population escape in a mass exodus towards Serbia i.e. South-Serbia nor did it lead to an ethnic cleansing of the Presevo Valley […], still the com- plicated dialogue between Belgrade and Pristina blocked many processes in South Serbia. For this reason the relationship between ethnic Albanians and the Serbian state became more difficult. Despite political pressure from Belgrade, economic discrimination and negative headlines, the contact between Albanians and Serbians in South Serbia remained intact. The conse- quences of a radicalisation and destabilisation of South Serbia would be fatal for the peace process and the stability of the whole region. Therefore, the com- mitment and presence of the international community in South Serbia is more than necessary. (cp. Ilazi 2009, 1and 14)“ 14 Indeed, to a large extent the situation remained stable despite increasing tensions since 2008. Ultimately, the chances for the political improvement and pacification of the situation seem to remain unfavourable under the current cir- cumstances. The peace in the PBM region is threatened by enduring risk expo- sures caused by social, political and economical aspects. Atmosphere and cir- cumstances are still characterized by a lack of political and economical progress, an uncertain situation full of tensions, sporadic acts of violence and a lack of multiethnic cooperation (cp. also Berger 2001, 15ff.; Ilazi 2009, 1, 7 and 14ff.; Mattern 2005, 16). 382 3. Uluslararas› Balkan Kongresi / 3rd International Balkan Congress
4. The CSOs “Odgovornost za Buducnosti” and “Susedi za Mir” - Approaches, Objectives, projects and effects of the activities 4. 1. Objective and Building Phase In this fraught atmosphere the CSO Odgovornost za Buducnosti (OzB, engl.: Responsibility for the Future) tried to carry out an active and independ- ent peace building and conflict resolution project, containing elements of grassroots democracy. The organization was found 2001 in Belgrade, influ- enced by the impression of the political and military conflict in the PBM- Region. The finding person was the Serbian journalist and peace activist Branka Jovanovic from Belgrade where the main office of OzB is located. Her basic idea was to organize collaborations between Albanian, Serbian and Roma NGOs under one roof and to support and to activate an open dialog between them. Her intention was to show the possibility of an interethnical dialog under difficult preconditions. A stimulation of new forms of a multi- ethnical living together and cooperation to bring out peace and stability was not the only intention of the organization at this time. Another objective was to improve the coordination between local NGOs in South Serbia. Alongside, this project should intensify the trust of the population in the work of NGOs and - as a consequence - bring both sides closer together. The main reason of confusion and distrust towards the work of NGOs in the PBM region on behalf of the population arose from the fact, that the Serbian government abused the role of some NGOs for the enforcement of own political interest in the past (cp. Hülsbusch / Keimburg 2001). Following grassroots conceptions of democracy, the first step of the organization was to get in contact with the local population, to evaluate the interests and needs of the people and to explore possible fields of engagement on behalf of the local population By using this situational approach it should be explicitly avoided to appear on the spot with pre-assembled concepts with- out communicating and cooperating with the affected local population (cp. ibd.). Thereby, an atmosphere of alienation between local population and the CSO should be avoided just from the beginning. The result of these first activities was the establishment of a local CSO called Susedi za Mir (SzM; engl.: Neighbours for Peace) by Serbs and Albanians from Bujanovac in 2001. Additionally, in the period between 2001 and 2007 more than 100 different projects - containing a huge variety of activ- ities and the involvement thousands of persons from the PBM region - were developed.15 The activities were performed in a mutual cooperation between OzB and SzM. In this projects Serbs, Albanians and Roma - including former combatants of UÇPBM and Serbian refugees from Kosovo which are living in the region Bujanovac now – participated together. Peace Building, Conflict Resolutin and Cultural Cooperation Between Albanians and Serbs 383
4. 2. Critical Aspects of the Situation of Internationally and Nationally Shaped Aid Organisations and NGOs in Serbia Because of certain negative experience, the self-conception of the activi- ty of OzB is shaped by a generally critical tenor towards influential Serbian and alien NGOs as well as political centres of authority. The criticism is aimed especially at their manner of appearance, organisational structure, methods of operation and results of activities the organisation carries out. Referring to the statements of Branka Jovanovic and by comparing the activities of OzB with those of other large organisations indicate that OzB even in its intention, its methods of operation and the results alone differs from other influential, alien and Serbian NGOs as well as from state organisations because of the different self-conception of activists. This impression can be strengthened by the essay at hand. In an interview conducted by the Serbian journalist and author Nadezda Radovic in 2002 Jovanovic already criticised the respective organi- sations for creating a parallel world where they were first and foremost focussed on serving themselves i.e. serving their own demands, being in per- manent competition with other organisations. In doing so they would also sometimes encounter locals with a certain amount of arrogance. Jovanovic noted in this context: ”Large international agencies are in a competition on who will civilise this people and will help them to get in touch with a new society. All of them have programmes for the development of the civil society and try to make sure that they will be the ones who will put it into effect. Furthermore life is made considerably more expensive where they do their work and a large part of their funds flows back into their channels in the shape of payment, expensive offices, equipment and very well paid consulting (cp. Radovic 2001).“16 Locals who generally depend desperately on employment and are hence grateful for getting a job in the organisations would adapt to requirements and needs of the organisations although their actions will probably not meet the true needs of citizens and create competition and conflict situations between locals and organisations. As Jovanovic noted critically: ”All in all, quite a lot of chaos is generated where citizens experience nongovernmental organisations as a new kind of bureaucracy which gets rich on expense of the people, who have to live in misery. This way (…) influential nongovernmental organisations bureaucratise the nongovernmental sector. Using education as a certain model of operation is normal in the nongovern- mental sector. Autonomous groups and horizontal networks aren’t supported. Instead, authentic initiatives are unified. Whoever brings an NGO into being, 384 3. Uluslararas› Balkan Kongresi / 3rd International Balkan Congress goes through the same education, starts by speaking the same language and files the same projects. (…) People shy away from expressing themselves in their own manner. Instead of using simple native words they use particular Serbian-English neologisms (ibd.)17 which - according to her opinion - would symbolized the bureaucratic apparatus of these NGOs who would ultimately seek to carry out as few efforts as possible and to get ready-made working reports by the local organizations. Furthermore she notes: “The most dangerous aspect is that this kind of method puts out the spark of life of the nongovernmental sector. Instead of supporting basic initiatives “everyone acquires a certain consciousness”, which enables them to get some new skills. Activism, innovation and imagination are lost because of the money and the power the large nongovernmental organisations possess. These NGOs are closely connected to the centres of power of the government. (ibd.)“ 18 Relating to her experience, she also promoted the notion that centres of political power in Serbia, foreign centres of power and NGOs maintain a coop- erative trilateral relationship with each other and should work together against the emergence of parallel centres of power among the people. For these play- ers eventually there should be no interest in advancing grassroots activities as the resulting loss of influence equals a loss of possibilities to carry out their own manifold interests. An interview with Branka Jovanovic which was conducted five years later (2007) by the author of the work at hand picked up again the criticism of larger organisations who are active in the region. Based on the six-year work- experience of OzB and SzM she criticised on the one hand that large organisa- tions like the OSCE would sometimes break their precedent promises for fund- ing. On the other hand she pointed at the fact that international organisations spend large amounts of money on projects without hardly or not at all check- ing afterwards where the money goes and how the campaigns progress. This would result in a loss of a wide range of financial resources. She said she had experienced herself that money meant for construction projects in the PBM- region were actually only rarely used for construction or that the buildings were of a rather low quality. She added that annual reports of organisations were often glossed over. According to her experiences certain NGOs would furthermore tend to use funds illegally, to issue inflated or forged invoices or to transfer project funds on private accounts which would in the end make every NGO assailable. In this context she indicated that the widespread cor- ruption of Albanian politics and functionaries of international organisations like the UNDP would frequently block development. Peace Building, Conflict Resolutin and Cultural Cooperation Between Albanians and Serbs 385
4. 3. Investors and Supporters Although these critical views have a strong influence on the work of OzB and SzM, this CSO is highly dependent on the cooperation and support of sev- eral big Serbian, foreign, multinational, governmental and non-governmental organisations, institutions and players for the organisation and realisation of its projects. This applies mostly to financial or material support and the support from influential organisations with the help of lobbyists for OzB and SzM. These co-operations and dependencies are carefully being watched by experts from OzB itself, so as to avoid external influences on the grass-roots democ- racy and the progress of projects as well as a dependency on organisations which might be seen critically. To protect the basic principles of self-determi- nation and self-realisation, only investors who do not show interest in partici- pating directly in activities or the structuring of the organisation itself are accepted. In this connection OzB also tries to avoid being forced to copy bureaucratic structures of other organisations. This eventually leads to a wide range of smaller and bigger organisations as well as private persons who support OzB and SzM according to their own judgement and possibilities with money, equipment, donations in kind (like books for a specialised library) and lobbying activities. Here the German Ministry of Foreign Affairs respectively the German Embassy in Belgrade takes on a crucial role for the funding and technical equipment of projects (cp. Petrovic 2005). Other bigger foreign organisations of different kinds who sup- port OzB and SzM are, amongst others, OSCE, GTZ (German Organisation for Technological Cooperation), UNDP, UNICEF (lobby work), Open Society Foundation, the King Boudouin Foundation and the SDC (Schweizer Staats Agenz). Furthermore there are more than 40 smaller German peace-keeping organisations and non-governmental initiatives supporting OzB and SzM, like the Forum Ziviler Friedensdienst, the Internationales Frauennetz für den Frieden (International Community of Women for Peace) and the Friedensinitiative Nottuln (Münster) and many more (cp. Hülsbusch / Keimburg 2001; Jovanovic 2002 et al). Most of the work Branka Jovanovic does for the financial and material support of the OzB and SzM projects consists of the mediation between inter- national organizations like the UNDP and local groups from the PBM region who are in need of money and equipment to carry out their projects successfully. 4. 4. Activities and Projects19 At the beginning of the common activities of the CSOs Susedi za Mir and Odgovornost za Buducnosti stood the creation of a headquarter and coordina- tion centre in Bujanovac with technical equipment as well as the establishment 386 3. Uluslararas› Balkan Kongresi / 3rd International Balkan Congress of meeting places and youth centres in different Albanian, Serbian and mixed villages and towns20, some of which are strongholds of the former UÇPBM, e.g. Konculj and Crnotince. The centres offer different seminars and sport activities to motivate particularly young people without prospects and former UÇPBM fighters to engage in peaceful and creative activities. They are also meant as a place where people from different ethnicities come together to enter into dialogs with each other and to organise common activities. Since the end of 2001 the organisation could use a Minibus equipped with technical equipment like computers to offer courses and seminars in the villages and to create a network between the villages themselves and between the villages and the town of Bujanovac. Without this bus and another vehicle the organisation members bought later, they would not have been able to carry out the project work and networking the way they did and do until now. The projects and seminars are mostly designed for training, qualification and support to enhance the participants‘ life situation and the job chances, to improve their living environment to raise their self-confidence and their qual- ity of life as well as to encourage the dialogue between the ethnicities. When it comes to the designing and the implementation of the projects, the mutual action which builds bridges is seen as the primary objective. One of the first project activities was the set-up of a seminar for youths with the title “What do we not like about our town?“ in combination with the organisation of meetings to solve Serbian-Albanian crossword puzzles togeth- er, the establishment of an ethnically mixed basketball team as well as the set- up of regular multiethnic courses in computer skills and English. At the same time as these general courses, the seminars and other project activities they also established courses for special audiences. There are, for example, special programmes for ethnically mixed girl and women groups: • a regular health work shop for women (in cooperation with a female doctor and a female psychologist) to back up the dialogue and to enable the women to cope with the stress factors in the conflict region more easily, • a computer course qualifying its participants for later jobs, • a sewing course, with the clothes being sold afterwards to help financ- ing the project, • seminars and workshops for the economical and political support of the women, aiming at the cultivation of dialogue and at enabling them to under- stand the new conditions prevailing at the market, • the creation of a social women’s movement, meant to deal with specif- ic problems of women, and several more. Peace Building, Conflict Resolutin and Cultural Cooperation Between Albanians and Serbs 387
The seminar work, however, also focuses on special occupational groups. An example for this might be the seminar Multiethnical School for Farmers, which again cultivates the dialogue between the ethnicities and enables the farmers to understand the new conditions of the market and to produce their goods more effectively. Another main focus of the project work is set on for- mer UÇPBM members. They are offered computer and English courses as well as seminars for re-qualification and further education (like an arts work- shop, a theoretical course on “safety at work and employment law” and 250 hours of practical participation in the job chosen). The aims are the integra- tion of former UÇPBM fighters into civil society by re-qualifying them in eth- nically mixed businesses as well as the building of trust between the UÇPBM fighters and the multiethnical CSO SzM. This last aim was especially empha- sised in extensive project activities in the village of Crnotince. In the past this had been home to one of the most militant former UÇPBM brigade groups. Part of the activities were, amongst others, the modernisation of the collection of musical instruments, the creation of a village library and the establishment of facilities like a fruit orchard, a chess club and a park in the village. These activities, however, were not only meant as facilities to create mutual trust, but were, like all other activities in most other villages of the Bujanovac region, also intended to create meaningful leisure activities in the countryside, where youths are not supplied with much entertainment. Hence they did not only offer mobile computer seminars as well as English courses with the help of the minibus but did also set up meeting points for the youth and sports grounds. Projects for the reshaping of the residential environment were also realised at other places like in Bujanovac. There, the main square was redesigned with the help of the inhabitants and now functions as an important urban central meeting point. At the initiative of a local women’s group, for example, new toilets and a fountain were set up. Another successful project to improve the work and education conditions was the equipment of primary schools – an activity which was also intended to bolster the multiethnic dialogue between headmasters, teachers and students. With its clear procedure and its clear cri- teria the project, which was supported by the UN and the OSCE, could create a strong solidarity and a high amount of trust between its participants. The par- ticipants realised that all schools had to cope with the same problems and that it would be more sensible to mutually tackle common problems to be suc- cessful. After these positive experiences the idea of mutually solving common problems was transferred to another project to further enhance multiethnical communication. The project aimed at building cooperation between the Albanian village Nesalce and the Serbian village Zbevac as a means of defus- ing the conflict. Especially since the Kosovo crisis there have been permanent 388 3. Uluslararas› Balkan Kongresi / 3rd International Balkan Congress tensions because of ethnic or ethnopolitical opposition and there has rarely been any contact between the two villages although they are immediate neigh- bours. The project approached a common problem of both villages: the insuf- ficient supply with drinking water. In order to improve the situation both vil- lages had to apply jointly for the funding which they needed for the construc- tion of a drinking-water well. The experience resulting from this lead to a stronger, mutual exchange and laid the foundation for further co-operations, for example an extended partnership between both villages, the shooting of a documentary film with Serbian and Albanian students as well as the estab- lishment of a cooperation between primary school students from both villages. After a year of working together on everyday tasks with the local popu- lation, topics aiming at the promotion of the multiethnic dialogue were grad- ually introduced. In this connection, there were courses on political education as well as seminars on team-formation and the improvement of communica- tion skills. In the centre of the discussion stood questions like: What actually are the differences between Serbians and Albanians? How could the problems be solved? How could they achieve a mutual process of democratisation after Milosevic under who Albanians and the majority of Serbians were oppressed? How can they learn together and fight for new civic liberties? Further projects in the following years can be seen as an expression of a higher interest in polit- ical aspects. There were, for example, projects aiming at the creation of local peace movements, workshops on sex-trafficking in all schools of the munici- pality of Bujanovac, support of the trade union campaign for a fair dialogue of social groups in the process of transition, support of the Roma-NGO Centre for the progress of the Roma21 and many more. The political commitment fur- thermore includes seminars and project groups which start to deal with social- ly and politically sensitive topics or topics which are going to oppose wide- spread problems like corruption and crime. In the battle against the general corruption which the organisation has to face in the course of its activities a Multiethnic Business Club, oriented against corruption, has been started to build up. Another project supported the local task force which is advocating the regularisation of the river Juzna Morava and hopes to “empower the vil- lage municipalities to protect the river Juzna Morava of the illegal removal of sand by the state mafia” (Jovanovic 2002). This activity refers to another important topic covered by the work of OzB and SzM, i.e. the protection of the environment. In addition to environmental project days where badly polluted rivers and scenery are cleaned up, this commitment includes bicycle tours, large-scale tree planting and more. Further activities of these CSOs which have not been mentioned so far are for example various field trips, sport and Peace Building, Conflict Resolutin and Cultural Cooperation Between Albanians and Serbs 389 village festivals, organisations of exchanges between Serbia and Germany and many more.22 Another important part of the networking task of OzB and SzM besides mobility projects is the organisation of regular arrangements to meet up and co-ordinate where Albanians and Serbians from homogenous villages come together to work on common projects or celebrate together. 4. 5. The Cultural Dimension of the Activities Within the framework of peace building and conflict resolution aspects of culture are not on top of the agenda. On the other hand, very often culture can be considered as a base of national or ethnic identity. In the hands of ethnop- olitical actors, it can be capitalized as an effective and useful tool to exclude declared “out-groups” or to stabilize the cohesion of an “in-group”. Thus, cul- ture can be regarded as important for strategies and projects of conflict reso- lution in a multi-ethnical environment. The intention is to customize local citizens of different ethnic origin to the cultures of other ethnic groups in the neighbourhood respectively to give them an understanding of the “strange” culture, to teach them respect and acceptance and to create an atmosphere where those “other” cultures can be experienced as an enrichment of one´s own horizon and environment. An additional focus of cultural activities in this region consists of inspir- ing the conscious for cultural similarities either in the local and regional or in the Balkan context. Here, the intention is to regard these cultural similarities as a counterpart to the construction, emphasising and political instrumental- ization of real or imagined differences. Another important idea in the framework of the acting of OzB and SzM is, to let people not only spend time together but rather to let them experience and create culture together. As a consequence, multiethnical music and dance groups with public performances in the domestic regions and abroad were found and ceremonies and cultural evenings including music, dance and the common preparation of food at different places - held together by Serbs, Albanians and Roma - were organized. Additionally, an activity connected with cultural aspects are the foundation of a multiethnical poem writer club or a three hours a day radio transmission, commonly held by an Albanian and a Serbian at a local radio station in Bujanovac (cp. also Sambale 2002). Other activities containing cultural components and the idea of cultural exchange, multiethnical excursions of Albanian and Serbian participants to Belgrade, Tirana (Albania) and Ohrid (Republic of Macedonia), including the attendance 390 3. Uluslararas› Balkan Kongresi / 3rd International Balkan Congress and organization of cultural happenings et al. Maybe the most important proj- ect in this framework was the mutual visit of Serbs and Albanians to private and public Christmas and Ramadan festivals and Kurban Bayram ceremonies. This experience was regarded most of the participants as a personal enrichment. 4. 6. Problems and Difficulties Intense and versatile project work in the conflict region entails a large number of versatile problems and difficulties. The major problem is the per- manent need for financial support to carry out activities which is often not entirely covered. The funding of the projects is inconsistent and grants often span as a rule only a period of a few months or a year. Because of this, organ- isers are not only permanently looking for financial backers for new projects. They also can’t guarantee for seminars, projects and courses to be offered reg- ularly or last longer than a year. Another problem in this regard are delayed grants and payments as well as promises for funding which are not adhered to and imperil or delay projects already planned. This in turn might also cost jobs which are often the only possibilities to earn one´s living for paid project members. Because of the method of operation, organisational structure and paradigms of OzB and a critical attitude of major players towards the methods and the financial demeanour of larger organisations23 OzB has no access to cer- tain potential sources of funding. Furthermore, a mass of organisations oper- ate on the Serbian NGO-sector in general and especially in the PBM-region and they have a strongly competitive relation concerning the acquisition of funds. Additionally, the willingness for financing on the part of foreign organ- isations and institutions depends on political factors. According to the experi- ence and evaluation of Branka Jovanovic, when the negotiations about the Kosovo-status indicated that there would be no conjoint agreement, financial grants on the part of foreign sponsors particularly public institutions were cut considerably even for projects of non-governmental institutions in Serbia (cp. also Ilazi 2009, 11ff.). This restricted the work of OzB and SzM strongly. The budget of 2008, the year of the declaration of independence of Kosovo, which lead to a tightening of the tensions in the PBM-region, consisted of only a frac- tion of the preceding budget. In order to guarantee a minimal continuation of projects and protect former achievements vehicles and other equipment had to be sold. In the end such financial restriction are counterproductive because in times of increasing political and social tensions such projects are particularly necessary and need further funding. Dangers and problems arise in the framework of project tasks when for example certain political topics are discussed (like the Kosovo conflict) between Albanians and Serbians or members of one ethnic group hear or sing Peace Building, Conflict Resolutin and Cultural Cooperation Between Albanians and Serbs 391 nationalistic songs at a mutual activity which is interpreted as a provocation by members of the other group. Because of this, some projects were on the verge of cancellation which would have been a large setback for the work of OzB and SzM. In almost all cases the problems of the group could be solved in the last moment and this way the projects were “rescued”. In the course of programmes for re-qualification, however, some other problems occurred which endangered the project as well. Branka Jovanovic describes them as the following: “It was rather difficult to convince people to attend the practical work regularly. At the beginning, they even tried to buy the companies‘ certificates for the practical work. They offered the lead workers 50 Euro so that they did not have to show up. (...) Sometimes it also happened that they came to the company for 10 minutes and left it to follow their own motives without inform- ing us. Six participants of our course, for example, all of a sudden decided to become custom officers. They intended to use this knowledge to become rich over night by smuggling. (...) There is simply no working culture because everything can be bought. If someone insisted on the realisation of his stan- dards, people considered him to be a slave driver. In the end, when they final- ly passed the final tests with its high standards, they were, however, proud again. (...) People in poor parts of the world try to take the shortest ways. It is hard to establish democracy in a society where short ways of corruption seem to lead to the goal more easily. Another important difficulty was that I could not rely on colleagues who were supposed to watch over these projects while I was in Belgrade to meet donators”(Jovanovic 2002).24 Several other problems arose because of the behaviour of individuals, who used the activities and the organisation for their own interests and hence created problems for other people involved as well. Another main problem is the fact that the CSO, due to its actions on sometimes politically sensitive domains, might be a potential target for differ- ent activists (like Albanian or Serbian nationalists, corrupt and criminal asso- ciations, politicians and private persons, governmental institutions etc.) who might see their interests in danger. The fear from several dangerous influences and too much attention from the outside, which might lead to confrontations of different kinds, forces the organisation to operate mostly reclusively and to refrain from too much publicity as much as necessary, which can also be seen in the lack of a web presence. Therefore, despite its achievements on the national and international level, the popularity of OzB and SzM is rather low. This, however, also leads to a lack of influence and references and hence does not encourage potential investors to spend their money on both CSOs. 392 3. Uluslararas› Balkan Kongresi / 3rd International Balkan Congress
4.7. Impact, Achievements and Ratings of the Projects Despite the serious difficulties, OzB and SzM have to cope with in the course of its work, the achievements resulting from the activities become obvious not only to people involved in the project but also to outsiders. The effects achieved by the projects were generally rated positive by the partici- pants and the organization staff. Two basic perceptions could be distinguished after interviewing participants and activists on-site. One part of the people retained some kind of solicitude and distrust against the other group and a basic scepticism because of the general tense situation in the region. Nevertheless they were also glad about the cooperation projects and felt the urgent need for further projects of this kind. In this regard the interview part- ners also noticed that some of the tensions and prejudices could be reduced with the help of the activities. The other part of the people questioned was full of enthusiasm, hope and the conviction that the situation will improve in the course of time. In one case the leader and main activist of a cooperation centre in one village said to the author of the essay on hand: “Some years before I was the most radical fighter in my village and I wished that I could use the first chance to kill people from the other side. But fortunately my mind has changed completely. We are like brothers now and I cannot imagine a life without these friends and connections.“25 This statement can be seen as representative for the view of most of the interview partners coming from both ethnical groups. Asked about their mul- tiethnic relations, basically most of the interview partners said that they were satisfied with their personal situation, as these relations had been considerably worse before. Thereby, by a lot of participants the experience have been made that especially women mutual understanding and even friendship often worked better than among man. This demonstrates quite clearly the psychological dimension of the traces the project work left in the minds of the people interviewed. These results show the positive influence of basic peace and conciliation work in connection with insistency, endurance, flexibility and learning ability. There are several other examples which can be seen as representative. Jovanovic, for example, gives account of the activities in the village of Crnotince in the following way: “The biggest success of the project was not only the warm welcome we as the people directly involved, received in a village which had been home to one of the most militant UÇPBM brigades, but also the fact that these young men agreed to supervise a new course with us, which would also have been attend- Peace Building, Conflict Resolutin and Cultural Cooperation Between Albanians and Serbs 393 ed by Serbian soldiers. They said they understand how a young man feels when he has to go to war and that the Serbs did not do this voluntarily but that there are several necessities forcing a person into warfare. (...) In this group we could correct all the mistakes we made during the work with our first group in Crnotince. The atmosphere is cooperative, bright and calm” (Jovanovic 2002).26 Another fact which can be regarded as a huge success is, that especially children and teenagers could be reached and activated by the projects.27 As Jovanovic noticed: “Experience shows that children are full of prejudices. They have nega- tive archetypes of other ethnic groups and are full of fears that the other eth- nic group hates them too. On the other hand it does not take a lot to pique their curiosity to get into contact with children of other ethnic groups. In mixed vil- lages children know each other better and thus tensions here are less strong (28). These projects are our ticket to a village. Because of our activities we get to know the villages and their problems and try to find similarities which can bring people closer together. We have received requests from villages which were generally considered strongholds of the UÇPMB, like Konculj. Attention and awareness towards people are necessary to unclench each other” (ibd.).29 To sum it up we can state that in the case of OzB, a grassroots organisa- tion and a civil movement, there has been success in filling to a certain degree a social and political vacuum which other international and Serbian, govern- mental and nongovernmental players, which more or less tried to solve the economic or political problems of the PBM-region, could not fill. Alongside an effective stimulation of civil societal acting and thinking in a problematic multiethnic society which is shaped by violence and tensions, they have also to create jobs and possibilities for further education through project work. Furthermore they put across to the people a feeling of self-consciousness, prospect and the necessity of initiative as well as the awareness for causes and alternatives for their miserable situation. Additionally, in those nine years the movement existed several thousand people could be sustainable mobilised for civil societal and multiethnic work. In this regard German peace activists eval- uating the project also conclude that the activities of OzB and SzM show: “[...]how one can achieve effective peace work with relatively simple means and a relatively low – also financial – effort. Relatively in this context means in comparison to infinite resources spent for military peace and conflict solutions” (Hülsbusch / Keimburg 2002).30 Apart from financial problems the initiative had to cope with, the wors- ening of the political and social situation in Serbia after the declaration of 394 3. Uluslararas› Balkan Kongresi / 3rd International Balkan Congress independence of Kosovo could not restrict the work of these CSOs which has increasingly cooperated with other local CSOs and built up networks espe- cially during the last years.31 Unfortunately, OzB and SzM lacks the financial and logistic resources to achieve a broader effect from its success. On the other hand it is up to politics and the people themselves how experiences may be used to achieve more. In this regard Jovanovic noted already 2002 in a report: “Our experiences from the projects show that people can, in contrast to the state, share all forms of life with each other. (…)The experience of com- mon life of citizens stemming from different ethnic groups is not simply exploit- ed to stabilise the situation. In their political powerlessness the citizens see themselves as objects of those processes which rapidly assume the shape of a conflict. It is wrong to see the fears of other ethnic groups as signs of irra- tionality and nationalism. Irrationality itself is also evidence for bad politics because citizens are not elucidated to estimate their situation and decide rationally. This still determines my most important goals related to peace pol- icy: to work against these processes” (Jovanovic 2002).32 The fact that such changes can’t be brought to effect in a couple of years and accordingly be transmitted to a broader mass is made clear by the follow- ing section from an interview with Jovanovic five years later (2007): “If some people can move and change so much, why can’t everybody do it? I felt that the people are ready for it, but why doesn´t another form of pol- itics arise from it? It´s possible but there is still too much manipulation by politicians and ignorance and political naivety from a part of the people.”33 Despite these problems and the uncertainty about the further develop- ment of the difficult situation in the PBM-region, we can state that the work of OzB and SzM can serve as an example for successful activities in the sector of multiethnic peace and conciliation work. Here we learn how important it is not only to draft and administrate these projects but also to involve the people concerned directly and honestly and to get into contact with them. Of course such a movement alone cannot completely solve problems like political ten- sions, bad economic situations and corruption, but it can create essential, strong impulses for social change which emerges from the base. Peace Building, Conflict Resolutin and Cultural Cooperation Between Albanians and Serbs 395
Notes 1 The name P resevo Valley is often used as a synonym for the whole PBM region. 2 Thousands of the inhabitants of the PBM region, who had to flee primarily to Kosovo and Macedonia during the Kosovo war and the violent conflicts in the Valley of Presevo in 2001, did not return until today and hence are not listed in the census of 2002. 3 This figure also contains the number of those persons who themselves declared to be Montenegrins at the census (3% in total). 4 For remarkable assistance with the translation of the text from German into English I would like to express my gratitude to Stephanie Luther and Gérome Bochmann. Furthermore, I would like to thank Johannes Oschlies for support and suggestions for the translation into English. 5 Original quotations from the publications used and from one-to-one interviews and group talks haven’t been included for reasons of space. 6 According to statements of the local Albanian population there are about 20 addition- al ethnic Turkish families living in the village of Biljac (about 3500 inhabitants) and its environs. 7 The village of Konculj is located only few hundred metres of the border to Kosovo and served as a headquarters during the military conflicts in 2000 and 2001. 8 The comprehensive results of the interview can only be included fragmentarily with- in the framework of this publication due to reasons of space. 9 For further details and analyses regarding the Albanian issue in the PBM region see: Giesel, Christoph, Die Albaner Serbiens außerhalb des Kosovo nach dem Ende der Ära Milosevic: Stellung, Situation und ethnopolitische Aktivitäten einer Minderheit im Rahmen der politischen Transformationsprozesse in Serbien, in: Voss, Christian (ed.), Muslime auf dem Südbalkan im 21. Jahrhundert zwischen Transnationalismus und Reethnisierung“ (Series of Books SLCCEE – “Studies on Language and Culture in Central and Eastern Europe“), publication presumably in 2011. 10 Due to economical reasons from the period of former Yugoslavia until today a part of the Albanian population left the PBM region as well. On account of the emigration movements of Serbs and the higher birth rate among Albanian population the relative number of Serbian people is declining constantly in comparison with the Albanian pop- ulation in the PBM region (cp. f.e. Kothenschulte 2002b). 11 One of the first but late successful results in education policy are the fixed printings of Albanian school books in 2004 (cp. Kothenschulte 2004g) as well as the inaugura- tion of courses of studies (economy and law) in Albanian language on the advanced technical college in Medveda in 2009 (cp. Dikic / Ivanovic 2009). This are illustrative examples for the slow and long development processes of demanded improvements in the PBM region at all. 12 Translation from the German original. 13 A suitable, proportional participation in the public area can be discovered in munici- pal parliaments and municipal governments only. 396 3. Uluslararas› Balkan Kongresi / 3rd International Balkan Congress
14 Translation from the German original. 15 Already in the first twelve months of the work of OzB and SzM in 2001 and 2002 were involved altogether about 500 persons (cp. Hülsbusch / Keimburg 2001). 16 Translation from the Serbian original. 17 Translation from the Serbian original. 18 Translation from the Serbian original. 19 The information basis of this chapter is composed of own interviews, group talks, Hülsbusch / Keimburg 2001 and Jovanovic 2002. 20 F.e. Biljac, Bujanovac, Crnotince, Dobrosim, Konculj, Lucane, Nesalce, Oslare, Rakovac, Veliki Trnovac, Zbevac et al. 21 This is the attempt to organise different projects with Roma in the framework of the Serbian-Albanian oriented multiethnic work. In the process they found out that proj- ects aiming at the complex of problems of the Roma require approaches and tactics dif- fering from those for the other projects. 22 Cp. as well as the following section 4.5. The Cultural Dimension of the Activities. 23 Cp. section 4.2. Critical Aspects of the Situation of Internationally and Nationally Shaped Aid Organisations and NGOs in Serbia of the essay. 24 Translation from the German original. 25 Translated from Serbian into English. 26 Translation from the German original. 27 Talks with different young activists repeatedly demonstrated that the attitude of many children and youths, which had reservations at the beginning of the projects in 2001, changed gradually and considerably over the years. Many prejudices and aversions were dismantled and the children and youths participated showing enthusiasm and commitment in multiethnic conciliation work. 28 Author´s annotation: The group talks in the village Oslare with ethnical mixed pop- ulation expressed by the author have confirmed this impression. The interlocutors stressed the difference between the level of everyday life in the village and the level of official (ethno-)politics. Furthermore they emphasized the importance of a common multiethnical life without conflicts especially for the young people who are sent in eth- nically divided schools from 5th class on. In the period from 1999 to 2001 interethni- cal contacts in the village mostly broke off. Meanwhile, the contacts improved again and are taking shape without conflicts. As a consequence the majority of the local Serbs is able to understand the Albanian language to some extent. But on the other hand they have difficulties in speaking. Furthermore, the Serbian and Albanian interlocutors noticed that one group is acquainted with the customs of the other group and that the population is doing the shopping in ethnical mixed shops. Even the village´s represen- tatives of the Albanian and Serbian nationalist political parties are cooperating as much as necessary and possible. 29 Translated from the German original. Peace Building, Conflict Resolutin and Cultural Cooperation Between Albanians and Serbs 397
30 Translation from the German original. 31 In cooperation with 15 other local NGOs / CSOs SzM is f.e. involved in the activities of the Civilni Resurs Centar Bujanovac. The NGO “CRC“ Bujanovac was established at the end of 2006 as an apolitical, nongovernmental and non-profit making multieth- nic citizens’ association, whose goal is to return the trust among citizens of different nationalities, to develop and promote the civil society, organize joint activities, mani- festations, seminars, counselling and education. Soon after being established in May 2007, together with CRS Serbia the activists of CRC began the implementation of the project “Multicultural Cooperation in Education –Road to Europe“, funded by the British Embassy and the OSCE Mission in Serbia. The project covers 2 primary and 2 secondary schools in Bujanovac and includes, teachers and pupils of these schools, their parents as well as other institutions and non-direct actors (municipal assembly, cultural house, sports hall, radio-television etc.). The planned activities also include the estab- lishment of a multiethnic youth centre in Bujanovac, in order for the youth to be able to socialize during their free time and organize various kinds of activities while respecting the principles of equality and tolerance. In 2008 and 2009 CRC Bujanovac took part on the project called ”Support to the civil society in building the culture of human rights in Bujanovac Municipality” and realised different projects connected with the “World’s Human Rights Day” (http://www.crc-bujanovac.org/index.php?lang=en). 32 Translation from the German original. 33 Translated from German into English.
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