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Copyright by Celeste Sian Henery 2010 The Dissertation Committee for Celeste Sian Henery certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: The Balance of Souls: Self-Making and Mental Wellness in the Lives of Ageing Black Women in Brazil Committee: ____________________________________ João H. Vargas, Supervisor ____________________________________ Kamran Ali ____________________________________ Edmund T. Gordon ____________________________________ Kamala Visweswaran ____________________________________ Ann Cvetkovich The Balance of Souls: Self-Making and Mental Wellness in the Lives of Ageing Black Women in Brazil by Celeste Sian Henery, B.A.; M.A. Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of The University of Texas at Austin in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Texas at Austin May 2010 This dissertation is dedicated to all those, past and present, who walk with me and are part of this journey ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I owe my sincere thanks to my family, friends and advisors for their encouragement, guidance and investment in me. I am also grateful and indebted to the Meninas de Sinhá and all of the activists and friends in Brazil who contributed to this project and supported me over the past years. In addition, I am appreciative for the following fellowships, which facilitated this research: Debra Herring Fellowship, National Science Foundation Graduate Fellowship, and a Fulbright IIE Fellowship. v PREFACE Being black, a woman, economically poor and mentally ill is almost predictive of a shorter life span and reduced quality of life. These facts are little discussed in the US, the Caribbean or Brazil – the site of my research. Moreover, the experiences that make- up these complex realities are even less known and virtually silenced, both socially and academically. It is this quiet and my interest in giving voice to these women’s lives that are the stakes for this dissertation. This project is primarily situated and in dialogue with critical race studies and black feminisms, rather than the medical anthropological literature that its mental health focus may suggest. This was a choice but also a consequence of needing a comprehensive argument to dialogue and possibly challenge certain biomedical understandings and practices around mental health in the black community. Without adequate and consistent medical records, data and time to explore various perspectives in Brazil, I was not prepared to make wider claims than those asserted in the text. However to evolve this project, I would explore in greater depth the Brazilian psycho-pharmaceutical industry, the public health care system, and the intricacies of mental health care in Brazil. The dissertation does suggest how mental illness in black communities, beyond the African continent, is an area largely under-researched and overlooked. African countries have been the source of various studies primarily focused on the legacy of colonial medicine, traditional practices, and/or epidemiology. Breaking the silence around this topic, which remains taboo and threatening, is critical not only to combating anti-black vi racism, but also for addressing the suffering of black people with mental illness who live with multiple stigmas and frequently do not receive adequate health care. Clinical mental illness and the trauma of racism can share similar manifestations at the same time that they are two very different issues in need of redress on their own and interconnected terms. The trauma studies literature provides a critical point of discussion for looking at the longstanding and long-term impacts of anti-black racism on black people’s quality of life and experience. Yet, the affective lives of black people are caught in a long debated struggle in black American studies around what is airing the proverbial dirty laundry of black communities. In speaking of black people’s affective lives, I am referring to the world of feelings and emotions produced through the particular embodied experience of living blackness in societies structured around racialized understandings of human bodies, behavior and culture. The tension is around whether speaking of these internal worlds – the sadness, pain, confusion and anger of the experience of racialization – renders black people more socially vulnerable and potentially reinforces ideas of race. Black trauma studies delve into this domain, drawing on both the psychoanalytic and holocaust literature of the field that speaks directly to the racialized, genocidal, and trans-generational traumas. The fear of having black people’s suffering and what are deemed as negative emotions and associated behaviors pathologized and misused, is what has rightfully raised concern about how scholarship and information about black people’s lives should and can circulate. I too share these specific anxieties and more broadly believe that the political and social stakes of research need to be critically factored into what we, as scholars, choose to study, our methods and our writing – specifically in relation to marginalized populations. Yet I also suggest that vii the framing of this debate as a dichotomy elides, even surrenders, some of the potential of engaging the so-called darker or less trodden areas of black life. While not a new revelation, Fred Moten reminds us of one of the conundrums of race by naming it the “troubled concept.” Moten explains, “race must do the work that would fulfill its destiny – this is to say, that it must be activated and is paradoxically always already activated in the work of its own self-destruction.” In other words, we always run the risk of affirming race as a truth even when we evoke and attempt to explain it as a social construct – a human idea. We too can become bound by the thinking and the world race has created. Acknowledging this entanglement is critical to this very predicament of how to do anti-racist work, how it can inhibit discussions and theoretical moves around race and specifically, how scholars should approach studying the lives and conditions of black people and, most pointedly, how it shapes and limits the ways we live. One of the greatest risks of falling into the debate and not holding this conundrum present is homogenizing the black community. Over fifteen years ago, Gina Dent in her introduction to the volume entitled, Black Popular Culture, speaks to the benefits of not dichotomizing the debate and elucidating how greater understandings of black people are foreclosed by patriarchal and essentializing content: …[R]ather than policing the bounds of black culture, these critics [in the volume] attend to the high and low, the progressive and conservative, the general and the particular. In doing so, airing our dirty laundry so to speak, they challenge the resurrection of communal privacy that relies on extending the paradigm of the bourgeois family to that of the “race.” And they go against the version of Afrocentrism that, in inscribing privacy at the level of the community, attempts to hide the gender relations that benefit “our men,” calling it the protection of “our women. Or, worse yet, that treat our cultural circumstances as so distinct and viii isolated from the larger community’s that the gender economy no longer applies (1992:7). In bringing into the picture other types of hierarchies and potentially oppressive assumptions that co-exist in discussions of race, Dent, like the tradition of black feminisms, affirms the venture of scholars to study race and blackness in conjunction with our varied embodiments and identifications in order to complicate and extend the terms, paradigms and understandings of black peoples and “black cultures.” Black feminists have opened up the theoretical engagement of race to include the affective and psychic worlds of black racialization, often breaking dichotomies and shifting the focus away from the structural to the personal, the quantitative to the qualitative, while also maintaining the multi-dimentionality of black people in clear focus. This move has meant not only speaking about the intersection of race, with gender, class, and sexuality but also delving into the range of black women’s and men’s experiences, from the painful thinking and feelings around discrimination to subjective re-imagining of society and community. The objective, as Dent asserts, is to “not..polic[e] the areas over which our gaze may trespass, but rather, in making it clear that what we reveal there are the effects of the gaze” (ibid:7). Keeping one foot heavily planted in the domain of the debate is critical to any project on race, academic, social or political, as is seeing beyond its binds is part of re-envisioning blackness and our collective anti-racist struggle. One of the principal goals of the dissertation is to walk in the midst of this controversy and hopefully shift it by investing in the process of building new paradigms for researching and writing about black or other racialized and marginalized peoples. ix I source and situate myself within black feminisms precisely because of their ability to adamantly hold onto racial analysis and criticism, while never drifting from other elements of human experience and particularly, others forms of marginalization, stigma and discrimination. Black racialization is a profound lived reality that deserves the level of nuanced analysis that disables it from being reduced to a single identity (black) or set of experiences (“the black experience”).