Pluralism Lost in Syria’s Uprising How the Opposition Strayed from Its Inclusive Roots MAY 7, 2019 — JOSEPH DAHER The Century Foundation | tcf.org Pluralism Lost in Syria’s Uprising How the Opposition Strayed from Its Inclusive Roots MAY 7, 2019 — JOSEPH DAHER One of the most painful unanswered questions of the Syrian inclusive alternative explains a significant degree of the limits civil war is how an uprising touting the values of democracy, on its popular appeal. It was never able to reflect the inclusive universal rights, and inclusion devolved into an international appeal of the initial protest movement that gathered large conflict, with multiple foreign interventions, in which sectarian sectors of the Syrian population from various backgrounds. and ethnic tensions rose considerably. The regime of Bashar al-Assad has argued it was fighting the forces of extremism This report explores the record and practice of articulating from the beginning. The narrative of the secular opposition citizenship among the main opposition bodies supported by is that the Assad regime intentionally allowed extremist foes the West and regional countries: the Syrian National Council to flourish while crushing other activists, in order to discredit (SNC) and the National Coalition for Syrian Revolution and the uprising; the opposition was further doomed to failure Opposition Forces (known as the Coalition). This report by the interventions of foreign powers, both regional and also looks at how these factions approached inclusion and global. citizenship; what they said and did; how they recruited or didn’t recruit members of various identity groups; what they While secular activists’ position is closer to the truth, it still articulated or didn’t articulate about inclusion in practice; and omits an important part of the reason for the revolution’s how that practice appeared to affect their public support or failure. Syria’s mainstream opposition failed to articulate an sympathy. inclusive definition of citizenship and an inclusive alternative that could allay the fears of minorities, secularists, and other This report seeks to deepen the understanding of the failure sectors of the society—including Sunnis, who opposed of the Syrian opposition by describing its disintegration the Assad regime but failed to see a place for themselves from a seemingly inclusive and largely peaceful movement. in the future envisioned by the armed opposition. Regime Significantly, it seeks to move beyond explanations of the violence, repression, and international support best explain opposition’s failure that ascribe it no agency—it was not only the Assad regime’s resilience, but the opposition’s own the victim of more powerful forces, but also authored many platform still bears scrutiny. The armed opposition’s failure of its own failures. to craft a compelling vision of Syrian citizenship and an This report can be found online at: https://tcf.org/content/report/pluralism-lost-syrias-uprising/ The Century Foundation | tcf.org 1 The conclusions of this analysis offer proof of the importance Another example is article 489’s “legalized rape,” which of a precise and inclusive vision of citizenship—and, more allows a husband to force himself on his wife.5 broadly, of society—for the success of any future reform movements in Syria, or elsewhere. In a similar vein, the Arab ethnic identity is the supreme one in Syria, according to the constitution, while others are Context of the Uprisings: Citizenship, tolerated as subordinated identities or nearly forbidden, like Inclusion, and Rights the Kurdish one. Kurdish populations in Syria have suffered discriminatory and repressive policies on the political, social, Pre-uprising Syria was a place of grim political repression, and cultural levels since the independence of Syria in 1946. but also of religious and ethnic pluralism. Arab Sunni Muslims composed between 65 and 70 percent of the This system of laws and this political framework, which are total population. The remainder was split between various regulated along religious, ethnic, and patriarchal lines, are groups. There were Muslim minorities, including Alawites critical to the maintenance of divisions within society. Thus, (10–12 percent), Druze (1–3 percent), Shia (0.5 percent), despite the regime’s supposed “modern” appeal, it in fact and Ismailis (1–2 percent). There were also various Christian has an interest in maintaining such laws as an instrument of denominations (5–10 percent). Further, there were ethnic division and domination. minorities of various religious affiliations: Kurds (8–15 percent), Armenians (0.5 percent), Assyrians (1–3 percent), In addition to the legal situation, open dissent was, of course, Turkmens (1–4 percent), and others.1 Important foreign not possible in Syria prior to the uprising. The arrival to populations also existed, especially Iraqis and Palestinians, power of Hafez al-Assad in 1970 marked the beginning prior to the uprising. As of 2011, around 500,000 Palestinian of the building of a patrimonial state and of violent waves refugees were registered in Syria, and 1.2 to 1.5 million Iraqi of repression against all forms of dissent within the Syrian refugees resided in the country, a refugee flow that began political scene. When Hafez al-Assad died in June 2000, with the U.S. invasion of Iraq in 2003.2 his son, Bashar, succeeded him. In the decade prior to the 2011 uprising, the patrimonial nature of the state in the hands This diversity does not mean that the regime was secular of the Assad family and relatives was greatly strengthened or that there was equality between sects and ethnic groups. through a process of accelerated implementation of In the country, different rights and duties existed according neoliberal policies and the replacement of sections of the old to one’s religious identity and ethnicity; the same remains guard by relatives or individuals close to Bashar al-Assad.6 true after years of war. The 2012 constitution, for example, stipulates that the president must be a Muslim man and There was, however, a whiff of hope in some sectors of the that “the main source of law is the sharia,” a clause that is country with the arrival to power of the junior Assad. The discriminatory toward other religious sects and women. phenomenon of discussion forums, which activists and Syria also has eight different personal status laws, each opposition members used to express themselves, rapidly of which is applied according to the religious sect of an increased. By 2001, there were more than 170 across the individual. Christian communities and Druze follow their country that engaged large numbers of participants.7 own laws, while the personal status laws for the rest of the However, the regime quickly snuffed out the hope for Muslim population in Syria is based on a particular Sunni change. By the end of 2001, a brutal repression campaign led interpretation of Islamic sharia, Hanafi jurisprudence, to the arrest or assault of opposition members and activists, and other Islamic sources. These laws also include major and the discussion forums were silenced.8 discriminations against women, some of which maintain noxious practices.3 For example, article 548 of the Criminal Syrian civil society and political organizations nevertheless Code withholds full penalties from so-called “honor crimes.”4 continued to mobilize, calling for reforms and a The Century Foundation | tcf.org 2 democratization of the state. This period was marked by same time, however, the coalition was divided from within. an unstable regional political context, which threatened The leadership battles paralyzed the coalition, with some the Syrian regime. This primarily included the American factions drifting into new alliances and others into exile. The and British-led 2003 war and occupation of Iraq, and Syria’s Kurdish and Assyrian parties had also been marginalized military withdrawal from Lebanon in 2005. In this politically during the leadership battles of 2007–9; two years later, at unstable atmosphere, the opposition within the country the beginning of the uprising, they would assert themselves wanted to push for reforms. more independently. In 2009, the Damascus Declaration announced a new leadership in exile. However, it was In October 2005, more than 250 major opposition figures critically weakened, with only a few members in Syria, and it from various religious and ethnic backgrounds and political was unable to unite other sections of the opposition.11 parties signed the “Damascus Declaration,” a manifesto that called for “a democratic and radical change” in Syria In 2009, the leader of the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood, based on dialogue, the end of the state of emergency (in Ali Sadreddine Al-Bayanouni, announced an end to the place since 1963), and the release of political prisoners. The Brotherhood’s participation in the NSF. During this period, main objective of the coalition was a gradual and peaceful Syria was in a process of rapprochement with Western transition to democracy through reforms of the regime, countries, after a period of isolation on the international but it was also an attempt to unite the fractured Syrian political scene. Meanwhile, the opposition was deeply divided opposition. The signatories to the declaration included the and weakened. In this context, the Syrian Brotherhood sought National Democratic Alliance (a nationalist and left-liberal an understanding with the regime, since the latter seemed alliance of five parties), the Committees