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The Cultural Disparity of the Northern and Southern Cheung Chau

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The Cultural Disparity of the Northern and Southern Cheung Chau Topic: The Identity of Cheung Chau Kai-fong: The Cultural Disparity of The Northern and Southern Cheung Chau Kong Yee, Corria 1 Table of Contents Page Table of Contents 2 I. Background 3 II. Introduction 7 III. Methodology 9 IV. Theoretical Argument 11 V. Analysis 1. EIXSTING HIREACHY OF THE POPULATION 15 2. COGNITIVE MAP: CHEUNG CHAU SOUTH AND NORTH 20 VI. Conclusion 30 VII. Reflection 31 References 34 Appendix I 36 2 I. Background: These years, Hong Kong government has strongly boosted her tourism by implementing numerous urban renewal and preservation program. However, not only urban areas look appealing to local tourists, but also rural areas can do. Outlying islands are a hot-pick recently, especially, the island of Cheung Chau. According to Hong Kong Geographic Data1 (See figure 1 in Appendix I), Cheung Chau is recorded with an area of is 2.44 km and a population of 22,740 by Population Census in 20112 (See figure 2 in Appendix I). Among all the outlying islands in Hong Kong, Cheung Chau is acknowledged as the top of the population density and there are over 10,000 to 20,0003 tourists having their day-trips to Cheung Chau. In these 10 years, Cheung Chau is thought as a tourist paradise bluntly showing its suburban mood through its declared monuments and histories. To Hong Kong residents, it is welcomed by its famous sports Windsurfing and the Olympic gold medal winner Lee Lai-Shan. However, both the foreign tourists and Hong Kong residents are not familiar with the localness and the complicated culture and its cultural identities in Cheung Chau. Cheung Chau shall not be simply regarded as a rural area or a tourist paradise without its own politics. 1 "Hong Kong Geographic Data 2016 - Lands Department." Survey & Mapping Office, Lands Department, n.d. Web. 25 Nov. 2016. 2 "2011 Population Census - Fact Sheet for Islands District Council District." 2011 Population Census. 2011 Population Census Office, Census and Statistics Department, n.d. Web. 25 Nov. 2016. 3 "遊客多過居民 長洲逼爆 - 香港文匯報." 遊客多過居民 長洲逼爆 - 香港文匯報. Hong Kong Wenwei Po, n.d. Web. 25 Nov. 2016. 、 3 In Cheung Chau, the overall population can be generally classified into five ethnicities, where Chinese is dominating with 96.4% in 2011 4 (See figure 3 in Appendix 2). While Indonesian and Japanese are revealed as 1.82% and 0.45% respectively, Filipino and White share 0.33% and 0.32% respectively and Others are shown as 0.71%. The diversity of Cheung Chau Kai-fong has constructed a complicated and diversified cultural identity in such a small island. Social and ethnic hierarchies are growing bluntly. 4 "2011 Population Census - Fact Sheet for Islands District Council South." 2011 Population Census. 2011 Population Census Office, Census and Statistics Department, n.d. Web. 25 Nov. 2016. "2011 Population Census - Fact Sheet for Islands District Council North." 2011 Population Census. 2011 Population Census Office, Census and Statistics Department, n.d. Web. 25 Nov. 2016. 4 Politically, Cheung Chau is divided into two parts: Cheung Chau South and Cheung Chau North. In the view of Island District Council, there are two separate constituencies. In the perspective of the Population Census, the collection of demographic data is also split up into two areas where Cheung Chau South is with a population of 11,8085 and Cheung Chau North is 10,9326. The ethnicity, occupation and type of housing and social status can all be manifested by the location of household. However, culturally, Cheung Chau shall be classified into three parts: Cheung Chau South, Cheung North and Centre of Cheung Chau as the center of Cheung Chau is highly developed, where shops and 5 "2011 Population Census - Fact Sheet for Islands District Council South." 2011 Population Census. 2011 Population Census Office, Census and Statistics Department, n.d. Web. 25 Nov. 2016. 6 "2011 Population Census - Fact Sheet for Islands District Council North." 2011 Population Census. 2011 Population Census Office, Census and Statistics Department, n.d. Web. 25 Nov. 2016. 5 stores are mainly located in the center and the north of Cheung Chau. Thus, the daily routine would be likely established in the most flourishing and prosperous area. Therefore, it is noticeable that Cheung Chau shall not be seen as a simple and a complete island as a whole, while it is politically, culturally and ethnically inconsistent. Under such politics, a social hierarchy and authority have been developed and entrenched and a ‘culture’ and boundaries are thus constructed socially. It is noteworthy for us to scrutinize and analyze the internal conflicts and its ideology in Cheung Chau. 6 II. Introduction: The island of Cheung Chau has been regarded as a less modernized rural area than the urban areas in Hong Kong. Tourists and local Hong Kong residents spend their vacation in Cheung Chau for its simplicity and frugality in order to escape from the power struggle and hierarchical statuses in their daily lives but they enter into another political system. In fact, Cheung Chau is not that simple and austere, it is full of political and ethnical conflicts. Frankly, no matter where a place is, it is full of struggles, hierarchy and its logistic. Cheung Chau is a miniature of the city’s daily facets. Cheung Chau shall be considered and recognized as an ordinary place, where is full of its struggles and logistics and deserves a thorough and detailed look at its internal politics. The dichotomy of identifying a place as urban or rural shall be minimized as it restricts the range of observation and research of rural areas. The public is always constructing certain prejudice to understand these rural areas and outlying islands while such manifestation showing the media representation of outlying islands becomes a misinterpretation of what is understood as Cheung Chau and what is seen in the public eye. The public imagination of Cheung Chau is biased and distorted with a lens of purifying the politics of the island of Cheung Chau. The identity of Cheung Chau Kai-fong is complicated as it is wrestled against the identity of Hongkongers. 96.4% of the Cheung Chau Kia-fong is Chinese and most of them are sharing the identity of Hongkongers. However, their identity of being as a Cheung Chau Kai-fong is woven by layers of hierarchies and political struggles. Internal hierarchies of Cheung Chau are prevailing: the location of household along 7 peak road, the center of Cheung Chau and the Cheung Chau North. These different regions form three boundaries with corresponding social statuses. Different locations may give distinct indications to the occupation and industry of the household as well as their ethnicity and their ancestry as the Cheung Chau Kai-fong are the mixtures of indigenous inhabitants, migrants from the Second Sino-Japanese War, Chinese Civil War and Cultural Revolution from 1927 to 1977, the post-war baby boom, foreign migrants and urban migrants. More, the contest among islands is one of the combative struggles for prestige, modernization and civilization. Therefore, boundaries are created for identifying the differences between varies ethnic group, distinct occupation and the location of household of Kai-fong by differentiating themselves with others. Eventually, labeling is the tactics once referring to the differences, also it acts as a disparagement on the others and lastly, it reinforces the disparity among classes and groups in and out of the island. Thus, the island of Cheung Chau is more complicated and complex than the majority think of and it is worth unveiling the mask and illusion of the purifying representation of austerity as the one and only mainstream representation of Cheung Chau in order to provide a realistic rationale of the system of the habitat. Specifically, the main objectives of this paper are the followings: (1) Unveil the understanding of the identity of Hong Kong people from the perspective of Cheung Chau Kai-fong (2) Find out the internal hierarchy of Cheung Chau Kai-fong (3) Discuss the cultural identity of Cheung Chau Kai-fong by a small-scale ethnography and with personal experiences 8 III. Methodology: The research was designed as a three-level study. In order to have a in-depth and thorough research of the internal political and ethnical hierarchy differentiating the Cheung Chau Kai-fong into groups, the study had to be conducted in the following three interactive layers: ethnography- cognitive map, textual analysis of their conversation and self-ethnography. Ethnography- Cognitive map Textual Analysis of Self- their ethnography conversation Ethnography-Cognitive Map 8 Cheung Chau Kai-fong will be invited to conduct the cognitive map. They are going to be asked firstly if they are the local residents. Secondly, their ethnicity, ages, gender, occupation, location of their household and years of residency will be recorded. Thirdly, they are invited to portray and describe Cheung Chau on a blank A-4 paper with their understanding of the image of Cheung Chau. 9 Textual Analysis of Media Representation In the process of conducting cognitive maps, their use of language and depiction will be jotted down for further analysis. After conducting the cognitive map, they are invited to share their daily routine or if it is possible, they are strongly encouraged to display their routine in front of me such as having a tea in a restaurant they usually go to or go shopping for the daily necessities in wet-market, etc. Thus, their routines are marked down with words and my memories. Self-ethnography Self-ethnography is going to be adopted in the research, as it is a reflexive research method reflecting my own personal experience and thoughts in my childhood and at this moment.
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