Politics by Other Means: Rhizomes of Power in Argentina's Social Movements

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Politics by Other Means: Rhizomes of Power in Argentina's Social Movements University of Massachusetts Amherst ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst Open Access Dissertations 5-13-2011 Politics by Other Means: Rhizomes of Power in Argentina's Social Movements Graciela G. Monteagudo University of Massachusetts Amherst, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/open_access_dissertations Part of the Social and Cultural Anthropology Commons Recommended Citation Monteagudo, Graciela G., "Politics by Other Means: Rhizomes of Power in Argentina's Social Movements" (2011). Open Access Dissertations. 420. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/open_access_dissertations/420 This Open Access Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. It has been accepted for inclusion in Open Access Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. For more information, please contact [email protected]. POLITICS BY OTHER MEANS: RHIZOMES OF POWER IN ARGENTINA’S SOCIAL MOVEMENTS A Dissertation Presented by GRACIELA MONTEAGUDO Submitted to the Graduate School of the University of Massachusetts Amherst in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY May 2011 Anthropology © Copyright by Graciela Monteagudo 2011 All Rights Reserved POLITICS BY OTHER MEANS: RHIZOMES OF POWER IN ARGENTINA’S SOCIAL MOVEMENTS A Dissertation Presented by GRACIELA MONTEAGUDO Approved as to style and content by: ______________________________________ Arthur Keene, Chair ______________________________________ Jacqueline Urla, Member ______________________________________ Ann Ferguson, Member ______________________________________ Millicent Thayer, Member ______________________________________ Sonia Alvarez, Member ______________________________________ Elizabeth Chilton, Chair Anthropology Department DEDICATION Para Jan, mi hijo, por su apoyo y paciencia ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I want to thank my Committee Members for their outstanding support. My gratitude goes as well to the Argentine academics that helped me with this dissertation (Graciela Di Marco, Mónica Tarducci, Vanesa Prieto, Andrés Ruggeri, Eduardo Glavich, Pablo Pozzi, and many others). I also want to thank my friends in Argentina (Flavio, Gabriela, Yuli, Patricio, and Walter), without whose support this dissertation would have never been written. Finally, my gratitude goes to all the activists who embodied politics by other means in Argentina. Thank you for opening your homes, your movements, your ideas and your hearts to me. v ABSTRACT POLITICS BY OTHER MEANS: RHIZOMES OF POWER IN ARGENTINA’S SOCIAL MOVEMENTS MAY 2011 GRACIELA MONTEAGUDO, B.A., UNIVERSIDAD DE BUENOS AIRES, FACULTAD DE FILOSOFÍA Y LETRAS, DEPARTAMENTO DE FILOSOFÍA M.F.A., GODDARD COLLEGE Ph.D., UNIVERSITY OF MASSACHUSETTS AMHERST Directed by: Professor Arthur Keene The focus of my research has been the reverberations of the 2001 Argentine economic crisis, as they affected and were responded to by women in social movements. This dissertation contributes to studies of globalization by highlighting the unintended consequences of neoliberalism in Argentina in the form of the collective empowerment of women in egalitarian social movements. The negative consequences of neoliberalism are well known, but I found that these policies produced more than misery. They also helped to stimulate a new kind of politics —a set of autonomous movements aimed at democratizing society as well as the state. In response to rapidly deteriorating living conditions, contemporary Argentine social movements organized their constituencies in what I have defined as the field of politics by other means. In the context of failed governmental programs and discourse designed to create docile, mobile subjects (governmentality), egalitarian social movements engaged in the creation of social movements whose democratic structures contrasted with the dispossessing nature of the neoliberal global power they confronted. In Argentina, this new political culture and methodology fostered, through street theater and pageants, 'other means' of making vi politics, including a concern for internal gender democracy in what has been called the “solidarity economy.” My research suggests that struggles against gender inequities have a synergistic relationship to democratic political structures. I found that receptivity to feminist discourses and opportunities for women’s participation were greater in anti- hierarchical opposition movements than in those with a more traditional leftist orientation. In these autonomous movements, women were able to challenge gender inequities, democratizing both the movements and their family relationships. Their struggle for democracy and freedom contrasts with the role of neoliberal policies and practices responsible for the weakening of democratic institutions in Argentina. In this way, my research not only broadens understanding of Argentina’s crisis and recovery, but it raises questions about the implications of the present worldwide economic and social crisis on struggles to transform gender relations. vii TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................................................................................... v ABSTRACT ....................................................................................................................... vi CHAPTER 1. POLITICS BY OTHER MEANS: RHIZOMES OF POWER IN ARGENTINA'S SOCIAL MOVEMENTS ............................................................. 1 Introduction ............................................................................................................. 1 Neoliberal Catastrophe ............................................................................................ 8 The “Human Mask” of the Catastrophe ................................................................ 12 Genealogy of Politics by Other Means ................................................................. 16 Femininity and Feminisms in the Rhizome ........................................................... 24 Untamed Direct Actions ........................................................................................ 30 Challenging Neoliberal Governmentality ............................................................. 32 Leftist Macho Hegemonic Masculinities and Leninism ....................................... 37 Highway Performances of Radical, Non-hegemonizing Political Femininities and Masculinities ........................................................................ 44 Methods and Personal Background ....................................................................... 48 Outline of the Dissertation .................................................................................... 51 II. NATIVE ANTHROPOLOGIST? ISSUES OF POWER IN THE GLOBAL FIELD .................................................................................................. 63 Who Gets to Know What ...................................................................................... 71 Who Gets to Design the Research Agenda and Tell the Story? ............................ 77 To PAR or not to PAR… ...................................................................................... 83 Friendship in the Field: Too Close for Comfort? .................................................. 88 III. CONTESTING NEOLIBERAL GOVERMENTALITY .................................... 106 Introduction ......................................................................................................... 106 Indigenous Definitions of Economic Solidarity .................................................. 113 Background ......................................................................................................... 116 The First Peronist Governmentality .................................................................... 118 Neoliberalism, Unemployment, and Poverty ...................................................... 120 Resistance to Neoliberalism ................................................................................ 121 The Constitution of Politics by Other Means ...................................................... 125 Landscapes of Power-over .................................................................................. 127 Politics by Other Means: Zapatismo, Unemployed Urban Workers, and Popular Assemblies ....................................................................................... 131 viii The Neoliberal Peronist Governmentality ........................................................... 134 Constitution of Subjects and Agency .................................................................. 141 New Subjectivities in the Economies of Solidarity ............................................. 144 Balloons for Social Change ................................................................................. 145 Bankruptcy and Fire ............................................................................................ 149 Contesting Governmentality through Economies of Solidarity: The Proyectos Productivos ................................................................................... 161 Politics of Affection ............................................................................................ 163 Impoverished Middle Class Women and the Solidarity Economy ..................... 170 The problems ....................................................................................................... 174 Conclusions ........................................................................................................
Recommended publications
  • Horizontalism
    Praise for Horizontalism "To read this book is to join the crucial conversation taking place within its pages: the inspiring, maddening, joyful cacophony of debate among movements building a genuinely new politics. Through her deeply re­ spectful documentary editing, Marina Sitrin has produced a work that embodies the values and practices it portrays." -Avi Lewis and Naomi Klein, co-creators of The Take "This book is really excellent. It goes straight to the important issues and gets people to talk about them in their own words. The result is a fascinating and important account of what is fresh and new about the Argentinian uprising."-John Holloway, author of Change the World Without Taking Power '' 'Another world is possible' was the catch-phrase of the World Social Forum, but it wasn't just possible; while the north was dreaming, that world was and is being built and lived in many parts of the global south. With the analytical insight of a political philosopher, the investigative zeal of a reporter, and the heart of a sister, Marina Sitrin has immersed herself in one of the most radical and important of these other worlds and brought us back stories, voices, and possibilities. This book on the many facets, phases and possibilities of the insurrections in Argentina since the economic implosion of December 2001 is riveting, moving, and profoundly important for those who want to know what revolution in our time might look like."-Rebecca Solnit, author of Savage Dreams and Hope in the Dark "This is the story of how people at the bottom turned Argentina upside down-told by those who did the overturning.
    [Show full text]
  • Leaving the Left Behind 115 Post-Left Anarchy?
    Anarchy after Leftism 5 Preface . 7 Introduction . 11 Chapter 1: Murray Bookchin, Grumpy Old Man . 15 Chapter 2: What is Individualist Anarchism? . 25 Chapter 3: Lifestyle Anarchism . 37 Chapter 4: On Organization . 43 Chapter 5: Murray Bookchin, Municipal Statist . 53 Chapter 6: Reason and Revolution . 61 Chapter 7: In Search of the Primitivists Part I: Pristine Angles . 71 Chapter 8: In Search of the Primitivists Part II: Primitive Affluence . 83 Chapter 9: From Primitive Affluence to Labor-Enslaving Technology . 89 Chapter 10: Shut Up, Marxist! . 95 Chapter 11: Anarchy after Leftism . 97 References . 105 Post-Left Anarchy: Leaving the Left Behind 115 Prologue to Post-Left Anarchy . 117 Introduction . 118 Leftists in the Anarchist Milieu . 120 Recuperation and the Left-Wing of Capital . 121 Anarchy as a Theory & Critique of Organization . 122 Anarchy as a Theory & Critique of Ideology . 125 Neither God, nor Master, nor Moral Order: Anarchy as Critique of Morality and Moralism . 126 Post-Left Anarchy: Neither Left, nor Right, but Autonomous . 128 Post-Left Anarchy? 131 Leftism 101 137 What is Leftism? . 139 Moderate, Radical, and Extreme Leftism . 140 Tactics and strategies . 140 Relationship to capitalists . 140 The role of the State . 141 The role of the individual . 142 A Generic Leftism? . 142 Are All Forms of Anarchism Leftism . 143 1 Anarchists, Don’t let the Left(overs) Ruin your Appetite 147 Introduction . 149 Anarchists and the International Labor Movement, Part I . 149 Interlude: Anarchists in the Mexican and Russian Revolutions . 151 Anarchists in the International Labor Movement, Part II . 154 Spain . 154 The Left . 155 The ’60s and ’70s .
    [Show full text]
  • Anarchist Social Democracy
    Anarchist Social Democracy * By W. J. Whitman Anarchist social democracy would be a form of cellular democracy or democratic confederalism, where governance is done locally through grassroots democratic assemblies. This libertarian social democracy would differ from the models of Bookchin and Öcalan in that it would be a form of market anarchism rather than communism. It would be mutualist, distributist, and collectivist, but not communist (although communistic arrangements would be common within it). The democratic confederation would follow the distributist principle of “subsidiarity,” trying to ensure that all matters are handled by the smallest and most local level of government capable of effectively carrying out the task. The majority of decisions that directly affect people would be made locally, in popular assemblies through direct democracy. The assemblies would use a mixture of consensus processes and voting, depending on how important the decision is. Non- essential and non-controversial matters might be put to a * The flag of Anarchist Social Democracy is a red and black banner for anarchism (libertarian socialism) with a globe (earth) in the middle for Georgism and social ecology. The dog is the “hound of distributism” carrying the red rose that is symbolic of social democracy. 1 | No rights reserved; for there is no such thing as intellectual property. popular vote, while important decisions would require consensus. Delegates from the local democratic assemblies would be sent to district councils, delegates from the district councils would be sent to municipal councils, and so on to regional councils, provincial councils, and all the way to national and even international councils.
    [Show full text]
  • Taxation Under Direct Democracy Stephan Geschwind, Felix Roesel Impressum
    9166 2021 June 2021 Taxation under Direct Democracy Stephan Geschwind, Felix Roesel Impressum: CESifo Working Papers ISSN 2364-1428 (electronic version) Publisher and distributor: Munich Society for the Promotion of Economic Research - CESifo GmbH The international platform of Ludwigs-Maximilians University’s Center for Economic Studies and the ifo Institute Poschingerstr. 5, 81679 Munich, Germany Telephone +49 (0)89 2180-2740, Telefax +49 (0)89 2180-17845, email [email protected] Editor: Clemens Fuest https://www.cesifo.org/en/wp An electronic version of the paper may be downloaded · from the SSRN website: www.SSRN.com · from the RePEc website: www.RePEc.org · from the CESifo website: https://www.cesifo.org/en/wp CESifo Working Paper No. 9166 Taxation under Direct Democracy Abstract Do citizens legislate different tax policies than parliaments? We provide quasi-experimental evidence for causal effects of direct democracy. Town meetings (popular assemblies) replace local councils in small German municipalities below a specific population threshold. Difference-in- differences, RD and event study estimates consistently show that direct democracy comes with sizable but selective tax cuts. Property tax rates, which apply to all residents, decrease by some 10 to 15% under direct democracy. We do not find that business tax rates change. Direct democracy allows citizens to design tax policies more individually than voting for a high-tax or low-tax party in elections. JEL-Codes: D710, D720, H710, R510. Keywords: direct democracy, town meeting, popular assembly, constitution, public finance, taxation. Stephan Geschwind Felix Roesel* University of Passau, School of Business, ifo Institute Dresden Economics and Information Systems Einsteinstrasse 3 Innstrasse 41 Germany – 01069 Dresden Germany – 94032 Passau [email protected] [email protected] *corresponding author June 30, 2021 We thank Zareh Asatryan, Ivo Bischoff, Sebastian Blesse, Reiner Eichenberger, Lars P.
    [Show full text]
  • Anarchism, Hardcore Music, and Counterculture
    University of Central Florida STARS Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019 2016 Don't Let the World Rot: Anarchism, Hardcore Music, and Counterculture Pearson Bolt University of Central Florida Part of the Critical and Cultural Studies Commons, and the Ethnomusicology Commons Find similar works at: https://stars.library.ucf.edu/etd University of Central Florida Libraries http://library.ucf.edu This Masters Thesis (Open Access) is brought to you for free and open access by STARS. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019 by an authorized administrator of STARS. For more information, please contact [email protected]. STARS Citation Bolt, Pearson, "Don't Let the World Rot: Anarchism, Hardcore Music, and Counterculture" (2016). Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019. 5128. https://stars.library.ucf.edu/etd/5128 DON’T LET THE WORLD ROT: ANARCHISM, HARDCORE, AND COUNTERCULTURE by PEARSON L. BOLT B.A. University of Central Florida, 2013 A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of English in the College of Arts and Humanities at the University of Central Florida Orlando, Florida Summer Term 2016 Major Professor: Anthony Grajeda © Pearson Bolt 2016 ii ABSTRACT Hardcore music is intrinsically anarchistic. The hardcore music scene represents a radical departure from contemporary society. Rejecting the materialism, militarism, and hedonism of the mainstream music scene—and, by extension, modern culture—hardcore music presents an alternative lifestyle rooted in solidarity, equality, and liberty. Indeed, the culture of the hardcore scene approaches a transitive, nomadic model of an anarchistic commune built on resistance as a way of life.
    [Show full text]
  • Libertarian Municipalism
    09 2005 Libertarian Municipalism Chaia Heller Transcription of a video by O. Ressler, recorded in Leverett, U.S.A, 32 min., 2005 My name is Chaia Heller. I live in Leverett, Massachusetts. I have been involved with the Institute for Social Ecology, that is in Central Vermont, for over 22 years, which is about half of my life. I arrived there at the age of 21, when I was a sort of forming myself politically. To speak of myself, as I had a political life before, I went to the ISE, the Institute for Social Ecology, and I feel I was a sort of formed there politically in the last two decades of my life. I politically identify as a left libertarian, as a social ecologist and as a feminist. That identity has formed itself over the last decades as the movements around me have really changed. I have been involved with the green movement, left green movement, youth green movement, ecofeminist movement, the anarchist movement and the ecology movement in the various configurations over the last several decades. I have been an activist and educator, teaching at the institute both environmental philosophy and feminist theory. I have been a public speaker. I toured for many years as part of a speakers bureau called “Speak Out”. And, I have been a writer. Murray Bookchin embarked on his journey of social ecology in the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s towards what is really a coherent and comprehensive body of political, philosophical and anthropological ideas. Bookchin was raised as a leftist, as what you call a red diaper baby.
    [Show full text]
  • Direct Democracy
    Direct Democracy The International IDEA Handbook Direct Democracy The International IDEA Handbook Lead Writers and Editors Contributors Virginia Beramendi Jennifer Somalie Angeyo Andrew Ellis Nadja Braun Bruno Kaufmann Mugyenyi Silver Byanyima Miriam Kornblith Algis Krupavicius Larry LeDuc Humberto de la Calle Lombana Paddy McGuire Krisztina Medve Theo Schiller Alfred Lock Okello Oryem Palle Svensson Rodolfo Gonzáles Rissotto Daniel Zovatto Handbook Series The International IDEA Handbook Series seeks to present comparative analysis, information and insights on a range of democratic institutions and processes. Handbooks are aimed primarily at policy makers, politicians, civil society actors and practitioners in the field. They are also of interest to academia, the democracy assistance community and other bodies. © International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance 2008 International IDEA publications are independent of specific national or political interests. Views expressed in this publication do not necessarily represent the views of International IDEA, its Board or its Council members. The map presented in this publication does not imply on the part of the Institute any judgement on the legal status of any territory or the endorsement of such boundaries, nor does the placement or size of any country or territory reflect the political view of the Institute. The map is created for this publication in order to add clarity to the text. Applications for permission to reproduce or translate all or any part of this publication should be made to: International IDEA SE -103 34 Stockholm Sweden International IDEA encourages dissemination of its work and will promptly respond to requests for permission to reproduce or translate its publications.
    [Show full text]
  • Libertarian Municipalism: the New Municipal Agenda
    This article appears in Anarchy Archives with the permission of the author and consists of excerpts from From Urbanization to Cities (1987; London: Cassell, 1995), with revisions. Libertarian Municipalism: The New Municipal Agenda by Murray Bookchin Any agenda that tries to restore and amplify the classical meaning of politics and citizenship must clearly indicate what they are not, if only because of the confusion that surrounds the two words. Politics is not statecraft, and citizens are not "constituents" or "taxpayers." Statecraft consists of operations that engage the state: the exercise of its monopoly of violence, its control of the entire regulative apparatus of society in the form of legal and ordinance- making bodies, and its governance of society by means of professional legislators, armies, police forces, and bureaucracies. Statecraft takes on a political patina when so-called "political parties" attempt, in various power plays, to occupy the offices that make state policy and execute it. This kind of "politics" has an almost tedious typicality. A "political party" is normally a structured hierarchy, fleshed out by a membership that functions in a top-down manner. It is a miniature state, and in some countries, such as the former Soviet Union and Nazi Germany, a party actually constituted the state itself. The Soviet and Nazi examples of the party qua state were the logical extension of the party into the state. Indeed, every party has its roots in the state, not in the citizenry. The conventional party is hitched to the state like a garment to a mannikin. However varied the garment and its design may be, it is not part of the body politic; it merely drapes it.
    [Show full text]
  • How Exclusive Is Assembly Democracy? Citizens' Assembly and Ballot Participation Compared
    This is the peer reviewed version of the following article: Stadelmann-Steffen, I. and Dermont, C. 2015. How exclusive is assembly democracy? Citizens’ assembly and ballot participation compared. Swiss Political Science Review 22(1): 95-122, which has been published in final form at doi:10.1111/spsr.12184. This article may be used for non-commercial purposes in accordance with Wiley Terms and Conditions for Use of Self- Archived Versions. How exclusive is assembly democracy? Citizens’ assembly and ballot participation compared Isabelle Stadelmann-Steffen and Clau Dermont Institute of Political Science University of Berne Abstract This paper analyses the difference between two specific forms of citizens’ involvements, namely whether a vote is cast by ballot or in a citizens’ assembly in which people gather in town halls to decide legislative questions in a deliberative manner. We show both theoretically and empirically how citizens’ assemblies and decisions at the ballot box substantially differ not only in terms of their underlying model of democracy, but also in their structural conditions and, thus, with respect to the social inequality of participation. We test our hypotheses in a Bayesian multilevel framework using real participation data collected from 15 political decisions made in a Swiss commune. Our results show that citizens’ assemblies are not only characterised by lower participation rates, but also by a particular composition of the electorate. While citizens’ assemblies are more equal regarding income groups, ballots favour a more equitable participation in terms of gender and age. Keywords: Participatory equality, citizens’ assembly, direct democracy, models of democracy, Bayesian estimation 1 Introductioni Conventional political participation—for most citizens around the world—typically means taking part in elections every few years.
    [Show full text]
  • Institutionalizing New Forms of Citizen Voice
    PART 2: INPUTS Institutionalizing new forms of citizen voice ‘Formal rules are not enough without good democratic practice’. – Amartya Sen, Development as Freedom, 1999.1 Introduction to Part two for the discussion forum So far we have established that declining political trust is best understood by most citizens not as the product of a careful and considered calculation but rather as a constituent element of a wider sense of political disenchantment with democratic practice. Lack of political trust is tied to experiences of politics that tell you that powerful interests dominate other than your own, that governments and governors do not perform to your satisfaction and that political engagement seems a rather pointless activity. But what is the answer to the multi-dimensional problem of declining political trust? We argue in this part of the book that bridging the trust divide between government and citizen requires improving the framing of political demands so that new forms of citizen voice are institutionalized and embedded in the practices of democratic governance. A key mechanism for achieving this is through the establishment of participatory governance systems that reconnect citizens with their democracy through various modes of governance or forms of public participation that enable active citizenship.2 Public participation is difficult to define because it means different things to different people and organisations. In a political sense, defining participation in decision-making is straightforward if it refers purely to whether the people decide. If not, then they don’t participate meaningfully. A key feature of distrust in the political class is the public perception that the rhetoric of policy-makers so often emphasizes the importance of citizen participation when in practice they really mean consultation between decision-maker and citizen.
    [Show full text]
  • Fighting for and Fighting Through Electricity: an Ethnography of the Civil Resistance Movement ''Luz Y Fuerza Del Pueblo
    Fighting For and Fighting Through Electricity : an Ethnography of the Civil Resistance Movement ”Luz y Fuerza del Pueblo” from Chiapas, Mexico Umberto Cao To cite this version: Umberto Cao. Fighting For and Fighting Through Electricity : an Ethnography of the Civil Resistance Movement ”Luz y Fuerza del Pueblo” from Chiapas, Mexico. Social Anthropology and ethnology. Università degli studi (Milan, Italie), 2019. English. NNT : 2019EHES0092. tel-02624604 HAL Id: tel-02624604 https://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-02624604 Submitted on 26 May 2020 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales Ecole doctorale de l’EHESS Centre Norbert Elias (UMR 8562) Thèse de Doctorat préparée dans le cadre d’une cotutelle entre l’Ecole des hautes études en sciences sociales et l’Université de Milan Bicocca Discipline : Anthropologie Sociale et Ethnologie CAO UMBERTO Fighting for and fighting through electricity. An ethnography of the civil resistance movement "L uz y Fuerza del Pueblo" , from Chiapas, Mexico. Thèse dirigée par: Valeria Siniscalchi et Alice Bellagamba Date de soutenance : le 10.7.2019 Rapporteurs 1 Alessandro Mancuso, Université de Palerme 2 Filippo Zerilli, Université de Cagliari Jury 1 Boris Pétric, CNRS 2 Krista Harper, Université du Massachusetts à Amherst 3 José Rubén Orantes García, Université Nationale Autonome du Méxique 4 Silvia Vignato, Université de Milan Bicocca Acknowledgments This work has been realized thanks to a Ph.D.
    [Show full text]
  • The Politics of Indigeneity, Anarchist Praxis, and Decolonization
    Anarchist Developments in Cultural Studies, 2021.1 The Politics of Indigeneity, Anarchist Praxis, and Decolonization J. Kēhaulani Kauanui* At the time of this writing, the global COVID-19 pandemic has dev- astated the most vulnerable worldwide, while also revealing the chal- lenges of governments and the range of approaches to responding to the crisis. For example, there have been stark contrasts between the ways in which the states of New Zealand, Japan, and Taiwan have managed to contain the spread of this novel coronavirus, unlike Eng- land, Brazil, and the United States. In the U.S., the tensions between federal authority and that of state and local authorities has meant a piecemeal approach to handling public health matters. The mass suffering of countless people has exposed the settler colonial and racialized violence and socio-eco- nomic disparities that existed long prior to the outbreak. The Trump administration’s gross mishandling of the pandemic: the lack of a coordinated response, combined denial, and downplaying of the virus’s lethality – fueled by conspiracy theories that it is a hoax – has compounded the misery. And, as many have noted, Trump is not an aberration, but a manifestation of the American ethos more gener- ally – the product of settler colonial genocide of Indigenous peoples and enslavement of Africans – still unfolding through the ongoing *J. Kēhaulani Kauanui is Professor of American Studies and affiliate faculty in Anthropology at Wesleyan University, where she teaches courses on indigenous studies, critical race studies, settler colonial studies, and anarchist studies. She is the author of Hawaiian Blood: Colonialism and the Politics of Sovereignty and Indigeneity (Duke University Press 2008) and Paradoxes of Hawaiian Sovereignty: Land, Sex, and the Colonial Politics of State Nationalism (Duke University Press 2018).
    [Show full text]