The National Association for the Promotion of Social Science and the Advancement of Victorian Women

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The National Association for the Promotion of Social Science and the Advancement of Victorian Women Atlantis Vol. 8 No. 1 Fall/Automne 1982 44-66 The National Association for the Promotion of Social Science and the Advancement of Victorian Women Kathleen E. McCrone University of Windsor The nineteenth century was an age of move• causes and rights. The Social Science Associa• ments and causes, a time when men and women tion made a major contribution to the advance• of strong character and profound conviction felt ment of Victorian women, but, as has the associ• that they could change society and that they had ation itself, this contribution has been largely a mission to do so. Undeterred by their ignor• neglected by social historians. ance of the real causes of complicated social problems, socially conscious Victorians attemp• The founding of the National Association for ted to solve the condition of England question the Promotion of Social Science is in itself strik• by organizing a plethora of societies dedicated to ing testimony to the rising tide of reform senti• every conceivable kind of improvement.1 Some ment in Victorian Britain. At the 1856 meeting of the more knowledgeable and far-sighted, of the British Association for the Advancement determined to form groups designed to tackle of Science, members of the statistical section crises scientifically. Foremost among these was proposed that the Association investigate such the National Association for the Promotion of subjects as jurisprudence, political economy and Social Science, the largest and most ambitious of education. When the general association refused the mid-nineteenth century organizations dedi• to concede that social laws could be accurately cated to social betterment, and one of the first to determined, several members, who called them• welcome women to full membership, to allow selves "social scientists," decided to proceed on them to speak in public, and to support their their own. In July 1857 a number of distin- guished men and women gathered at the Lon• and 160 papers were published or cited annually don home of Lord Brougham to consider the in a volume of Transactions that remain today best means of uniting all those interested in the association's chief monument. Although improving society and of coordinating their they make tedious reading, their contents are an hitherto splintered reform activities into a na• invaluable source of information on the mid- tional campaign.2 Manifesting the boundless Victorian approach to and perception of social optimism that characterized mid-Victorian nat• and economic problems.9 And "the occasional ural scientists and political and economic theor• vibrant flash of anger, pity or passion, which ists, Brougham and company were convinced unexpectedly illuminates [their] pedestrian that there actually was a science of society. They pages...makes them sometimes seem almost splen• maintained that if all the social reformers in the did."10 country could be united, and their ideas scientif• ically examined, tested and disseminated, ineluct• Not surprisingly, the grandiose ambitions able social laws could be ascertained precisely, and claims of the SSA aroused considerable hos• social reform could be made scientific, and social tility in the press, which nick-named it the processes could be effectively controlled, to the "Universal Palaver Association." The term "so• great benefit of the whole human race.3 cial science congresses" became an uncompli• mentary epithet suggesting exaggerated claims Out of their deliberations emerged the National and empty, undisciplined talk on every conceiv• Association for the Promotion of Social Science, able topic by a group of cranks, bores and buf• which held its first meeting in Birmingham the foons.11 Fortunately, the SSA had a few journal• following October, and which was presided over istic friends; and even The Times eventually for several years by the ubiquitous Lord Broug• mellowed sufficiently to admit that, by discuss• ham.4 To deal with the wide range of questions ing and publicizing pressing social problems, the Social Science Association (SSA) was expected the SSA gave voice to the collective conscience of to consider, an elaborate organizational struc• a generation.12 ture was developed,5 and annually, usually in the fall, large, week-long congresses were held in The National Association for the Promotion a major city. During these meetings, members of Social Science was quintessential^ Victorian, listened to lengthy addresses by the association's manifesting many of the paradoxes and contra• officers and then separated into the different dictions of the age in general and reformers in departments, where "reading of papers followed particular. Simultaneously progressive and con• by discussions which frequently culminated in servative, it was dedicated to enlightening the resolutions requesting the council to take action middle and upper classes on their duty to those to further proposals advanced in papers, occu• beneath them, all the while accepting the estab• pied [their] attention."6 The SSA attracted a lished social order and rarely questioning its good many eccentrics7, but the practical recom• fundamental premises or configuration. Its mem• mendations of thoughtful and concerned mem• bers, while idealistic and courageous, were not bers revealed that the association was serious without self-interest. Their improving impulse about reform. With infinite patience, SSA mem• was inspired by feelings of guilt, by the convic• bers presented and listened to papers on hous• tion that poverty, disease and crime were ineffi• ing, infant mortality, juvenile delinquency, work• cient and unprofitable, and by the hope that a house paupers, sewage, vaccination, education, healthy, contented populace would assure the law reform and women's rights, occasionally stability of the political and social system.13 seeking relief from the weighty proceedings by Lacking real identification with the people it attending banquets and receptions.8 Between 60 aspired to help, the SSA often treated the symp- toms rather than the causes of problems. Its paid only lip service to the unity of social activities and attitudes reflected middle-class science. Its departments grew like topsy, rather value judgments and the middle-class view that than out of an analysis of the legitimate div• social evils were "remediable within the frame• isions of social scientific labour, and their treat• work of a mature capitalist system."14 Hence, it ment of problems was fragmented because a held no attraction for socialists or members of synoptic view of the social system was never the working class. developed and because members were jealous of surrendering territory from their own special As time passed the association became increas• fields.19 ingly insulated from the dynamic intellectual and social forces which were to lead to the foun• Nevertheless, the SSA was much more than a dation of the labour party and the welfare state.15 device used by the privileged orders to try to As early as the 1870s the Transactions reveal the protect themselves against taxes, disease and onset of torpor. Year after year the same kind of revolution. Its annual meetings brought together papers were given by the same kind of people on many of the most important and concerned peo• the same kind of subjects. Attendance dropped ple of the age. Their consideration of controver• off dramatically, exacerbating omnipresent finan• sial questions was a significant factor in raising cial problems.16 The last congress was held in the consciousness and gaining the acceptance of Birmingham in 1884, and finally, in April 1886, the public, and they did influence legislation on at a meeting of officers in London, George Hast• education, prison administration, public health ings formally moved that the association sus• and the law.20 A body of sincere social reformers, pend operations.17 the SSA The Social Science Association failed to agree was not the collection of impractical enthus• on how to achieve its ambitious goals or whether iasts, busy-bodies, theorists or dilettantes it should act as a pressure group or simply as a its critics made it seem; the questions it forum for disinterested discussion. After almost discussed were not trivial; the papers its thirty years it could not point to the revelation of members contributed were frequently val• a single social law, and examples of its failures uable; and many of the measures they and ineffectiveness were embarrassingly numer• advocated have been vindicated by events. ous. When all was said and done, despite its They were prophets without honour but founders' scientific objectives, the SSA never not without perception.21 really attempted It was natural that a liberal organization, to work out a systematic approach to an ostensibly dedicated to determining the laws and understanding of the absolute laws which principles which governed the structure of society governed the contact of men as social and the operation of human nature, should con• beings.... Having pronounced the words cern itself with the disadvantaged position of "social science" in a sort of incantation, the one half the human race - women. From its SSA then proceeded to go about its unscien• beginning the SSA admitted women to full tific business in a completely unscientific membership and recognized their help as essen• way.18 tial to the successful achievement of the most urgent social reform. It even went so far as to Anxious to avoid treading on vested intellectual accept George Hastings' bold appointment of a interests, it avoided developing the theoretical woman, Isa Craig, as assistant secretary in part of its supposedly scientific task, and thus 1857,22 despite warnings that "it was impossible that a woman fill such a position, and that it was Emily Faithfull, Elizabeth Garrett, Rhoda Gar• improper that she should do so."23 Fortunately for rett, Maria Grey, Florence and Rosamond Hill, the cause of women, Craig carried out her duties Florence Nightingale, Bessie Rayner Parkes, with such distinction that when she resigned in Maria Rye, Emily Shirreff, Barbara Leigh Smith, 1865 to marry, she was given a large measure of Louisa Twining, Elizabeth Wolstenholme.
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