‘THE UNFORTUNATES’ PROSTITUTES TRANSPORTED TO VAN DIEMEN'S LAND 1822–1843 Christine Jessie Leppard BA (Hons) A thesis submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) University of Tasmania October 2013 This thesis may be made available for loan and limited copying in accordance with the Copyright Act 1968. Christine Jessie Leppard 18 October 2013 I confirm that this thesis is entirely my own work and contains no material which has been accepted for a degree or diploma by the University or any other institution, except by way of background information and duly acknowledged in the thesis. To the best of my knowledge and belief this thesis contains no material previously published or written by another person except where due acknowledgement is made in the text of the thesis, nor does it contain any material that infringes copyright. Christine Jessie Leppard 18 October 2013 iii ABSTRACT Since historians first began to mine the records of the 160,000 men, women and children who were transported to the Australian colonies, the mention of prostitution has titillated researchers and the general public. The prostitute was a highly visible and public figure. Unlike the pickpocket, smuggler, extortionist or forger, each of whom strove to be invisible, the prostitute relied on her visibility to earn a living. However unlike her secretive companions the prostitute’s activity was not illegal, yet her visibility made her a convenient scapegoat for many of the fears and failings of contemporary society. In Australia’s convict history she is equally visible by virtue of a clear annotation on her convict record. During the nineteenth century it was commonplace to describe all female convicts as prostitutes, and this usage was adopted by some historians in the mid twentieth century. While the misconception was the legacy of nineteenth-century class, cultural and gendered misunderstandings, twentieth-century historians internalised those nineteenth- century stereotypes. In the 1970s the female convict was reinvented as a hardworking family maker and the label of ‘prostitute’ was reserved for a few marginalized, debauched incorrigibles. That attempt to exonerate the reputation of the majority, firmly positioned the prostitute as an outcast. The label of ‘prostitute’ on the convict records has been accepted as a sign of immorality or ‘badness’. We accept that women were questioned about prostitution, as their replies were recorded by the thousands. Yet prostitution was not a criminal offence and women were not transported for being prostitutes. Indeed to be a prostitute was no more indictable than being a laundress or a housemaid. It was the criminal acts which were performed by the prostitute, laundress or housemaid which brought them to Van Diemen's Land. The glaring question which historians have failed to ask is, ‘Why was the question posed, and why was their affirmation recorded?’ From their arrest in Britain until their freedom in Van Diemen's Land the label remained fixed on some women’s records. To what use was that information put, and how significant was it in determining outcomes for the women? How differently were they treated? The annotation is present on a sufficient number of records to provide answers to some of the questions which have hitherto been overlooked. iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I wish to express my sincere thanks to the following people who have assisted in the completion of this project. My Supervisor Associate Professor Hamish Maxwell- Stewart for his unfailing enthusiasm for the project and wise direction. Professor Pamela Sharpe who offered new and valuable perspectives on the subject. Thanks also to Founders and Survivors which provided the initial inspiration for this thesis and allowed me access to their database. The History and Classics office staff and particularly Lyn Richards have been of immense assistance and support. The staffs of the Morris Miller Library, Document Delivery, Royal Society and Rare Collection, Law Library and the Tasmanian Archives and Heritage Office have generously provided professional and friendly help. Robyn Eastley, Manager of Collections at the Tasmanian Archive and Heritage Office, offered insights into record collection. Associate Professors Peter Chapman and Stefan Petrow steered me through undergraduate history, and were always happy to answer questions and give sound advice in my postgraduate years. My colleagues who have provided advice, companionship and practical help: Dr Fran Alexis, Patrick Ball, Alan Brooks, Dr Eleanor Cave, Bronwyn Meikle, Dr Leonie Mickleborough, Dr Bruce Rosen and Caitlin Sutton. My special thanks to Dr Elisabeth Wilson and Dr Tony Stagg who read every word. My family and friends have shown immense patience and given unwavering support during the course of this work. In particular my mother Jessie Quinn, siblings Marion Carrick and Andrew Quinn, mentor Anne Knox, and dear friends Robert and Rose- Mary Pritchard who also read every word. Finally my daughters Eva and April Leppard whose laughter and love sustain me. v TABLE OF CONTENTS Signature Page. iii Abstract. iv Acknowledgements. v Table of Contents. vi List of Tables. ix List of Figures. xi List of Abbreviations. xii Introduction: Matilda Allgood’s story. 1 Chapter 1: How is prostitution defined? Historiography. 10 Introduction: a cautionary tale. 10 Nineteenth-century historiography. 11 Historiography of the colonial period. 17 Global historiography. 29 Conclusion. 33 Chapter 2: How do convict records identify prostitution? Interrogating 34 the sources. Introduction: Sarah Gates’ story. 34 [She] has been a common prostitute of the worst description for the last 6 43 years. I knew she was an unfortunate woman, but thought her honest. 58 Times is altered, sir, since I come on the town. 63 Who is this woman? 70 Conclusion. 81 vi Chapter 3: Who creates prostitution? Pathways to prostitution. 83 Introduction: Eliza Smith’s story. 83 Occupational causes of prostitution. 89 Critical life cycle events as causes of prostitution. 108 Conclusion. 121 Chapter 4: Dispatched to Van Diemen's Land. The voyage: shipboard 123 routine. Introduction: Elizabeth Taylor’s story. 123 Architecture of the ship. 127 Embarkation and departure. 133 Daily routine. 153 Conclusion. 165 Chapter 5: Nineteenth-century medicine. The voyage: health and 166 well-being. Introduction: Charlotte Williams’ story. 166 Venereal disease. 174 Routine case notes. 181 So many peculiarities as is connected with the uterine system. 190 Conclusion. 208 Chapter 6: Who will be gainfully employed? Assignment: a question of 210 skills. Introduction: Mary Ann Woods’ story. 210 Disembarkation. 213 Assignment. 216 Assigning the women labelled as ‘prostitute’. 223 Conclusion. 233 Chapter 7: A family to please. Assignment: learning the rules. 234 Introduction: Rosanna Savelin’s story. 234 Absent and improperly wearing her mistress’s clothes. 238 Leisure during assignment. 250 An improper person to be in a family with young children. 264 Conclusion. 271 vii Chapter 8: Who will be rescued? Recidivism or rehabilitation. 273 Introduction: Ellen Lovett’s story. 273 Deprived of her ticket-of-leave as she is obtaining her living by prostitution. 275 Prostitution as a political tool. 289 Such of the fallen as might be induced to abandon their evil courses. 296 Conclusion. 305 Conclusion. 307 Appendices. 312 Appendix A: Women identified as prostitutes who arrived in Van 313 Diemen’s Land 1822-1843. Appendix B: Flow chart of record linkages. 314 Appendix C: Age distribution of female convict population and women 315 identified as prostitutes. Appendix D: Counties where female convicts were tried. 316 Appendix E: List of ships used to examine women’s trades. 319 Appendix F: Breakdown of broad trade categories. 320 Appendix G: Trades of women who arrived in Van Diemen's Land 321 1829-1842. Appendix H: Prostitutes appointed as monitors on board ships. 322 Appendix I: List of ships used to examine the medical treatment of 323 female convicts. Appendix J: Surgeons’ reports for women treated for venereal disease. 324 Appendix K: List of ships used to examine assignment patterns. 325 Appendix L: Households which received female servants. 326 Appendix M: List of ships used for a comparative analysis of charges 333 made against women. Bibliography. 334 viii LIST OF TABLES Table 2.1: Frequency of use of terms to denote prostitution by 67 percentage. Table 2.2: Cross tabulation of use of terms to denote prostitution by 67 percentage. Table 2.3: Age distribution of women identified as prostitutes who 71 arrived in Van Diemen's Land. Table 2.4: Marital status of female convicts and women identified as 72 prostitutes by percentage. Table 2.5: Places of trial for female convicts. 73 Table 2.6: Items stolen by women identified as prostitutes 75 Table 2.7: Broad trade categories for women who arrived in Van 77 Diemen's Land. Table 2.8: Female convict servants who arrived in Van Diemen's Land 79 by percentage. Table 3.1: Comparison between laundresses and washerwomen who 96 arrived in Van Diemen's Land. Table 5.1: Treatment levels by percentage on multiple voyages 170 undertaken by Surgeon-Superintendent Richard Lewis. Table 5.2: Percentage of prostitutes and non-prostitutes treated on 173 voyages to Van Diemen's Land 1829-1843. Table 5.3: Ages of women who received treatment on voyages to 174 Van Diemen's Land. Table 5.4: Incidence of treatment for venereal disease. 175 Table 5.5: Cases of ‘hysteria’ noted in the surgeons’ journals. 200 Table 6.1: Women who remained unassigned (by percentage of the total 225 of each group). Table 6.2: Percentage of households which received women identified 226 as prostitutes. Table 7.1: Comparison of all charges brought against convict women. 237 ix Table 7.2: Charges made by mistresses against female convicts who 241 were identified as prostitutes. Table 7.3: Days on which absences occurred by percentage of total 253 named days. Table 7.4: Offences committed while caring for settlers’ children.