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Sage and Seductress: Aristotle and Campaspe As Thirteenth-Century a V| T Sharyn R

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Sage and Seductress: Aristotle and Campaspe As Thirteenth-Century a V| T Sharyn R Sage and Seductress: Aristotle and Campaspe as Thirteenth-Century A V| t Sharyn R. Udall ATCnetypeS University of New Mexico ABSTRACT This article argues that the ancient struggle in Western history between nature and culture can be seen in visual representations of the thirteenth-century poem, Le lai d'Aristote by Henri d'Andely. like other medieval fabliaux, the Lai d'Aristote reflects a double image, echoing conflicting medieval views of women (here represented by Campaspe) as daughters of both Eve the temptress and the Virgin Mary. The tale illustrates the influence of rediscovered Aristotelian texts on medieval intellectual society in the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries. Visual representations more virulently misogynistic than the Lai itself reveal the still-unresolved male/female, nature/culture conflicts of the era, as Christian theology confronts a new view of nature in the Aristotelian texts. RESUME Cet article soutient que l'ancienne lutte entre la nature et la culture dans l'histoire occidentale peut se retrouver dans les illustrations du poeme du XJJT siecle, Le Lai d'Aristote par Henri d'Andely. Comme ctautres fabliaux du Moyen-Age, Le Lai d'Aristote projette une image double, refletant les vues contradictoires du Moyen-Age sur les femmes (representees ici par Campaspe) comme les filles a la fois d'Eve la tentatrice et de la Vierge Marie. Le conte illustre l'influence des textes redecouverts d'Aristote sur la societ6 cultivee du Moyen-Age a la fin du XIT siecle et au d£but du XTTT. Les illustrations dune misogynie plus virulente que celle du Lai lui-meme revelent les conflits honune/femme, nature/culture encore non-resolus de l'epoque, alors que la theologie chr£tienne fait face a une nouvelle vue de la nature dans les textes aristoteliciens. THE ABYSS BETWEEN NATURE AND CULTURE in the archetype of the dangerous seductress appeared the West stems from a long, problematic tradition. repeatedly, with a number of memorable prototypes Roots of the dichotomy are ancient, reaching back in Greek myth. Hesiod tells us that Zeus, enraged into the Judeo-Christian patriarchal tradition, which with Prometheus, sent Pandora (the first woman) institutionalized humanity's dominion over the earth among mortals to punish them. Beautiful, graceful, and all its inhabitants. As that happened, the posi• with an appearance like a chaste virgin, Pandora tion of women changed dramatically. The Great had nonetheless the "soul of a dog and a deceiving Goddess of prehistory, identified with nature, ferti• character." Her evil was made more dangerous be• lity and agriculture, was replaced by the Biblical cause it was so attractively disguised (Hesiod, Op. Eve, blamed for initiating the downfall of humanity 59 sq.). in the garden. The woman in the garden—woman as seductive "nature"—was pitted against man, the When the early Christian Church set itself the bearer of "culture." As the threads of pagan and task of destroying or absorbing the vestiges of older Christian stories mingled and reinforced each other, cultures, the outward forms of pagan myth took on Christian guises. So too did ancient philosophy, es• Les elements de cet amiable conte ne sont pas pecially as it was augmented and reinterpreted to du domaine habituel des fabliaux. L'eiegance de coexist with Christianity in the medieval period. la description, le charme souriant des person- nages supposent chez le poete une culture litte- raire qui n'etait point celle des vulgaires jon• This paper deals with the tension between that gleurs. (157) ancient "pagan" knowledge and a sometimes uneasy overlay of medieval Christian attitudes. The double The author, in fact, intended just such an ele• focus of the investigation is a French fabliau titled vated effect. Recorded by Eustache Langlois, Hen• Le Lai d'Aristote (the Lay of Aristotle), and some ri's professed intent was to avoid the "shameful of its visual representations in European art. In license" which destroys the merit of works in which keeping with much current art-historical practice, impurity reigns (175). In other words, he set out to the poem and its pictorial expressions are here eschew the indecent and the ribald in his work, to viewed as expressive of a cultural context, not as avoid the usual scathing characterizations given to isolated productions of a writer, painter or sculptor. cuckolded husbands, lecherous monks and the smug Thus it will also be necessary to examine certain or socially ambitious bourgeois. events, attitudes and beliefs that informed the pro• duction of the literary and visual aspects of Le Lai Henri's world was, in fact, removed from the dAristote. Furthermore, because it stems from a low culture of his day. The circumstances sur• period of cultural crisis, in which long-established rounding the writing of the Lai dAristote are views (e.g., the conflicting medieval Christian sketchy; we do not have a more precise date for its views of woman as daughter of both Eve the appearance than the first half of the thirteenth cen• temptress and Mary the Mother of God) collided tury. Yet in surviving documents we can learn with attitudes about nature ripe for reconsideration, something about Henri's career and relationships. no single interpretation can claim to reconcile its He had been documented as a canon of Notre contradictions. I have chosen to let such contradic• Dame de Rouen in 1198 and as its cantor in 1207 tions stand, acknowledging that the cultural history (Langlois, 161-177). We know of his close associ• of past centuries, like that of our own, resists at• ation with Eudes Rigaud, archbishop of Rouen, tempts to subsume it under a single theory of de• who taught at the University of Paris between 1245 velopment. and 1248. Henri was also part of the circle of Phi• lip de Greve, chancellor at Paris around 1225. Thus First the poem itself, a long comic tale which Henri's world was clearly that of the high Norman falls within the body of popular medieval literature and Parisian clergy, who were presumably his most often described as contes a rire en vers. One audience as well. of some 160 surviving fabliaux, the Lai was written in the first half of the thirteenth century by the What does this tell us with respect to the Norman cleric Henri d'Andely. It was composed in poem? It may, in fact, suggest much. Henri's back• octosyllabic couplets, the standard meter of courtly ground and associations may provide explanations romance. for his choice of subject and for layers of meaning belied by the poem's graceful exterior. Beneath Formerly dismissed as elaborate jokes, the fa• those courtly phrases, in fact, we encounter ques• bliaux have recently been reconsidered for their lit• tions about nature and culture, about women, about erary artistry and comic technique. The term "lai" courtly love, about philosophy and about social is applied to the small number of fabliaux, like change. The Lai also involves issues of power, Henri's, which rise above the more licentious vari• representation, speech and the senses. ety. Because of its literary qualities and its rela• tionship to courtly love, scholars have praised Hen• At first it appears deceptively simple but, upon ri's Lai. As Robert Bossuat has written: analysis, the poem becomes a web of tangled meanings and metaphors that mirror the complexity rhetorical one, for he was the medieval world's un• of the thirteenth century. Since the author deliber• rivalled master of rhetoric and logic. Excepting ately distanced his work from that of the impious Christ himself, Henri d'Andely could scarcely have jongleurs, he thereby established the basis for a se• chosen a more esteemed target. Aristotle—philoso• rious consideration of both form and content. pher, logician and scientist—had authored an intel• Mindful of this and of the care he invested in his lectual system that, through the centuries, became elegant phrases, we are encouraged to move beyond the support and vehicle for both medieval Christian the Lai's consideration as mere courtly burlesque. and Islamic Scholastic philosophy. Encyclopedic thinker, organizer and classifier, Aristotle's mind Here then, is a poem that demands to be expe• was the most revered of the Middle Ages. Dante rienced on several levels. Our first encounter, how• would later call him "the master of those who ever, should be with its most obvious level—that of know." the narrative. In the minds of medieval people, Aristotle's Alexander the Great, who has brought much of chief accomplishment was that he established the the world under Greek dominion, is camped with basis for logical thought; even though a pre- his armies on the banks of the Ganges in India. Christian, therefore a "pagan" philosopher, his Aristotle, the wise old philosopher, warns his pupil methods were accepted everywhere as the basis for Alexander about the dangers of love and convinces intellectual activity in Christian Europe. him to give up his beautiful mistress. (She is not named in the fabliau but later became known as Though it is unnecessary to address the broader Campaspe or Phyllis.) When she leams of Aris• range of Aristotle's philosophy here, several aspects totle's admonition to Alexander, Campaspe deter• of his thought are vital to an understanding of his mines to regain her lover and to seek revenge on choice and characterization in Henri's Lai. We can the old philosopher. She goes out into the garden see today that Aristotle understood the power of one morning, dressed in her loose chemise, long language and of science—that they were instru• blonde hair flowing down her back. She gathers ments for imposing structure upon nature.
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