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K. Dhanda Labor and Place in Barbados, Jamaica, and Trinidad

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K. Dhanda Labor and Place in Barbados, Jamaica, and Trinidad K. Dhanda Labor and place in Barbados, Jamaica, and Trinidad : a search for a comparative unified field theory revisited Comparative study of 3 Anglophone Caribbean islands looks at the dynamics of economic change and development from 1750 to 1900. Author underlines the interplay between human agency and large- and small-scale forces in these sugar colonies. She focuses on labor, path dependence, and place to investigate economic change. She concludes that differing sets of attitudes, ideas, and practices as well as the availability of land and land use determined economic results. In: New West Indian Guide/ Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 75 (2001), no: 3/4, Leiden, 229-256 This PDF-file was downloaded from http://www.kitlv-journals.nl Downloaded from Brill.com10/05/2021 06:36:04AM via free access KAREN S. DHANDA LABOR AND PLACE IN BARBADOS, JAMAICA, AND TRINIDAD: A SEARCH FOR A COMPARATIVE UNIFIED FIELD THEORY REVISITED Peter Boomgaard and Gert J. Oostindie (1989) provocatively argue that scholars analyzing the relationship between sugar, technology, and labor in the Caribbean between 1750 and 1900 may be asking the wrong questions, looking at the wrong "things," and establishing relationships that should not be made. For example, labor relations and configurations, and management attitudes and strategies changed considerably during this long time period; therefore, to assume that the planter elite was a conservative and restraining force in technological change may not be a valid assumption. Second, to begin with the premise that slavery as an institution was inherently in conflict with innovations also proves questionable. Furthermore, to argue that inno- vation, of and in itself, was automatically labor and cost efficiënt is simply not true. The switch to steam-driven milis processed cane more efficiently but required more fuel (dried cane stalks), more labor to fetch it, and more work- ers to cultivate more cane, transport it to milis, and feed it through the press- es. This innovation was labor intensifying. They conclude their argument by stating that there are many more variables that must be brought into the labor- technology equation: land, capital and credit, management strategies, market fluctuations, imperial economie politics, and global shifts in supply and demand. In Commentary: The Searchfora Unified Field Theory (1989), Michael Craton agrees that there is no simple equation. He states that "we are all sure- ly seeking the simplest possible key ... a kind of unified field theory," to explain the complex process of change (Craton 1989:135). Craton, however, moves beyond the debate. He states that it is not enough to seek similar pro- cesses in different places and over different time scales. It is important to ana- lyze how developments in one area lead to, or are related to, developments elsewhere and how they are related to global development. This comparative study of Barbados, Jamaica, and Trinidad is concerned with the dynamics of economie change and development. It emphasizes the interplay between New West Indian Guide/Nieuwe West-Indische Gids vol. 75 no.3&4 (2001):229-256 Downloaded from Brill.com10/05/2021 06:36:04AM via free access 230 KAREN S. DHANDA human agency and large- and small-scale forces in these three British West Indian sugar colonies. More specifically, it proposes that a labor, path depend- ence, and place dialectical strategy that centers the analysis around labor may hold a key for this complex analysis.1 This study proposes an overarching approach; however, it does not offer a simple equation. A search for a key to explain the complex process of change is an ongoing one. Although not a Caribbeanist, almost fifty years ago J. Carlyle Sitterson (1953) produced a fine analysis about sugar sector restructuring in Louisiana; and one that is not far removed from the recent works about the Cuban sugar sector is found in Rebecca J. Scott (1984, 1985). Sitterson explains how the transition to central factories was a gradual and difficult one of trial and error. In his argument, he also explains how external political and economie factors helped re-shape Louisiana's "Sugar Culture" and alter the landscape. After testing a variety of labor configurations, the society was rebuilt upon a labor mix comprised of a southern elite, Negro wage laborers and marginalized ten- ants. Scott (1985) writes that the central factory, surrounded by decentralized cane farms, emerged in Cuba at the same time that slavery was gradually being dismantled. Her work challenges that of Manuel Moreno Fraginals (1976) who postulated that a central factory system could only emerge in Cuba once slavery was abolished because slavery was incompatible with innovation. Scott demonstrates that the Cuban sugar sector rested upon a vari- ety of labor mixes during its transition period. For example, planters relied on slaves, Chinese indentured laborers, white woodcutters working under con- tract, black, white and mulatto wage workers, mostly white sharecroppers and cane farmers, and even convicts. Like Sitterson, Scott seeks to sort out some of the essential relationships that link together the growth of central factories, ordering of labor, and crea- tion of new classes. She, in turn, links those linkages to social, economie, political, and military pressures. Furthermore, Scott (1984) states that large- scale explanations and small-scale historical events can be linked. The key, however, is to establish the "right" linkages. Moreno Fraginals (1976) also contributes to this challenge, although his input is found elsewhere. He argues that planters modernized external strategies and variables but failed to mod- ernize internally. For him, sugar is not a product but an economie complex in which the components must keep in step with each other, certainly a difficult task that is entangled in multiple webs of linkages and flows. This comparative study of Barbados, Jamaica, and Trinidad is not specif- ically concerned with when the dismantling of slavery or the transition to cen- tral milling took place, although it does demonstrate how these three sugar colonies also reconstructed their labor mixes during periods of economie tran- 1. See, for example, Dhanda (2000) where I use this strategy in my analysis of labor and globalization in Trinidad. Downloaded from Brill.com10/05/2021 06:36:04AM via free access LABOR AND PLACE IN BARBADOS, JAMAICA, AND TRINIDAD 231 sition and how one did dismantle old milis and erect central factories. Instead, this study is concerned with sorting out the "right" types of linkages in order to analyze how each island responded differently to the postemancipation era and to intensifying globalization. There were many variables involved in the economie restructuring of these sugar colonies. Changes in imperial sugar politics were very important. Each island's physical characteristics, settlement and livelihood patterns, and atti- tudes of its people, however, affected how the island responded to shifts in British sugar policy. Imperial immigration policies and the local initiative in implementing these policies had an important impact on the nature of the labor regime. Sources of labor, labor control mechanisms, and labor response in- fluenced employer options. The flow of investment capital affected technolo- gical levels. In turn, the nature of the labor regime affected the technological modernization strategies of the sugar producers. Furthermore, changes in con- sumer demands for particular types of sugar influenced employer labor needs. These relationships were based on a dialectics of power: the struggle between labor and management and struggles between the imperial center and the West Indies periphery. How does one link together all of these elements? The approach proposed in this article is comprised of three components: labor, path dependence, and place. First, it follows the path of labor. The par- ticular labor mixes that were embedded over time in Barbados, Jamaica, and Trinidad were essential in constructing those island societies. For example, in the early postemancipation era, Barbados, Jamaica, and Trinidad each came to the same fork in the road and each made fateful choices. By successfully switching to an East Indian indentureship, Trinidad found a superior way out of its economie crisis. The island's "superior solution" inspired confidence and attracted money. Barbados found a far less costly solution to its post- emancipation economie crisis than Trinidad did, one that did not dramatical- ly change the ethnic composition of its population. Jamaica made other choices that were less satisfactory and less "rewarding." Second, by incorporating place and path dependence, it is possible to ana- lyze why a particular mechanism at work on all three islands had dramatical- ly different effects on each. John A. Agnew (1987:18,41-43) states that analy- sis should be grounded in concrete everyday life. He writes that behavior is intrinsically geographical and can only be explained with reference to the development of places within a world-economic historical-geographical per- spective. For him, place is where the universal meets the contextual, it bridges the gap between the "macroscale" and the "microscale" without subsuming one under the other. He states that it is in places that processes converge and that structures take concrete form. Relationships between causes and out- comes can be examined without expecting a universal outcome. Similar ele- ments found from place to place can produce many different outcomes in dif- ferent places because places and their histories are unique. In Barbados, Downloaded from Brill.com10/05/2021 06:36:04AM via free access 232 KAREN S. DHANDA Jamaica, and Trinidad large- and small-scale forces, structure and agency all converged but the outcomes were not the same. Path dependence means that history, accidents, chance, and human activity and decision making at the local level are important in structuring economie patterns. Patrick O'Brien (1996) claims that a path dependence approach can be used to analyze struc- tural transformations if positioned within Braudel's la longue durée.
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