Kobe Shoin Women’s University Repository

Title Sugae Masumi and Mining

Author(s) Richard A. Jambor

Citation 研究紀要（SHOIN REVIEW），第 40 号：1-16

Issue Date 1999

Resource Type Bulletin Paper / 紀要論文

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Sugae Masumi and Mining

by Richard A. Jambor

Sugae Masumi (1754 1829) left his home near Toyohashi in 1783 to travel through northern and Hokkaido intending to publish the accounts of his travels on his return. Unfortunately, he died many years later in Akita without ever having published anything. After his death, however, historians and folklorists have come to recognize the value of his diaries, which are often beautifully illustrated, essays, and other writings. Besides containing descriptions of those he met and places he went to, his works touch on many aspects of the customs and beliefs held by those living in northern during the . They also have some understated accounts of the adventurous trips he took, such as the one through the deep snows of Aomori for no ap- parent reason other than to see a waterfall that he had heard about.' This paper examines Masumi's writings about the mines he visited during his trav- els. Although his descriptions do not take up much space in his collected works, they do provide some information about mining during the Edo Period and serve as a kind of springboard to more complete knowledge.

Mining in Preindustrial Japan

From early in their history, the Japanese have searched for the metals hidden in their mountainous archipelago. The statue of the Great Buddha in TOdaiji was cast from metals excavated in the mines of northern Japan in the early part of the eighth century. In fact, Masumi looked for the mine that first sent gold to the capital in Nara. Later, the Fujiwara Clan of Hiraizumi ruled for a period over an area that contained abundant sources of precious minerals. Prior to the sixteenth century, Japanese miners panned for gold or silver in rivers.

1 The violence of the Warring States Period increased the need for these metals.The vari- ous warlords needed them to pay their warriors and to buy supplies. When Kamiya Jun- tei, a Hakata merchant, discovered a rich silver lode at Iwami in Shimane Prefecture in 1526, he joined this silver rush, bringing skilled workers with him. The process that they used, introduced to Japan from Korea, simplified the extraction of gold and silver from the ore excavated in the mines. This process soon spread throughout Japan and was employed at the rich mines on Sado Island, and those at Ikuno in Hyogo and Innai in Akita. At this time, too, European traders were entering the Asian markets. The Portu- guese were the first to do so, serving as middlemen who shipped silver from Japan to China and Korea. There they exchanged the silver for silk and cotton to be sold in Ja- pan. Later, Spain, England, and Holland also took part in this profitable trade. After Toyotomi Hideyoshi unified Japan, he regarded the most important mines as important sources of revenue and placed them under his direct control. When he came to power, continued this policy. Both rulers, however, later relented and allowed some mines to be controlled by feudal lords. The minerals dug from the mines were turned into coins, which were circulated by the merchants and craftsmen in the castle towns or exported. Ieyasu made the Satake Han move from their fief in Hitachi to Akita in 1602 be- cause they had not joined his forces at the . When they arrived in their new domain, the Satake found their fortunes greatly reduced. The mines there, along with the abundant forests, were two of their chief sources of revenue. Two mines in the Satake Han stand out. The mines at Innai were rich in silver. In fact, if the mines on Sado island were the richest ones during the Edo Period, Innai, along with those at Iwami and Ikuno, would stand next in rank, The Ani mines were also important. Gold had been mined there since the eighth century, but the Ani mines mainly produced cop- per during the Edo Period. In fact, they were responsible for thirty-eight per cent of the copper that the Shogunate exported from Nagasaki to the Far Eastern markets at this time.

2 The Satake Han managed its mines in one of two ways. In the first, the Han di-

rectly controlled the mines, which were called jikiyama. In the second, the Han leased out the mines to brokers or yanrashi, with the mines being called ukeyama. Both cases required skilled workers.'

Masumi at Innai

From November 1784 to the following April, Sugae Masumi was in the Satake Han, having been forced to stay in Yuzawa by the severe winter weather. When spring came, he visited the Innai mines before resuming his travels. Like other mines, the one at Innai had a "boom or bust" pattern, with a population that fluctuated, according to the amount of silver or gold being produced. At one time, more people were living in Innai than in Kubota, the Han's castle town, (now known as Akita City). To illustrate the changes in population : in 1612 Innai is estimated to have had a population of from eight to twenty thousand people. That same year the mines produced more than 5,000 kan (18, 750kg.). By 1773, however, there were only eleven hundred people in Innai. Although there is no figure for how much silver was produced that year, it must have been low since the mines produced only slightly more than twenty-eight kan(105kg .) the following year.' With this in mind, let us look at Masumi's description of the visit he made to the mines there on April 15, 1785, from his diary One no Furusato .

A cuckoo called from in the valley and deutzia were blooming. I climbed a

slope, on the left of which a stream was flowing down from the forest above . The

statue of Amida Buddha is said to be the same type as the one in the provincial

capital of Ise. There was still some snow left at the foot of the mountain , and it was cold walking.

When I asked about how the mine began, someone told me , "Many warriors

died when lshida Mitsunari was defeated at the battle of Sekigahara . Three among

them, Hayashi Jirozaemon of Ise, Watanabe Katsuzaemon of Aizuwakamatsu, and

3 Ishiyama DenjO of Dewa, escaped and visited kinsman in Ishiyama of Ono Vil- lage, Ogachi County. They laid low there, living as miners and panning for gold. Someone named Muryama Shuhe had a dream in which a god told him of a gold mine. When he crossed Mt. Nagakura and entered a deep valley, it looked exactly like what he had seen in his dream. Having told others about this important divine message, he brought many miners with him and began digging for silver in the Tenth Year of KeichO (1605). " The valley echoed with the sound of metal hammers breaking the stones and taking out the silver. The workers were putting sand on boards and shaking them again and again. This is how they must do it in Nasu. A great number of women were singing together the zaru age bushi as they put the pieces of broken rock in bamboo strainers and lifted them from the water. The pits where the silver is being mined are called shiki . I wonder how far down they go. They are very dark, and clear water was gushing out from between the rocks.' Rights were not granted to include this image in electronic media. Please refer to the printed journal.

Fig.1 Women working at the Mt. Kago refinery.

Masumi's description, which contains only about nine hundred characters in the original Japanese, is quite short. The river mentioned in it was formerly known as the

Katsura River, but now is called the Innai River. The women were working outside the pits because there was a taboo that forbade their descending into them. Unfortunately,

4 he neither wrote down the words of the women's song nor described their work in suf- ficient detail to enable readers to visualize it. Unlike many of his other efforts, Masumi did not illustrate this scene. (Many years later, however, he did paint the lnnai mines in a topographical work (chishi), but without any further explanation.) A painting depicting women working at the Mt. Kago refinery helps here. After placing them in mortars (usu ), the women pounded the stones by treading on boards which had stone pestles attached to their ends (fig. 1). Once the stones were crushed,

the women put them in baskets and washed them in a stream so that the lighter, worth- less material would float to the top and be carried away. Also, given the severity of the winters at Innai (note how Masumi describes being cold on that April day) the women must have worked indoors. Did the stream flow through the building at Innai as at Mt. Kago? Did Masumi himself enter the mines? His description takes so much for granted! Anyone going there would probably have seen what he did." However, the mines were fenced off, with a guardhouse (bansho) that checked on those seeking admittance or leaving the site. Only those employed or having some busi- ness in the mines were allowed in. Since not anyone would have been allowed entry to the mines, how did Masumi gain admittance? This is another point missing from Masumi's description of his visit. How, then, did he manage to get in? To find that out we must look at the following information, which was not included in his description. When Masumi wintered in Yuzawa, he stayed with a tinker (ikakeshi), who intro- duced Masumi to someone named Yamada, the father or elder brother of a leading Akita swordsmith. This Yamada then introduced Masumi to Shinzaki Hajime from the castle town of Kubota (now Akita City). The latter must have been a person of some importance, since it appears that Masumi was allowed to visit the Innai mines as a re- sult of Shinzaki's help. Was the "someone"who told Masumi about the discovery of the Innai silver lode this same Shinzaki? Did he also serve as Masumi's guide? We do not know the answer to these questions. Incidentally, there is one more interesting bit of information concerning Masumi and the Yamada mentioned above. Thirty-eight years later, when Masumi was writing

5 down the names of those to be remembered in his New Year prayers, the only person from Akita whom he listed was this same Yamada. Does this not show how important

Masumi regarded this relationship?' In summary, it seems fair to say that Masumi's description of his visit to Innai is too brief to provide much information about the work done in the mines there. Also, for some reason, he deliberately omitted some infomation about his entry to the mines. Did he simply take this for granted?

The Mines at Ani

Following his visit to the Innai mines, Masumi visited those at Ani in June of the same year (1785). His sketch book Funponko contains a drawing of the mines there with the following description (fig. 2) : Copper is being mined at the place called Mt. Ani in the country of Dewa.

The pits where the ore is excavated are called shiki. Those who do the mining are called daiku , and the rocks are taken out of the mines in baskets called ebu .

Breaking the rocks and extracting the metals is known as karamu to monoshi.

(The miners) enter the mines carrying torches made of dried bamboo (karetaru take). Water always flows from the pits. People here make a living by mining. For

example, travelers who sometimes come here and even those from nearby villages are strictly examined at a guardhouse (bansho) at the entrance, and have to carry

their swords in their hands. This is the custom of the mines. I wonder why they do this?'

In comparison with Masumi's description of the Innai mines, this sketch and text reveal a great deal more about the conditions at the Ani mines and others in Japan at the

time. First, there is the fence and the guardhouse in the lower right-hand corner, men-

tioned before. The simply drawn figures represent miners, the entrance of one pit is vis- ible, and the smoke rising above the huts on the mountainside must come from the re-

fining of the copper.

6 Rights were not granted to include this image in electronic media. Please refer to the printed journal.

Fig.2 Masumi's sketch of a mine at Ani.

His mention of the "custom of the mines" is particularly interesting. This refers to the rules that governed miners and their communities, which were different from those that applied in feudal Japan. Notice that Masumi does not go into detail about them.

Since the mines' sole purpose was the excavation and refining of minerals, financial considerations were considered more important there than the restraints imposed else- where in Japanese society. To get the work done, the miners had to be relatively free of the feudal restrictions that held true for the rest of Japan.

Of course, the mining communities had rules, and these were set down in the so- called "Tokugawa Rules" which applied to mining communities all over Japan. Let us

7 look at a few of them. For example, travel restrictions were relaxed for miners. They were allowed to freely pass through the barriers (sekisho) set up at various places if they could show proof of their profession. Again, they were to be provided with shelter while traveling from one job to another when caught outside at nightfall. Thus, to name only a few , skilled workers from as far away as Ise, Harima, Kfi, Satsuma, were living in Innai as early as 1617. Also, prospectors (yamasaki) and mine brokers (yamashi) were treated the same as wandering samurai (ronin), and thus were permitted to pos- sess a surname and carry a sword. Except in cases of parricide or the murder of their master, miners accused of a crime could find sanctuary in the mining community, much as the accused had done in the cathedrals of medieval Europe. These are a few of the fifty-three rules which applied to those working in the mines. The rulers also feared that farmers might try to escape the restrictions imposed upon them and work in the mines, which was another reason for having a clear demarcation between mining and farming communities. And so the towns which grew up around the mines had good-sized populations, especially when times were good. These towns were divided into two parts : one con- taining the mines and the miners' residences (yamakoya), and another set aside for craftsmen and merchants (shimomachi). Mining communuties contained shops, tem- ples, shrines, bathhouses, and theaters. There was also a pleasure quarters since many miners were unmarried. The guardhouse that stood between the two sections served as a kind of customs house, collecting the ten per cent tax (jabun no ichi) levied by the Han on all goods that were sold in the yamakoya. The Satake Han controlled the sale of rice and lead (essential for refining), charging higher prices than was usual for them. Hence, the mines and the communities that formed around them proved to be a great source of revenue for the Satake Han, not only because of the minerals found there, but also because of the taxes levied on goods and the monopoly that the Han had on the sale of necessities.'

8 The Mines at Daira

Masumi spent several years in Hokkaido. When he returned to Honshu, he worked in Tsugaru (present-day Aomori Prefecture) gathering medicinal plants for the Han's herbal garden. As usual, his curiosity led him to look around, perhaps more than was wise, for just as companies today try to keep their commercial processes secret, so did the various Han shield their domains from prying eyes. For this reason, apparently, the Tsugaru authorities suspected Masumi of spying and placed him under house arrest, confiscating several of the diaries he had written while in their territory. Was he just guilty of knowing too much? After his release, Masumi went to Akita. He was now forty-nine. There he headed for the Daira Mines in the Satake Han. These lay on one side of the mountains that bor- dered the Tsugaru Han on the other side. He visited these mines twice in 1802, spend- ing a month the first time, and only a few days the second. His first visit concerns us here. When I went to Daira recently, I traveled on a narrow dirt road leading into a val- ley squeezed between the Fujikoto River on one side and mountains on the other. This did not give our driver any margin for error. Of course, one difference between Masumi's trip and mine is that he had to go on foot while I went by car. Another differ- ence is that forests cover the mountains, for forestry, not mining, provides employment here nowadays. One of Masumi's paintings of this valley shows the mountainsides de- nuded of their forests. In fact, Masumi's diary tells how the forests were cut down to make the charcoal used in the refining process.

Mt. Jurokukan soars up from the riverbank. There is a but on this rocky

mountain (for those who) cut down the trees and make the large pieces of char-

coal. I was told that they burn the cut and discarded twigs and branches for the smaller pieces of charcoal. We took a path made by the woodsmen, which was as

crooked as a lightning bolt in a painting. There were charcoal kilns here and there.

9 Thus, the woodsmen fell the trees in the mountains for charcoal, and when hardly any trees remain, they burn the roots and clear them away to make fields in which to grow millet, build houses, and make a village... At Mt. Daira they carry baskets with sixteen kan (66 kgs.) of black refined lead on their backs which they load on the boats that go down the Fujikoto River to the port of Noshiro.9 Here, he also indicates how mountain settlements were born. Note how Masumi also shows how Mt. Jarokukan derived its name from the heavy loads carried by work- ers to the boats. After meeting the operator of the mine, Masumi stayed at a house be- longing to a physician named Yamada. Was he a relative of the Yamada whom Masumi had met in Yuzawa? The following day (April 13), Masumi walked around the site, where he saw a large number of people working at the smelter. Once again, the women were singing as they worked, some song, the words of which went, "It's good to hear the noise made by the machine and the river." The machine spoken of here was the bellows used in the refining process. As was customary, he found a shrine to the mountain god (yama no kami) and another to the Physician of Souls (yaktishiji). There also was a shrine to the fire god (atago) on top of a tall mountain on the opposite side of the river. All of these were deities that protected those working there. Masumi then noted the names given to the different mines and how they varied in size, some being eight feet tall and six feet wide, while others were smaller. The mountainside had so many holes in it that Masumi compared it to a beehive. Two days later, he went to look at the mines on Mt. Yabitsu, which was part of the Daira mining area. After passing through the guardhouse at its entrance, he climbed the steep mountainside, where he found anywhere from six to seven hundred pits, once again noting their various sizes, as well as the smoke that came out from the openings,

produced by the bamboo torches that were used to light their interiors. As mentioned before, Mt. Yabitsu has been reforested. Our guide stopped his jeep on a logging road and pointed to where the mines had been, telling us that we were at the site of the Mt. Yabitsu mines, six hundred meters above the valley. Then he took us

10 through the woods to the entrance of a mine and where some gravestones lay hidden among the trees that now cover the mountainside. To think that Masumi had climbed all the way up here just to see the miners at work!

The Dangers of Mining

We have looked at Masumi's descriptions of three mines and the work done at them, but what does he have to tell us about the hard life of the miners themselves? Af- ter all, mining has always been a dangerous occupation. He twice alludes to this topic, but it does not appear that he went out of his way to do so. After all, he was not a modern journalist, exposing the ills of the day. Instead, he put down what he saw and heard, letting his readers draw their own conclusions. The first time that he refers to these dangers occurs in 1795 when Masumi was traveling with some companions, hunting for medicinal plants in the mountains around Mt. Shirakami. There they came upon an abandoned mine that had belonged to the group of mines located near Mt. Oppu in Aomori Prefecture. As early as the ninth cen- tury, copper had been mined there and sent to the ancient capital of Nara for the casting of the Great Buddha and the bells in Todaiji. Later, three thousand people would be en- gaged in mining there in the seventeenth century. Masumi gives no name to the mine he came upon, but it was abandoned, thus showing the fate that sooner or later befalls all mines : once the minerals have been taken out, the miners move on. Masumi notes what had been left behind : partially de- stroyed suspension bridges over a mountain torrent, crumbling houses, crammed to- gether on the rocky mountain along with smelters, bellows, and a large pile of slag. Leaving the site which he and his companions had so much trouble getting to, he real- ized that no one would ever have come to this spot except for the precious minerals found in the earth there. 1I That night, he stayed in a broken down woodsmen's hut. The next morning, one of his companions was ashen faced as he told Masumi, "I dreamed about the manzoku. It was coming to get me. Oh, what a dreadful mountain this is!" And another of the

11 men said that he, too, had dreamed of the manzoku. Masumi must have looked puzzled, for his companions explained that, ten years before, there was a guard house (sekisho) and houses filled with people around there. Many miners had died at their work, and

their graves lay all around the but where they had spent the night. The manzoku, then, were the ghosts of those who had perished in the mines there.

The next time Masumi draws attention to the hardships of mining appears in his diary Suzuki no ldeyu, written ten years after the experience described above. This time

he was visiting the gold mine at Mt. Okuzo. Here he learns that.

Mines (yama) have various customs and rules. This gold mine especially has

many customs which are different from those of other mines. No matter where they are, those who are miners become sick due to the smoke in the mines, and

their lives are short, with few of them reaching the age of forty-two. As the custom

of this place (kuni), both rich and poor usually celebrate the critical age (yaku- doshi) at forty-two, but they tell me that miners celebrate when they are thirty-

two, as if they were forty-two.'

Of course, the miners' wives were also affected, and so Masumi could not restrain

his tears when he was told that, since the husbands died at such an early age, many of the women married seven or eight times before they became old.

As can be imagined, miners died from many causes. Accidents like cave-ins took

lives. The dust from the drilling and the smoke from the bamboo torches used for light affected the miners'lungs, causing silicosis or yoroke. In 1785 the physican-author

Tachibana Nankei was in Akita, at almost the same time as Masumi. He was eager to see the mines at Ani and even go down into one. He was told that the miners carried

seashells filled with lighted oil to find their way in the darkness. As they descended, the amount of oxygen decreased, and when the oil stopped burning, they had to hurry back

to the entrance or suffocate. Tachibana did not visit Ani, citing as his reasons the dis- tance from the castle town and the lack of accommodations along the way. I wonder,

12 however, if the real reason that kept him from going to Ani was the fear of what might happen to him if he were to descend into one of the caves.

An Omission

On March 10, 1802, just eight days before his visit to the Daira mines, Masumi climbed Mt. Kago, a place where the Fujikoto and Ani Rivers merge with the Yone- shiro River, which then continues on to the port city of Noshiro. Here is how he de- scribes the surrounding scenery.

From noon, I wanted to climb to Mt. Takiwa, and led by a guide whom I had

requested, we made our way on the left of a place called Koizawa. As I stood half-

way up Mt. Kago and looked around me, I found the splendid sight of nearby Mt.

Nanakura and the mountains, both near and far, along the river, too beautiful for

words."

There is a striking omission here, for Masumi's description leaves out something that must have been a conspicuous part of the landscape, viz., the refinery at the foot of

Mt. Kago.

The refinery started this way. In 1774, the Satake Han asked the Shogunate for help in improving the refineries at its mines. As a result, the Shogunate sent Hiraga

Gennai and Yoshida Rihei, both skilled in the latest refining methods, to act as advisors in this matter and provide some help, but not to divulge the latest processes; in other words, not to provide the actual help being sought, since it wanted all the copper ore sent to its refineries at . When the Satake Han realized that it had not been taught the best methods, it prevailed upon someone who ran a refinery in Osaka to build a new refinery with the latest methods, in return for favors it had granted him in the past. He agreed and the refinery at the foot of Mt. Kago was built the same year.

The site was ideally situated. Boats carried copper from the mines on the Ani

River to Mt. Kago, while others filled with lead from the Daira mines came down the

13 Fujikoto River. Both cargoes were unloaded below Mt. Kago, where the newest refin- ing process (nanbanbuki) had been installed (thanks to that Osaka refiner) to refine the silver and copper. The Satake Han minted its coins here. And the refinery stayed in op- eration until 1894. The picture shown here was printed to commemorate the refinery's closing (fig.3). If the site looked like this one hundred years earlier, why did not Masumi mention it in his description of the scenery around Mt. Kago? Was it because the Satake Han wanted this refinery kept secret from the Shogunate? And was Masumi afraid that if he "knew too much," he would get into trouble with the Satake Han just as he had with the Tsugaru Han?

Rights were not granted to include this image in electronic media. Please refer to the printed journal.

Fig.3 A painting to commemorate the one hundredth anniversary of the Mt. Kago refinery.

Conclusion

It is surely unfair to expect Sugae Masumi to provide a "textbook approach" to mining in the Edo Period, for that does not seem to have been his aim. He did not set out to write a study of mining life. Besides, his writings simply do not contain enough

14 infomation about mining, which appears only rarely in his diaries. In fact, he might be said to have skipped over it quite lightly. Else why would someone who spent some time in Ani, a very important mining area, or a month at the Daira mines, have written so little about both these places? Or omitted discussing the refinery at Mt. Kago? Cer- tainly, if compared to Hiraga Gennai, Masumi appears as an observer rather than as a participant in the mining process. In short, he was definitely not a yamashi . As I read what Masumi wrote about mines, I often wondered if he had ever entered one himself? Given the jealous way in which entry to the mines was guarded, this might have been impossible. However, I found that what Masumi wrote about mining stimulated my interest. This, I believe, is the particular value of his writings. By opening a window on his time, Masumi invites his readers to follow him. In doing so, they are forced to supplement Masumi's laconic accounts with further study on their own. Best of all, Masumi reveals the lives of ordinary Japanese, far from the cultural centers of the age, to his readers several hundred years later. These are reasons enough to justify following Masumi through that window back to the past.

Note

Many thanks to the following members of the Sugae Masumi Kenkyu Kai who know so much about Masumi and generously provided me with time, knowledge, transportation, and hospitality : Ito Tokuji, Ishioka Kyoji, Kona ShOichirO, and Taguchi Masaki. Also thanks to Watanabe Kazuo, who guided me around the Innai Mines. The opinions expressed are my own.

15 Reference

1. For a résumé of Masumi's life and work, see : Taguchi Masaki, Sugae Masumi. (Akita : Akita Bunka, 1988) pp. 15-48. Ueda Hachi, "Sugae Masumi : Hakubutsugakuteki Kyoyo no Haikei to Tabi," (Akita Daigaku Geijutsugakubu Kenkyu Kiyo, March 1966, No. 16. 2 Kuniyasu Hiroshi, Kinsei no Akita (Akita : Sakigakeshinsyo, 1991), pp. 93-105. Misawa Junichiro et al., (Kagayaki Futatabi Iwami Ginzan (Matsue : Sanin Chuo ShinshOsha, 1998) pp. 43-69. Imamura keiji, Sengoku Kinzan Densetsu o Horu (Tokyo : Heibonsha, 1997) pp. 93-105.

3 • Watanabe Kazuo, Innai Ginzan Kenkyushi (Ogachi:Kuribun Shoji, 1996) pp. 51-61.

4 • Sugae Masumi, Yuranki, Vol. 1 (Tokyo : Heibonsha, 1989) pp. 135-136. Watanabe Kazuo, "Sugae Masumi Innai Ginzan,"Kaiho March 25, No. 7, p. 4.

5. Found in Ito Tokuji, Ito YoichirO, Hatakeyama Takao, Kagoyama Seirenjo (Fu- tatsui Machi : Kuc) Press, 1995). 6. Kong) Sheichire, "Sugae Masumi to KOzan," Sugae Masumi Kenkyu, No. 18, February 1990, pp. 3-4. 7 Sugae Masumi, Zenshil, Vol. 9. (Tokyo : Miraisha, 1988) p. 47 and p. 433.

8 • Imamura, pp. 263-273. Watanabe, pp. 37-41. 9. Sugae Masumi, Yuranki, Vol. 4, pp. 46-49. 10, Shinagawa Chihiro, "Oppu Kozan-Hanzaisei o Sasaeru Jiiye Shigen,"Edo Jidai Hitozukuri Fudoki (Tokyo : Nobunko, 1992), pp. 123-129.

11 Sugae Masumi, Yuranki, Vol.3, pp. 285-286.

12 Sugae Masumi, Yuranki, Vol.3, pp. 99-101.

13 Tachibana Nankei. Tozai Yuki, Vol. 1 (Tokyo : Heibonsha, 1992), pp. 190-191. Also, Watanabe Kazuo, Innai Ginzan KenkyOshi, pp. 140-146.

14. Sugae Masumi, Yuranki, 4. p. 91.

15. Ito et al., pp. 363-371.

16