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The President and Fellows of Harvard College The President and Fellows of Harvard College Echoes of Poltava: Trials of Mazepists and Mazepism in Eighteenth-Century Ukraine Author(s): Andrii Bovgyria Source: Harvard Ukrainian Studies, Vol. 31, No. 1/4, POLTAVA 1709: THE BATTLE AND THE MYTH (2009-2010), pp. 521-534 Published by: Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41756513 Accessed: 14-04-2015 01:34 UTC Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute and The President and Fellows of Harvard College are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Harvard Ukrainian Studies. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 128.42.202.150 on Tue, 14 Apr 2015 01:34:07 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Echoes of Poltava: Trials of Mazepists and Mazepism in Eighteenth-Century Ukraine Andrii Bovgyria In political and scholarly discourse theterms Mazepists (mazepyntsi ) and Mazepism (mazepynstvo ) are rootedin HetmánIvan Mazepa's decision to allyhimself with the Swedish king, Charles XII. Theseterms, which refer to theUkrainian separatist movement in theRussian Empire, acquired a broader significancein thenineteenth and twentiethcenturies. Depending on theideo- logicalcontext, they assumed a symboliccontent indicating either treachery and treasonor heroicaction and thestruggle for independence. The designa- tion of Mazepist was appliedto any individualwho had participatedeither directlyor indirectlyin Mazepa's cooperationwith the Swedes, or to one who expressedsympathy with the hetmánat anytime after the eventsof 1708-9. Suchindividuals were regarded as particularlyinfamous criminals of the state, and theirdeeds fellunder the categoryof the "sovereignsword and deed" (slovoi délo Gosudarevo).The Russianimperial government kept a vigilant watchover any separatist tendencies in the Hetmanate,and throughoutthe eighteenthcentury anything even remotelyassociated with Hetmán Mazepa was carefullymonitored by the authorities. In Russiancourt practices of the time, unlawful actions against the monarch, whopersonified not only power but the state as a whole,were regarded as state crimes.Therefore, physical or verbalacts directedagainst the monarch were consideredespecially heinous and werepunishable by torture,bodily harm, permanentexile, or capital punishment. Rules and regulationsregarding crimes committedagainst the monarch are clearly proscribed in the1649 Ulozhenie of TsarAleksei Mikhailovich, which was based on theSudebnik of Ivan III (1497)» theSudebnik of 1550,and the decisionsof the StoglavCouncil of 1553.In all thesecodices the categoryof crimesagainst a monarchis clearlyforbidden. Thus,nine chapters of Ulozhenieare devotedto thisvery question.1 The conceptof offenseagainst the monarchgained wide currencyduring the reignsof Ivan IV and Boris Godunov,and the Time of Troubles.2It was duringthe Time of Troublesthat the legal categoryof the "sovereign'sword This content downloaded from 128.42.202.150 on Tue, 14 Apr 2015 01:34:07 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 522 BOVGYRIA and deed,"under which fell particularly serious state crimes, including those directedagainst the monarch, was finallyestablished. Deciding such cases was the monarch'sprerogative. The subsequentlegal formulationof this concept was connectedto thestrengthening ofthe tsar's absolute power and theneces- sityto sacralizehis person. Thus, the tsarist authorities reacted brutally toward anymanifestations of opposition to them.3 The gradationof crimes against the state followed this order: crimes against thechurch, crimes against the tsar, and crimesagainst the state government. Crimesagainst the personof the tsar (categorizedas the "sovereign'sword and deed") were furthersubdivided into three categories: (1) rebellionand treason;(2) "abusivewords against the sovereign"; and (3) zemskaiaizmena - the surrenderof a cityto the enemyduring a siege,the transferof territory, and so on.4 A similargradation of state crimes was stillin place in theearly eighteenth century.By adopting new legal acts governing the investigation of state crimes, PeterI simplyadvanced a legal basis forthe conceptof crimesagainst the state.The mostimportant of these legal acts was theMilitary Statute ( Voinskii ustav)of 1716, which incorporated "Military Articles" and a "BriefOutline of TrialProcedures." Civilians were subject to militaryregulations since offenses againstthe monarch,who was seen as a sacred ruler,were also viewed as insubordinationto theruler, who was thesupreme military commander.5 The Europeanmodel was adoptedas thebasis ofthese legal documents, in particulara set of similarmilitary articles that existed in Sweden,Denmark, Brandenburg,and Holland. Theywere formulatedduring the ThirtyYears' War (1618-48)in orderto maintaindiscipline among troops and protectcivil populationsfrom the highhandedness of soldiers;6 the ordonances of the French kingsalso influencedthe formulation of these codes. In seventeenth-century Europeanlegal practice,so-called contentious legal proceedings,marked by opennessand the participationof witnesses and an advocate,were gradually eliminatedand replacedby secretinquisitions, which included the wide use oftorture.7 Peter'sdecree of 25 January1715 emphasizes the highest category of crimes "accordingto threepoints," in which,unlike the Sobornoe ulozhenie of 1649, "maliciousintention against the Personof His Majesty"{zloi umyselprotivu PersonyEgo Velichestva)occupies firstplace.8 This was followedby points concerningrebellion and lootingof the state treasury.9 The accusationslisted inthe first two points were viewed as particularlygrave, and theformula "word and deed"was appliedspecifically to them;this action instantly placed the key figuresin a trialon an exclusivelylegal plane. In accordancewith the Sobornoe ulozhenie of 1649,Mazepa's defectionto the side of CharlesXII qualifiedas hightreason ( bol'shaia izmena) because it involvedthe removalof a major territoryfrom the sovereignrule of the This content downloaded from 128.42.202.150 on Tue, 14 Apr 2015 01:34:07 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions TRIALSOF MAZEPISTSAND MAZEPISM 523 Russianmonarch.10 The Ukrainianhetmans of the seventeenth and eighteenth centurieswere consideredthe exact counterpartsof the fifteenth-century princesand boyars,vassals (gosudarevy kholopy) whose disengagement from subordinationto thetsar, along with their lands, was perceivedas "thievery" (vorovstvo)and "treason."Consequently, imperial institutions of political inves- tigationdevoted particularly diligent attention to Mazepismand to everything connectedwith it. The implementationof legal proceedings against Mazepa's supporters took place in keepingwith the Sobornoe ulozhenie , and was influencedby the cir- cumstancesof wartime and the personalstance of Peter,who viewedall-out terroras the principalmethod of dealingwith the Hetmanate.Hence, it is doubtfulthat the organizersand executorsof trialsagainst Mazepists were guidedsolely by their knowledge of jurisdiction pertaining to thisquestion and theapplication of legal norms. The followingpopular principle often came in handy:"A personal confession is thebest testimony in the world."11 Confessions werefrequently extracted by torture. Since investigations and trialprocedures took place behindclosed doors,the arbitrarinessdemonstrated by officials involvedin these processeswas oftengrounded in the principleespoused by PrinceFedor Romodanovskii,head of the PreobrazhenskiiDepartment: "Torturethem until they croak or confess."12Thus, defendants often did not liveto see theoutcome of their trial. Peter often took part in investigationsand torturesessions. One interrogationreport contains a phrasethat describes the behaviorof the tsar and his favorite,Grigorii Romodanovskii: "On whichever daythe Great Sovereign and thestol'nik, Romodanovskii, drink some blood, thatday they are merry,but when they do not drink[blood] then even bread does notgo downwell."13 The mechanismof implementing the legal procedures involving "word and deed"crimes merits special attention. The mosttypical investigative procedure beganwith a denunciation.The denouncer served as themain eyewitness of the crime.The mostproximate legal authority (on thelevel of company, regiment or thecity), first considered the accusation.14 The maintask at thisstage was to establishthe veracity of the denunciationand, consequently, the importance and categoryof the case. In themajority of cases, institutions of the Hetmanate examinedcases in relationto the so-called "untruthful/falseutterances of wordand deed,"in whichthe denouncerinitially declared that someone had violatedthe "sovereign's word and deed" and afterwardrepudiated his words, usingthe argumentof weak-mindednessor drunkenness.According to the legal practicesof the timea "falseword or deed" was interpretedas a crime, butit did notentail severe punishment. The accusedwas sentencedto a beat- ingwith whips in order"to instillfear in others,so thatin futurethey would notdo sucha thing."In themajority of such cases, the verdict contained
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