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Women and Girls in the Post-Stalin Komsomol

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Women and Girls in the Post-Stalin Komsomol This is a repository copy of Women and Girls in the Post-Stalin Komsomol. White Rose Research Online URL for this paper: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/105145/ Version: Accepted Version Book Section: Hornsby, RA (2018) Women and Girls in the Post-Stalin Komsomol. In: Ilic, M, (ed.) The Palgrave Handbook on Women and Gender in Twentieth-Century Russia and the Soviet Union. Palgrave Macmillan , London , pp. 285-298. ISBN 9781137549044 https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-54905-1_19 © The Author(s) 2018. This is an author produced chapter of a work published in Ilic, Melanie (editor), The Palgrave Handbook of Women and Gender in Twentieth-Century Russia and the Soviet Union, 2018, Palgrave Macmillan, reproduced with permission of Palgrave Macmillan. This extract is taken from the author's original manuscript and has not been edited. The definitive, published, version of record is available here: https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-54905-1_19. 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[email protected] https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/ Women and Girls in the Post-Stalin Komsomol Robert Hornsby During the period between the death of Stalin in 1953 and the coming to power of Mikhail Gorbachev in 1985, around half of all young people aged between 14 and 28 years passed through the ranks of the Komsomol (Communist Youth League). Across the Soviet Union as a whole, over half of all Komsomol members during the years in question were female. While this was undoubtedly an organisation that showed very limited political agency, since it always remained in thrall to the dictates of the Communist Party, Komsomol membership was an experience – and often a formative experience at that – shared by tens of millions of girls and young women. One can certainly debate the extent to which the Komsomol fulfilled its basic task of raising successive generations to be upstanding citizens and dedicated Marxist-Leninists, but this was nonetheless a key point at which members most closely interacted with, and participated in, the workings of the Soviet system, whether or not they did so with relish. It has long been established in the secondary literature that the Khrushchev years in particular were a time in which female social and political activism received renewed encouragement and prominence.1 The repeal of Stalin-era legislation curtailing abortion rights and reducing absent fathers’ child maintenance obligations were 1 See, for example, M. Ilic, ‘Women in the Khrushchev Era: an Overview’, in M. Ilic, S. Reid and L. Attwood (eds), Women in the Khrushchev Era, Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2004, p. 17. 1 naturally matters which displayed changing state attitudes toward at least some issues affecting young women. Similarly, the expanded production of domestic labour- saving devices and greater attentiveness to female consumer desires became notable features of daily life.2 Nonetheless, for all that young women constituted a slight majority of the Komsomol’s membership roll – and were often among its most dedicated activists – this was an organisation that tended not to think about specific gender matters any more by the post-Stalin years.3 While its Central Committee had specialised departments for work with rural youth, student youth, school-age youth, and all manner of other youth constituencies within society, there was no permanent body focused solely or primarily on female affairs within the Komsomol structure, and there were few directives or initiatives explicitly aimed at matters relating to either gender in particular (though myriad actions relating to military conscription and the like were in practice ‘for the boys’). While it was never really occupied with advocating specifically ‘female’ causes on behalf of its 2 Natal’ya Lebina, for example, notes the development of synthetic fabrics, dry cleaning establishments, cosmetics products and pre-prepared meals as themes which had a positive impact on Soviet women’s lives during the period: N. Lebina, Povsednevnost’ epokhi kosmosa i kukuruzy: destruktsiya bol’shogo stilya, 1960-60 gody, Moscow: Kriga, 2015. 3 The early post-revolution years, however, had seen the Komsomol placing great emphasis on the need to work for women’s enlightenment, viewing them as ‘the most backward element’ of society. See N. Noonan and C. Nechemias (eds), Encyclopedia of Russian Women’s Movements, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 2001, p. 145. 2 members, the Komsomol nonetheless did serve as the prime route for both girls and boys (or men and women) alike to ‘get on’ in the Soviet system: to enter university and receive a good stipend, participate in all manner of recreational activities, build a career, and maybe even join the Communist Party. This chapter focuses on the extent to which female members ‘got on’ within the Komsomol. It firstly addresses the theme of women as senior Komsomol post holders, from the secretaries of district-level organisations through to membership of the Central Committee in Moscow, and then at the grassroots level. As the following pages demonstrate, there were aspects of Komsomol work that can justifiably be commended in these contexts, while others reflected a heavily male-centric system that showed very limited capacity for making real headway on the much-vaunted theme of gender equality. Women in the Komsomol Elite: As with the ruling Communist Party to which it was subordinate, officially the highest organ of the Komsomol was its congress, which met every four years to review recent work, set future plans and elect various bodies (most notably a Central Committee) to govern youth work between congresses. These congresses were gala affairs that drew huge coverage in the press and on television, and were often attended by members of the top Communist Party leadership and the major stars of the Soviet cultural and 3 sporting firmament.4 Only three to four thousand delegates were elected from tens of millions of members. As such, this was unmistakeably a rarefied political environment and participation was a substantial honour to have bestowed: those present could certainly count themselves among the country’s youth political elite. This, in turn, at least raised the possibility that significant opportunities for even more prestigious engagements in one’s professional and political life could well be on the horizon. While they fell short of their standing at more than half of all Komsomol members, female delegates were elected to congress in far greater numbers than one could expect to find either in the ruling Communist Party or in most Western political organisations of the time.5 At the first four post-Stalin Komsomol congresses, in 1954, 1958, 1962 and 1966, over 40 per cent of all delegates were women. For the time, this was clearly impressive. In this context it is worth noting that, as they made initial plans for the holding of their XII congress (1954), the Komsomol Central Committee in Moscow decided that 38 per cent of delegates (1470 in total) should be 4 On the personal experiences of young girls elected to Komsomol congresses, see, for example, A. Shitkov (ed.), Komsomol’skaya yunost’ moya, Staritsa: Staritskaya tipografiya, 2014. 5 As Genia Browning noted in 1987, the approximately four per cent of women in the CPSU Central Committee was roughly on a par with the British and US governments of the time. G. Browning, Women and Politics in the USSR: Consciousness Raising and Soviet Women’s Groups, New York: St Martin’s Press, 1987, p. 21 4 women.6 Similarly, in the planning stages of a 1953 congress of the Belorussian republic branch of the Komsomol, word came from the Central Committee in Moscow that the proportion of female delegates was to be ‘not less than 40 per cent’.7 A quota of around 40 per cent seems to have remained in place for such events right throughout the post-Stalin years.8 By the XVIII congress in 1978 that quota had climbed to 45 per cent.9 That these were fundamentally ‘positive’ minimum quotas, rather than ‘negative’ upper limits, was evidenced by the fact that they were repeatedly exceeded in practice. Once plans for the aforementioned XII congress were finalised, for example, it transpired that the decreed quota of 38 per cent had been comfortably surpassed as 43 per cent of elected attendees were female.10 In fact, the rate of female participation at congress was a theme that the Komsomol Central Committee kept a close eye upon. When regional Komsomol committees in Stalinskaya oblast’ (Eastern Ukraine) and Primorskii krai (Far Eastern Russia) sent heavily male-dominated delegations to one congress – the former sent only four women in a party of twenty-one, and the latter three women in a delegation of fifteen 6 RGASPI m-6/14/104/1. 7 NARB 63/19/ 9/198-9. 8 On debates about the significance of such state intervention in female political participation, see K. Ghodsee, ‘Pressuring the Politburo: the Committee of the Bulgarian Women’s Movement and State Socialist Feminism’, Slavic Review, no. 3, vol. 73, 2014, pp. 538-62. 9 RGASPI 1s/1s/1127s/1-5. 10 RGASPI m-6/14/104/5.
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