Visual Culture & Gender, Vol. 2, 2007 Sara Wilson Mckay & Denise

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Visual Culture & Gender, Vol. 2, 2007 Sara Wilson Mckay & Denise As an art educator and an art historian in a combined division of Visual Culture & Gender, Vol. 2, 2007 Art Education and Art History at the University of North Texas, we bring an annual peer-reviewed international multimedia journal our distinct disciplinary perspectives to our analysis of visual culture. Learning of the presence of pregnant fashion dolls in the university’s Texas Fashion Collection, and having both recently lived the pregnant “Your Kids saY ‘MoM.’ Your Clothes saY otherwise”: body, we decided to work collaboratively to explore questions the dolls Pregnant Fashion dolls and Visual Culture raise about representations of the maternal and the feminine. My (Denise Amy Baxter) introduction to the Page Boy Mater- nity® dolls in the Texas Fashion Collection came in the Spring of 2005, Sara WilSon McKay & DeniSe Baxter near the end of my first year at the University of North Texas (UNT). My research addresses issues of fashion and self-fashioning in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century France. Until now this had meant archival work Abstract in Paris, but the combination of a year of teaching and the birth of my daughter made me anxious to find projects closer to home. Given the In this paper, an art educator and art historian introduce a vi- prominence of the collection—which had drawn me to UNT in the first sual culture analysis of representations of the pregnant body, place—research on campus suited me just fine. I was hoping for gar- inspired by nine pregnant fashion dolls produced by Page Boy ments or fashion plates, but instead I found dolls based on Marie-Antoi- Maternity in the 1950s. The dolls raise questions about how nette and Empress Eugenie, not just any dolls, but pregnant dolls. This and what the pregnant body signifies and what the maternal was not quite what I had anticipated, nor did I know what to do with the means in representation and practice. We offer our analysis of 1950s commercial display doll collection. Issues surrounding the repre- representations of pregnancy in art, advertising, and dolls as sentation of the maternal body, particularly in eighteenth-century France, catalysts for intersections of art education and art history as were particularly interesting to me, especially given the vogue for repre- visual culture discourse in the representations of the maternal. sentations of so-called “happy mothers” that coincided with concerted at- tempts to evacuate actual women from the public sphere (Duncan, 1993). Dialogue with a new art education colleague, whose daughter is close in age to my own, allowed me to think about the dolls differently and to question the larger stakes of the representation and lived experi- ence of the maternal body. In short, what can the Page Boy Marie-Antoi- nette dolls teach me about the possibilities and problematics of the public woman, more specifically, the tensions between the maternal and the professional? The question became increasingly fraught as I tried to get my eight-month pregnant body comfortable and as our collaboration time combined with her daughters’ snack time and my incessant bathroom breaks. I (Sara Wilson McKay) was still lugging a breast pump to and from my office when I learned of pregnant dolls in the university’s ex- tensive Fashion Collection. I imagined children’s playthings akin to my Pregnant Fashion Dolls and Visual Culture Sara WilSon McKay & DeniSe Baxter 50 older daughter’s half-dressed dolls, but with bulging bellies. Somehow share this work of art with every woman I knew. I wanted to tell them the thought of the dolls, given that I had recently lived the pregnant body, that this could be our future, or at the very least this could have been our was more than strange and intriguing. Why were there pregnant dolls in own mother’s experience. Kelly’s art awakens critical attention to female UNT’s Fashion Collection? What did they have to do with fashion? Why experience, particularly with the overwhelmingly female student popula- were they pregnant? tion in the School of Visual Arts. My first semester as a new faculty member at the University of The collection of pregnant dolls is the catalyst for this type of ex- North Texas was marked by learning to navigate a new work environ- perience with my students. Applying a visual culture lens to the pregnant ment and directly related to my identity as both a faculty member and a dolls and other representations of pregnant embodiment and the maternal, mother: Is UNT child-friendly? Who has children? Who doesn’t? How facilitates a critical understanding of such imagery and a means to talk revealing can I be about my family in this space? How are professionals about feminist issues in visual culture that shape current cultural spaces with children regarded? Professionally, can I be female and maternal? including academic institutions (pre K-universities), museums, the home, And of course, the realistic question; will I have time to pump between and mass media. the Academic Task Force Meeting and my 5:00 p.m. class? The presence of pregnant dolls haunted me in the abstract. Although I had not yet seen the dolls, the possibility of them lurked in my subconscious, bouncing Overview of Page Boy Fashion Dolls off the realities of my predominantly female art education students as I worked to develop their feminist consciousness and attend to other social We scheduled an appointment to visit the doll collection in May issues confronting art educators. 2006. This collection includes two sets of nine twelve-inch representa- Working to explore feminist issues in conjunction with an art tions of historical figures, such as an ancient Egyptian queen, the French historian, largely dealing with a similar female population of students, queen Marie-Antoinette, and Napoleon’s wife Empress Josephine, that added multiple dimensions to research possibilities. The pregnant dolls originally traveled from store to store to attract customers. They are became our anchor point and we raised two central questions: How and described in Page Boy Maternity promotional literature as “individual what does the pregnant body signify? And what does the maternal mean mannequins” depicting “maternity dresses through the ages” (Page Boy in representation and in practice? In bringing the dolls and our experienc- Maternity, n.d.). Additional promotional materials read, “Ready, after es as mothers into an academic context, we are denying the split between extensive research, is the PAGE BOY collection of exquisite, doll-size the personal and the academic, and forcing both ourselves and our stu- mannequins, authentic in every detail, each wearing a complete mater- dents to confront this traditional bifurcation. nity costume from an historical era, 1490 BC to 1951 AD” (Page Boy What is the maternal? I remember my first experience viewing Maternity, n.d.). The dolls also have intricate undergarments including Mary Kelly’s Post-Partum Document in 1994, which was well before any cushioning in the belly area to suggest the pregnant status of the women thoughts of becoming a mother were realistic. After engaging with and depicted. carefully reading the attentive records of fecal patterns, feeding sched- What purpose did these dolls serve? Why did this company ules, utterance analysis, and so on that Kelly chronicled in her six-part in- undertake this historical project? Why were these particular figures stallation based on her son’s first four years, I was forever changed. I was chosen to be represented in this way? These dolls and the correspond- especially moved when I arrived at a dangling question mark at the end ing questions led us to investigate Page Boy Maternity and its marketing of a long row of framed juxtaposed “evidence” of her son’s experience, strategies that included producing these historical dolls wearing mater- or more accurately of Kelly and her son’s experiences, and I wanted to nity fashions. We will look further in depth at one of the dolls in a later Pregnant Fashion Dolls and Visual Culture Sara WilSon McKay & DeniSe Baxter 51 section, but here we focus on the origins and purposes of the dolls as our This was a risky move. What if the belly were exposed by the impetus for considering the visuality of the maternal form. wearer’s movement? The cutting away of fabric to allow for the preg- A Dallas-based company, Page Boy Maternity was begun by nant belly room to expand and yet still be hidden under long box jackets Elsie Frankfurt and her two sisters in 1941 with $250. By 1955, the com- may have been legitimated through the traveling display of the history of pany had made its first million (Gross, 1961). The upscale maternity line maternity fashion worn by doll replicas of renowned women throughout was revolutionary in its development of “THAT hole in maternity skirts the ages. Page Boy took a profit risk by challenging the social norm of to keep the drape straight” (Texas Fashion Collection, 1961), a patented ignoring the reality of the pregnant body, replacing fashions such as the cut away from skirts that resulted in the skirt having a waist-band with a tent dress, by cutting away fabric to accommodate the growing pregnant large hole cut out below it to accommodate a growing belly. (See Figure belly, while camouflaging it. By creating the dolls, Page Boy demonstrat- 1.) The now commonplace maternity panel, a gusset sewn into garments ed that this innovation had precedence as evidenced by the nine accurate- to cover and stretch with the pregnant belly, clearly has its origins in the ly fashioned doll replicas of historical women. How better to manage the concept put forth by Page Boy.
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