Zimbabwe's Unstable Infrastructure
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Enreporting on Zimbabwe's 2018 Elections
Reporting on Zimbabwe’s 2018 elections A POST-ELECTION ANALYSIS Table of Contents ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ii EXECUTIVE SUMMARY iii 1.0 INTRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND 1 PRESENTATION OF FINDINGS 8 2.0 MEDIA MONITORING OF THE NEWS AGENDA 8 3.0 MONITORING POLITICAL PLURALISM 13 4.0 GENDER REPRESENTATION DURING THE 2018 ELECTIONS 18 5.0 MEDIA CONDUCT IN ELECTION PROGRAMMING - BROADCAST MEDIA 24 6.0 MEDIA’S CONDUCT IN ELECTION REPORTING 28 7.0 CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS 34 ANNEX 1: HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS REPORTED IN THE MAINSTREAM MEDIA 35 ANNEX 2: LIST OF ACRONYMS 37 REPORTING ON ZIMBABWE’S 2018 ELECTIONS - A POST-ELECTION ANALYSIS i Acknowledgements International Media Support and the Media Alliance of Zimbabwe This publication has been produced with the assistance of the are conducting the programme “Support to media on governance European Union and the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. and electoral matters in Zimbabwe”. The content of this publication is the sole responsibility of Media Monitors and can in no way be taken to reflect the views The programme is funded by the European Union and the of the European Union or the Norwegian Ministry of Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Foreign Affairs. International Media Support (IMS) is a non-profit organisation working with media in countries affected by armed conflict, human insecurity and political transition. ii REPORTING ON ZIMBABWE’S 2018 ELECTIONS - A POST-ELECTION ANALYSIS Executive Summary Zimbabwe’s 2018 harmonised national elections presented a irregularities, they struggled to clearly articulate the implications unique opportunity for the media and their audiences alike. In of the irregularities they reported and the allegations of previous election periods, the local media received severe criticism maladministration levelled against the country’s election for their excessively partisan positions, which had been characterized management body, the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC). -
A Comparative Study of Zimbabwe and South Africa
FACEBOOK, YOUTH AND POLITICAL ACTION: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF ZIMBABWE AND SOUTH AFRICA A thesis submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY of SCHOOL OF JOURNALISM AND MEDIA STUDIES, RHODES UNIVERSITY by Admire Mare September 2015 ABSTRACT This comparative multi-sited study examines how, why and when politically engaged youths in distinctive national and social movement contexts use Facebook to facilitate political activism. As part of the research objectives, this study is concerned with investigating how and why youth activists in Zimbabwe and South Africa use the popular corporate social network site for political purposes. The study explores the discursive interactions and micro- politics of participation which plays out on selected Facebook groups and pages. It also examines the extent to which the selected Facebook pages and groups can be considered as alternative spaces for political activism. It also documents and analyses the various kinds of political discourses (described here as digital hidden transcripts) which are circulated by Zimbabwean and South African youth activists on Facebook fan pages and groups. Methodologically, this study adopts a predominantly qualitative research design although it also draws on quantitative data in terms of levels of interaction on Facebook groups and pages. Consequently, this study engages in data triangulation which allows me to make sense of how and why politically engaged youths from a range of six social movements in Zimbabwe and South Africa use Facebook for political action. In terms of data collection techniques, the study deploys social media ethnography (online participant observation), qualitative content analysis and in-depth interviews. -
1 Daily Media Monitoring Report Issue 4: 3 June 2018 Table of Contents
Daily Media Monitoring Report Issue 4: 3 June 2018 Table of Contents 1.1 Introduction ......................................................................................................................... 2 1.2 Key Events .......................................................................................................................... 2 1.3 Media Monitored ................................................................................................................. 2 Methodology ............................................................................................................................. 3 2.0 Did the media represent political parties in a fair and balanced manner? .......................... 3 2.1 Space and time dedicated to political parties in private and public media ...................... 3 2.2 Space and time dedicated to political actors in private and public media ....................... 4 2.3 Tone of coverage for political parties .............................................................................. 5 2.4 Gender representation in election programmes ............................................................. 7 2.5 Youth representation in election programmes ................................................................ 8 2.6 Time dedicated to political players in the different programme types in broadcast media .............................................................................................................................................. 9 3.0 Conclusion ....................................................................................................................... -
New Broadcasters Likely to Tighten State Media's Stranglehold
Defending free expression and your right to know Media Monitoring Project Zimbabwe Monday November 7th – Sunday November 13th 2011 Weekly Media Review 2011-45 New broadcasters likely to tighten State media’s stranglehold COMMENT THE inclusion of Talk Radio – a project of the country’s state-owned publishing house, Zimpapers, whose products still dominate Zimbabwe’s print media landscape – among the four shortlisted applicants for national radio licences has renewed the public’s cynicism over the authorities’ political will to diversify Zimbabwe’s airwaves. The other applicants comprise Hotmedia (Pvt) Ltd trading as Kiss FM, A.B Communications, owned by former ZBC news anchor, Supa Mandiwanzira, and Voice of the People (VoP), which is currently broadcasting from abroad. While the Broadcasting Services Act (BSA) as amended in 2007 allows for cross-ownership of the media, the short-listing of Talk Radio raises ethical issues and contradicts the spirit of the Global Political Agreement (GPA), which, according to Article XIX of the agreement, is: “Desirous of ensuring the opening up of the airwaves and ensuring the operation of as many media houses as possible.” Licensing Talk Radio, which is “tipped to clinch one of the two licences up for grabs” (NewsDay 20/10), would not only deprive prospective private broadcasters of the chance to operate, but would expand and entrench the biased state media’s monopoly of the broadcasting sector, already the preserve of the country’s sole broadcaster, ZBC. The Broadcasting Authority of Zimbabwe (BAZ), responsible for awarding operating licences to prospective broadcasters, is itself a disputed body that parties to the GPA had agreed should be reconstituted due to the irregular and partisan appointment of its members by the Minister of Information a year ago. -
A Week of Protests - from Beitbridge to The
A week of protests - From Beitbridge to the shutdown How was the conflict reported? 1 Contents 1.Background 2. The Beitbridge protest 2.1 The events 2.2 Who were the protesters? 2.3 Why did they protest? 3. The Monday Protests 4. The Shutdown 4.1 Who was behind it? 4.2 The ruling party's response 4.3 What happened on the 6th? 4.4 SADC and the protests 5. The official narrative 5.1 The Zimbabwe Republic Police 5.2 POTRAZ 5.3 The Broadcasting Authority of Zimbabwe 6. Conclusion 2 1. Background The events in the seven days beginning 1 July 2016, starting with the protests in the border town of Beitbridge have been momentous in the history of Zimbabwe. The reportage of these events show that there is no one story on Zimbabwe, but several stories, told from various perspectives, and the citizen is found in the middle, battling to decipher the truth. These narratives presented by the traditional media houses, social and alternative (mainly online) media as well as official statements make truth a tenuous concept, as facts are sometimes lost in a sometimes-tinted view of the world. Questions that arise include, after all the stories have been told, does the world have a clear idea of the current crisis in Zimbabwe, its root causes, possible impact, key players and what the possible resolution will look like? Do we have a clear idea of what the Zimbabwean story is? What is the role of the media in all this? Professional journalism is called upon to be truthful, fair, accurate and balanced, playing a critical role in informing the public and promoting public accountability, two critical preconditions for democracy. -
Succession Politics and Factional Journalism in Zimbabwe: a Case of the Chronicle in Zimbabwe
African Journalism Studies ISSN: 2374-3670 (Print) 2374-3689 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/recq21 Succession Politics and Factional Journalism in Zimbabwe: A Case of The Chronicle in Zimbabwe Wallace Chuma, Mbongeni J. Msimanga & Lungile A. Tshuma To cite this article: Wallace Chuma, Mbongeni J. Msimanga & Lungile A. Tshuma (2020): Succession Politics and Factional Journalism in Zimbabwe: A Case of TheChronicle in Zimbabwe, African Journalism Studies, DOI: 10.1080/23743670.2020.1731564 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/23743670.2020.1731564 Published online: 19 Mar 2020. Submit your article to this journal View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=recq21 AFRICAN JOURNALISM STUDIES https://doi.org/10.1080/23743670.2020.1731564 Succession Politics and Factional Journalism in Zimbabwe: A Case of The Chronicle in Zimbabwe Wallace Chumaa, Mbongeni J. Msimangab and Lungile A. Tshumac aCentre for Film & Media Studies, University of Cape Town, South Africa; bDepartment of Communication Studies, University of Johannesburg, South Africa; cDepartment of Journalism, Film & Television Studies, University of Johannesburg, South Africa ABSTRACT KEYWORDS This paper is a critical exploration of the emergence and Factional journalism; manifestations of a phenomenon we refer to as “factional” or succession politics; agency; “succession” journalism within the state media in the context of hegemony the tussle over the succession of the late former Zimbabwe President Robert Mugabe. Using the state-controlled Chronicle daily newspaper as a case study, we seek to examine the role and influence of editors and journalists in the negotiation of power in the context of reporting a contested succession of Mugabe in 2016. -
The Dynamics of Factionalism in ZANUPF: 1980–2017
Midlands State University FACULTY OF ARTS DEPARTMENT OF DEVELOPMENT STUDIES THE DYNAMICS OF FACTIONALISM IN ZANU PF: 1980 – 2017 BY TAPIWA PATSON SISIMAYI (R0538644) DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE MIDLANDS STATE UNIVERSITY DEPARTMENT OF DEVELOPMENT STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR A MASTER OF ARTS DEGREE IN DEVELOPMENT STUDIES ZVISHAVANE 2019 RELEASE FORM NAME OF AUTHOR: SISIMAYI TAPIWA PATSON TITLE OF PROJECT: THE DYNAMICS AND DIMENSIONS OF FACTIONALISM IN ZANU PF: 1980 – 2017 PROGRAMME: MASTER OF ARTS IN DEVELOPMENT STUDIES YEAR THIS MASTERS DEGREE WAS GRANTED: 2019 Consent is hereby granted to the Midlands State University to produce copies of this dissertation and to lend or sell such copies for scholarly or scientific research purpose only. The author reserves the publication rights and neither the dissertation nor extensive extracts from it may be published or otherwise reproduced without the author’s written permission. SIGNED: …………………………………………………………. EMAIL: [email protected] DATE: MAY 2019 ii DECLARATION Student number: R0538644 I, Sisimayi Tapiwa, Patson author of this dissertation, do hereby declare that the work presented in this document entitled: THE DYNAMICS AND DIMENSIONS OF FACTIONALISM IN ZANU PF: 1980 - 2017, is an outcome of my independent and personal research, all sources employed have been properly acknowledged both in the dissertation and on the reference list. I also certify that the work in this dissertation has not been submitted in whole or in part for any other degree in this University or in any institute of higher learning. ……………………………………………………… …….…. /………. /2019 Tapiwa Patson Sisimayi Date SUPERVISOR: Doctor Douglas Munemo iii DEDICATION To my son Tapiwa Jr. -
Zimbabwe's Power Sharing Government and the Politics Of
Creating African Futures in an Era of Global Transformations: Challenges and Prospects Créer l’Afrique de demain dans un contexte de transformations mondialisées : enjeux et perspectives Criar Futuros Africanos numa Era de Transformações Globais: Desafios e Perspetivas بعث أفريقيا الغد في سياق التحوﻻت المعولمة : رهانات و آفاق Toward more democratic futures: making governance work for all Africans Zimbabwe’s Power Sharing Government and the Politics of Economic Indigenisation, 2009 to 2013 Musiwaro Ndakaripa Toward more democratic futures: making governance work for all Africans Zimbabwe’s Power Sharing Government and the Politics of Economic Indigenisation, 2009 to 2013 Abstract Using the economic indigenisation policy this study examines the problems caused by Zimbabwe‟s power sharing government (PG) to democratic governance between 2009 and 2013. The power sharing government experienced policy gridlock in implementing the Indigenisation and Economic Empowerment Act of 2007 due to disagreements among the three governing political parties which were strategising to gain political credibility and mobilising electoral support to ensure political survival in the long term. The Indigenisation Act intends to give indigenous black Zimbabweans at least fifty one per cent (51%) shareholding in all sectors of the economy. The Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) posited that economic indigenisation rectifies colonial imbalances by giving black Zimbabweans more control and ownership of the nation‟s natural resources and wealth. The two Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) political parties in the power sharing government asserted that while economic indigenisation is a noble programme, it needs revision because it discouraged Foreign Direct Investment (FDI). Moreover, the two MDC parties claimed that economic indigenisation is a recipe for ZANU-PF elite enrichment, clientelism, cronyism, corruption and political patronage. -
An Analysis of the Chronicle's Coverage of the Gukurahundi Conflict in Zimbabwe Between 1983 and 1986
Representing Conflict: An Analysis of The Chronicle's Coverage of the Gukurahundi conflict in Zimbabwe between 1983 and 1986 A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the Master of Arts Degree in Journalism and Media Studies Rhodes University By Phillip Santos Supervisor: Professor Lynette Steenveld October 2011 Acknowledgements I am forever in the debt of my very critical, incisive, and insightful supervisor Professor Lynette Steenveld whose encyclopaedic knowledge of social theory, generous advice, and guidance gave me more tban a fair share of epiphanic moments. I certainly would not have made it this far without the love and unstinting support of my dear wife Ellen, and daughter, . Thandiswa. For unparalleled teamwork and dependable friendship, thank you Sharon. My friends Stanley, Jolly, Sthembiso, Ntombomzi and Carolyne, tbank you for all the critical conversations and for keeping me sane throughout those tumultuous moments. I also owe particular debt of gratitude to tbe Journalism Department and UNESCO for enabling my studies at Rhodes University. Abstract This research is premised on the understanding that media texts are discourses and that all discourses are functional, that is, they refer to things, issues and events, in meaningful and goal oriented ways. Nine articles are analysed to explicate the sorts of discourses that were promoted by The Chronicle during the Gukurahundi conflict in Zimbabwe between 1982 and 1986. It is argued that discourses in the news media are shaped by the role(s), the type(s) of journalism assumed by such media, and by the political environment in which the news media operate. The interplay between the ro les, types of journalism practised, and the effect the political environment has on news discourses is assessed within the context of conflictual situations. -
MISA-Zimbabwe
MISA-Zimbabwe The Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act: Two Years On ARTICLE 19/MISA-ZIMBABWE ARTICLE 19, London and MISA-Zimbabwe, Harare ISBN [TO BE ADDED] September 2004 ARTICLE 19, 33 Islington High St., London N1 9LH • Tel. +44 20 7278 9292 • [email protected] • www.article19.org MISA-Zimbabwe, 84 McChlery Avenue Eastlea, P O Box HR 8113 Harare • Tel: (263 4) 776 165/746 838, mobile: (263) 11 602 685, • [email protected] ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This Report was prepared jointly by Toby Mendel, Law Programme Director, ARTICLE 19, and Rashweat Mukundu, MISA-Zimbabwe. It was copy edited by Pauline Donaldson, Campaign and Development Team, ARTICLE 19. ARTICLE 19 and MISA-Zimbabwe would like to thank the Open Society Institute Justice Initiative for its financial support for the development and publication of this Report. The positions taken in this document do not necessarily reflect the views of the Open Society Institute Justice Initiative. TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION ........................................................................... 1 II. AIPPA: OVERVIEW AND CRITIQUE ........................................ 3 II.1 FREEDOM OF INFORMATION ........................................................................... 4 II.2 THE MEDIA AND INFORMATION COMMISSION.............................................. 6 II.3 REGISTRATION OF THE MASS MEDIA ............................................................. 7 II.4 ACCREDITATION OF JOURNALISTS.................................................................. 9 II.5 CONTENT -
Political Harm, Endemic Impunity and Unending Silences, 2017-2020
Brazilian Journal of African Studies | Porto Alegre | v. 6, n. 11, Jan./Jun. 2021 | p. 151-165 151 ZIMBABWE'S PARADOXICAL "NEW DISPENSATION": POLITICAL HARM, ENDEMIC IMPUNITY AND UNENDING SILENCES, 2017-2020 Terence M. Mashingaidze1 Introduction When President Emmerson Mnangagwa took power after the Novem- ber 2017 military-assisted transition which displaced the long serving Pres- ident Robert Mugabe, his newfound rhetoric signaled an uplifting rejection of the divisive language and combative politics of his predecessor. President Mugabe's 37-year reign had been premised on the contentious notion of the inevitability of violence in maintaining political power at nation-state level (Blair 2002; Meredith 2002; Chan 2003; Holland 2008; Ndlovu-Gatsheni 2015). In spite of being a somewhat popular post-liberation struggle leader with strong Pan-Africanist credentials, for much of his tenure at the helm of postcolonial Zimbabwe Mugabe apparently blocked and disabled alternative political organisation by openly deploying physical and discursive violence against perceived opponents. Such politically-motivated violence coupled with economic mismanagement, hyperinflation and the flight of capital cor- respond to what became known as the Zimbabwean crisis in the post-2000 era (Ndlovu-Gatsheni 2003; Raftopoulos 2006). As a matter of political habit, just before the 1998 labour strikes, Mugabe warned trade unionists by boasting that his governing Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) party "had [academic] degrees in violence" (Blair 2002; Fleming 2014). Emblematical of this polit- ical high-handedness were the state-instigated Gukurahundi Massacres of the 1 Department of History, Midlands State University. Gweru, Zimbabwe. E-mail: mashin- [email protected]. -
Corruption in Zimbabwe: an Examination of the Roles of the State and Civil Society in Combating Corruption
CORRUPTION IN ZIMBABWE: AN EXAMINATION OF THE ROLES OF THE STATE AND CIVIL SOCIETY IN COMBATING CORRUPTION BY STEPHEN MOYO A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment for the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the University of Central Lancashire March 2014 Student declaration I, Stephen Moyo declare that while registered as a candidate for the research degree, I have not been a registered candidate or enrolled student for another award of the University or other academic or professional institution. I declare that no material contained in the thesis has been used in any other submission for an academic award and is solely my own work Signature of candidate …………………………………………. Type of award Doctor of Philosophy School Education and Social Sciences i Abstract This thesis employs the theory of political economy to examine the roles of the state and civil society in combating corruption in Zimbabwe. The thesis initially investigates whether and how the state-civil society relation influences or impedes Anti-Corruption management, and subsequently examines strategies deployed by the state and civil society organisations (CSOs) to combat corruption. Particular attention is paid to the role and impact of the state in designing and implementing Anti-Corruption policies, and the role civil society plays in influencing Anti-Corruption legislation and policy implementation. This study adopts the World Bank conceptualisation of corruption and Transparency International‟s (TI) Corruption Perception Index (CPI) as part of the guiding framework. In-depth interviews with fifty eight key informants drawn from different levels within the government and civil society in Zimbabwe were conducted between October and February, 2012.