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Introduction 1. Secessionists Desire the Establishment of an Independent State, While Irredentists Aim for Union with a Neighboring Co-Ethnic State

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Introduction 1. Secessionists Desire the Establishment of an Independent State, While Irredentists Aim for Union with a Neighboring Co-Ethnic State Notes Introduction 1. Secessionists desire the establishment of an independent state, while irredentists aim for union with a neighboring co-ethnic state. Not all separatists are seces- sionists (they may simply seek autonomy), but secessionists are separatists. 1 Managing Ethnic Conflict 1. Donald L. Horowitz, Ethnic Groups and Conflict (Charlotte, NC: Duke University Press, 1985), 232. 2. Ibid., 281. 3. Heraclides writes, “In practice the borderline between secession, which is unac- ceptable, and partition, which is acceptable, can often be blurred.” Alexis Heraclides, The Self-Determination of Minorities in International Relations (London: Frank Cass and Company, 1991), 24. 4. Ibid. 5. While de facto partition often serves as a preliminary measure to prepare for par- tition, it can also become a permanent situation, sitting on a spectrum between integration or centralization, and independence. This distinction and its impli- cations have not been explored in the ethnic conflict management literature. 6. Horowitz, 591. 7. Ibid., 592. 8. Charles William Maynes, “Containing Ethnic Conflict,” Foreign Policy, no. 90 (Spring 1993): 12. 9. Morton H. Halperin, David J. Scheffer, and Patricia L. Small, Self-Determination in the New World Order (Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 1992), 28. 10. Ibid. 11. Henry Bienen, “Ethnic Nationalisms and Implications for U.S. Foreign Policy,” in Nationalism and Nationalities in the New Europe, ed. Charles A. Kupchan (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1995), 159–60. 128 ● Notes 12. Patricia Carley, U.S. Responses to Self-Determination Movements: Strategies for Nonviolent Outcomes and Alternatives to Secession, Report from a Roundtable Held in Conjunction with the Policy Planning Staff of the U.S. Department of State (Washington, DC: United States Institute for Peace, July 1997), vii. 13. Ted Robert Gurr and Barbara Harff, Ethnic Conflict in World Politics (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1994), 120. 14. John Mearsheimer and Stephen Van Evera, “When Peace Means War,” The New Republic (December 18, 1995), 16. 15. Robert M. Hayden, “The Partition of Bosnia and Hercegovina, 1990–1993,” RFE/RL Research Report, 2, no. 22 (May 1993): 131. 16. Chaim Kaufmann, “Possible and Impossible Solutions to Ethnic Civil Wars,” International Security, 20, no. 4 (Spring 1996): 137, 151. 17. Power vacuums result in internal and regional security dilemmas, as described in Barry Posen, “The Security Dilemma and Ethnic Conflict,” Survival (Spring 1993), 27. 18. Charles A. Kupchan, “Conclusion,” chap. in Nationalism and Nationalities in the New Europe (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1995), 191. 19. Milton Esman, “Diasporas and International Relations,” in Modern Diasporas in International Politics, ed. Gabriel Sheffer (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1986), 4. 20. Charles McC. Mathias, Jr., “Ethnic Groups and Foreign Policy,” Foreign Affairs (Summer 1981): 978. Nicholas O. Berry, “The Management of Foreign Penetration,” Orbis (Summer 1973): 598–619, also downplays the role of foreign “penetration” of contemporary politics. He finds that penetration is being effec- tively managed by states. 21. David Howard Goldberg, Foreign Policy and Ethnic Interest Groups (New York: Greenwood Press, 1990), 9–10. 22. Janeen Klinger, “Immigrants, Ethnic Lobbies, and American Foreign Policy,” Commonwealth: A Journal of Political Science, 7 (1994–95): 11–12. 23. Ibid., 13. 2Iraq 1. Mehrdad R. Izady, The Kurds: A Concise Handbook (Washington, DC: Taylor & Francis, 1992), 3. 2. The literal translation of pesh merga is “those who face death.” 3. Izady, The Kurds, 68–70. For more on the Ba’ath Party’s campaign of genocide against the Kurds see U.S. Congress, Senate, Committee on Foreign Relations, Kurdistan in the Time of Saddam Hussein (Washington, DC: GPO, November 1991) and U.S. Congress, Senate, Committee on Foreign Relations, Saddam’s Documents: A Report to the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate, report prepared by Peter Galbraith (Washington, DC: GPO, 1992.) 4. Ibid., 70. Notes ● 129 5. Ibid., 70. 6. See U.S. Department of State, “UN Security Council Resolution 688 on Repression of Iraqi Civilians,” U.S. Department of State Dispatch (April 8, 1991), 233–34. The resolution was adopted by a vote of 10 to 3 (Cuba, Yemen, Zimbabwe) with two abstentions—China and India. 7. Daniel P. Bolger, Savage Peace: Americans at War in the 1990s (Novato, CA: Presidio Press, 1995), 233. 8. “In Iran, Politics Thwarts Efforts to Help Refugees,” The St. Petersburg Times, May 9, 1991, 3A. 9. At the height of Operation Provide Comfort 30 nations, including a core of 13 allies from the Gulf War, deployed over 21,000 troops and contributed supplies. During 1991, coalition forces provided 27,000 tons of relief supplies and aid to approximately 850,000 Kurds. 10. John Bulloch and Harvey Morris, No Friends but the Mountains: The Tragic History of the Kurds (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 1992), 12. 11. David Roth, Sacred Honor: Colin Powell, the Inside Account of His Life and Triumphs (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan Publishing House and San Francisco, CA: Harper San Francisco, 1993), 207. 12. General Colin Powell, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, interview by Lt. Col. Gordon W. Rudd, 1992, Washington, DC. This interview and others by Dr. Rudd cited within this dissertation were conducted for the U.S. Army’s official history of Operation Provide Comfort. 13. U.S. Department of State, “ ‘One Year after the Gulf War: Prospects for Peace,’ Richard N. Haass, Special Assistant to the President and Senior Director for Near East and South Asian Affairs of the National Security Council, Address before the Faculty Club, University of Miami, Coral Gables Florida, April 2, 1992,” U.S. Department of State Dispatch (April 13, 1992), 297. 14. Henri Barkey, Policy Planning Staff, U.S. Department of State, interview by author, May 12, 1999, Washington, DC. 15. Cengiz Candar, journalist, Sabah, and former advisor to President Ozal, inter- view by author, May 26, 1999, Washington, DC. 16. McDowell, A Modern History of The Kurds, 370–71. 17. Barkey, interview. 18. Paul Wolfowitz, former Assistant Secretary of Defense for Political Affairs, U.S. Department of Defense, interview by author, July 8, 1999, Washington, DC. 19. James A. Baker III, with Thomas M. DeFrank, The Politics of Diplomacy: Revolution, War and Peace 1989–1992 (New York: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1995), 285. 20. Wolfowitz, interview. 21. Morton Abramowitz, interview by author, July 8, 1998, Washington, DC. 22. Blaine Harden, “Turkey to Move Iraqi Refugees; Effort Would Ease Harsh Living Conditions,” The Washington Post (April 15, 1991), available in Lexis- Nexis News library. 130 ● Notes 23. Wolfowitz, interview. 24. Ibid. 25. Gordon Rudd, “Operation Provide Comfort: Humanitarian Intervention in Northern Iraq” (Ph.D. diss., Duke University, 1993), 115–16. 26. U.S. Department of State, “PKK Impeding Truck Traffic into Iraq: Statement by Department Spokesman Richard Boucher, Washington, DC, October 26, 1992,” U.S. Department of State Dispatch (November 2, 1992), 807. 27. Fred Barnes of The New Republic quoted in MacNeil/Lehrer NewsHour, transcript # 4010 (April 1, 1991), available in Lexis-Nexis News library. 28. Stephen Pelletiere, The Kurds and Their ‘Agas’—The Situation in Northern Iraq (Washington, DC: U.S. Defense Intelligence Agency, VP-2200-691-91, November 1991), 21. This document, circulated within the military and defense agencies, was highly critical of the Kurdish leadership and the foreign interests who would help them. 29. Ibid. Pelletiere speculates that while Barzani was negotiating with Saddam in November 1991, Talabani made a deal with the British regarding Kirkuk (in 1972 the Iraqi government nationalized oil concessions once held by the British, Dutch, French, and Italians). If Kirkuk—one of Iraq’s richest oil fields— had been included in the safe zone, the coalition and the Kurds would have had considerable leverage over Saddam. 30. General John Galvin, former Supreme Allied Commander, Europe, interview by author, June 26, 1998, Medford, MA. 31. Wolfowitz, interview. 32. Bulloch and Morris, No Friends but the Mountains, 39. 33. Wolfowitz, interview. 34. Bulloch and Morris, No Friends but the Mountains, 24–25. 35. Abramowitz, interview. 36. Katherine A. Wilkens, “How We Lost the Kurdish Game.” The Washington Post, September 15, 1998, C1, Ͻhttp://www.kurdistan.org/Washington/ lostkurd.htmlϾ April 23, 1999. 37. Robin Wright, “America’s Iraq Policy: How did it Come to this?” The Washington Quarterly (Summer 1998): 44. 38. Powell, interview. 39. Hugh Pope, “Kurdish Leader Asks U.S. Pressure on Iraq; He Also Appeals for Allied Troops to Remain Until Agreement is Reached on Autonomy,” The Times, June 11, 1991, 8, available in Lexis-Nexis News library. 40. Lt. General Shalikasvili and Kurdish leaders, tape recording by Lt. Col. Gordon W. Rudd, June 19, 1992, Zahko, Iraq. 41. Colonel Richard Naab, written correspondence with author, June 5, 1996. 42. Col. Larry M. Forster, “Operation Provide Comfort: A Shield for Humanitarian Intervention in Iraqi Kurdistan,” Harvard Center for International Affairs Research Paper, April 20, 1996, 30. Forster served as MCC Commander during March–August 1995. Notes ● 131 43. Mike Amitay, Executive Director, Washington Kurdish Institute, interview by author, May 21, 1999, Washington, DC. 44. U.S. Department of State, “ U.S. Policy on Recent Developments and Other Issues in the Middle East: Edward P. Djerejian, Assistant
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