DOCSLIB.ORG

BYRON's CORRESPONDENCE with DOUGLAS KINNAIRD – Part

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
BYRON's CORRESPONDENCE with DOUGLAS KINNAIRD – Part 1 BYRON’S CORRESPONDENCE WITH DOUGLAS KINNAIRD – Part 1, 1814-1821 Update June 2012. I’m grateful to Paul Curtis for his contribution. Edited by Peter Cochran This section has been in part prepared with generous support from Mr Geoffrey Bond. Letters and sections of letters not yet seen are reproduced from the John Murray edition, with kind permission. Introduction (by P.C., expanding Ralph Lloyd-Jones) Douglas Kinnaird was born on February 26th 1788, the fourth son of George, the seventh Lord Kinnaird, of Inchture, Perthshire. He was educated from 1799 to 1802 at Eton, then at Gottingen University, where he became fluent in French and German. He graduated MA from Trinity College, Cambridge, in 1811. In July 1813 he went to Germany again, where he visited Alexander I’s headquarters at Peterswaldau. In Berlin, J.C.Hobhouse fell in love, and was unwise enough to confess his infatuation to Kinnaird, who “did a Byron” and told everyone else. Kinnaird witnessed the Russo- Prussian victory over the French at Kulm, on August 30th. Travelling via Prague to Paris, he was present at Louis XVIII’s first entry, on April 28th 1814, before returning to England with the journalist William Jerdan. Although Kinnaird had been acquainted with Byron at Cambridge, their friendship began in earnest in the winter of 1814 when Moore recalls “those evenings we passed together at the house of ... Douglas Kinnaird, where music, – followed by its accustomed sequel of supper, brandy and water, and not a little laughter, – kept us together, usually till rather a late hour”.1 These parties were presided over by Kinnaird’s mistress, the actress and singer Maria Keppel, mother to an illegitimate son born in April 1814. Their relationship, which lasted from 1809 to 1818, was extremely volatile, with frequent separations. Neither she, nor the son, was remembered in his will: on July 31st 1820 Hobhouse, loyal in this as in all things, had planted in his mind the suspicion that the son was actually someone else’s, and Kinnaird confirms this to be the case in a top-of-the-page “P.S.” to Byron of January 11th 1821. In May 1815 Kinnaird was elected to the management subcommittee of Drury Lane, boasting to Hobhouse of “drawing our friend Byron into the same situation”. He continued “the Lord is delighted with his office, & will, I think fill it nobly”.2 Acting on a commission, he wrote a letter dated March 26th 1816, denying that Byron had ever spoken ill of his wife (as if that were the point at issue). The sharing of Kinnaird’s bachelor lifestyle and his close involvement with the stage hastened the collapse of Byron’s marriage: early in 1817 John Murray told Augusta that “he also maintained D.K. as a very improper associate”. Kinnaird introduced the poet to both Edmund Kean and Isaac Nathan, for the latter of whom Byron wrote Hebrew Melodies , “at the request of my friend, the Hon. Douglas Kinnaird” (Advertisement to Hebrew Melodies , January 1815). Kinnaird rapidly became disillusioned with the project. Kinnaird was an accomplished amateur singer. He also seems to have been very handsome (unlike Hobhouse). On April 7th 1820 Hobhouse records, Called on a Piece with Kinnaird. She poor girl said she should not care if she died tomorrow – I asked her why? – She said “ I am tired !!!” This is the best reason I think, and I am sure this poor creature was sincere in what she said. 3 In London on April 22nd 1816 Kinnaird and Maria Keppel gave Byron two bottles of champagne and a cake as parting gifts before, three days later, he left England for ever. Byron had awarded him power of attorney, so that thereafter, as well as handling all of his English finances, Kinnaird was the chief recipient of his correspondence from Italy (see below). Effectively running that playhouse after the post-Waterloo suicide of Sir Samuel Whitbread, he commissioned Byron’s Monody on Sheridan , written at Diodati in July 1816, and spoken by Mrs Davison at Drury Lane on September 7th, 1: Moore’s Life, III 136-7. 2: K. to H., May 11th 1815. 3: B.L.Add.Mss.56541, f.25v.; diary entry for April 7th 1820. 2 Kinnaird was, however, very unpopular backstage at Drury Lane on account of his abrasive style – Byron often refers to him as “the hot and fiery Douglas” – and had to resign (he signals as much to Byron on September 13th 1816 with the ominous phrase “The Thanes fly from me”). On November 3rd 1817, Monk Lewis wrote to Byron: “they say, that the rapture of Drury Lane from Kean to the Scene-Shifters inclusive, when D. Kinnaird’s expulsion was announced, was something quite ludicrous”. In 1817, in Munich with his brother Charles (Lord Kinnaird), Kinnaird dined with Maximilian I of Bavaria and his son-in-law Eugene de Beauharnais, later meeting Princess Hortense of Holland at Augsberg. The brothers travelled on to Venice, where they saw Byron from September 19th to October 1st. They brought with them a copy of Hookham Frere’s recently-published Whistlecraft . Seeing ottava rima applied to comic English poetry inspired Byron to write Beppo in two nights, and then Don Juan itself. The Kinnaird brothers may thus be said to have been – without realising it – the most important poetic influence of Byron’s whole career. Marino Faliero is dedicated to Kinnaird, who saw it three times during its Drury Lane run and assured Byron that it worked very well on stage – news which Byron did not want to hear. He has no faith in Kinnaird’s ideas for the stage: I understand what you want – you want me to write a love=play – but this were contrary {to} all my principles – as well as to those of Aristotle – I want to simplify your drama – to render it fit for the higher passions – & to make it more Doric and austere. –4 Kinnaird sums up his attitude to Byron’s reformist ambitions on June 29th 1821: “Damn the Unities – I am strongly persuaded you are destin’d to write some wonderful Tragedies”. Kinnaird was a member of the Rota dining club, and first attempted to enter parliament in the general election of 1818. Although nominated as a candidate for the Westminster seat, he stood down in favour of Sir Francis Burdett. He was however elected MP for for Bishops Castle, Shropshire, at a by-election in July the following year. This enabled him to defend Hobhouse in the debate on the Trifling Mistake pamphlet in December 1819, when the latter was imprisoned for breach of parliamentary privilege. Politically on the radical Whig left (unlike Byron, who couldn’t think straight about radicalism), he was, in the general election of March 1820, re-elected by only four votes in the double return for the same constituency, but declared “not duly elected” in July, after which he stood down from parliament, never to return. On December 16th, from Newgate, Hobhouse wrote “D. Kinnaird ... has made a failure in the H. of Commons & is ashamed – or his partners wish to keep him from public meetings”, alluding to his avoidance of mass reform rallies and increased involvement with the family bank. Yet his political activism continued; in January 1821 he was again in Paris, “staying with Lord Rancliffe” and meeting liberal members of the chamber of deputies.5 He also remained a speaker at East India House debates, and published Remarks on the Volume of Hyderabad Papers, etc in 1825. His only other publication was The Beggar’s Bush , a free adaptation of Fletcher’s Merchant of Bruges , which enjoyed some success at Drury Lane in 1815. On the dissolution of the partnership with Sir F. B. Morland that year, Kinnaird became sole managing director of Ransom and Morland’s, Pall Mall. They later became Barclay’s, and a dereliction of duty on someone’s part led to the sensational discovery in 1976, in the Pall Mall vault, of a large trunk of hitherto unsuspected papers from the Shelleys, Byron, and Scrope Davies. ————— Kinnaird was a very effective “hit-man” for Byron, whose covert instructions and wishes he could both interpret, and bear the poet’s wrath when Byron claimed afterwards he had been misunderstood. John Murray complained of his uncompromising manner: “this Scotchman considers you as his property” Kinnaird tells Byron on January 10th 1815: “Hobhouse is also very gentlemanly but I don’t know you when I negotiate with M r Kinnaird”, writes Murray to Byron, March 6th 1821. It was owing to his implementation of Byron’s decisions that The Age of Bronze and The Island were published separately from The Liberal , causing the collapse of that periodical. He was also responsible, however, for the loss of the prose preface to The Vision of Judgement (the manuscript of which has never been found), which necessitated the poem’s republication, and was one final cause of Byron’s break with John Murray. 4: B. to K., September 27th 1821. 5: B.L.Add.Mss. 47224 f.17. 3 As manager of Byron’s English finances Kinnaird’s task was insurmountable. Byron had always left the management of his money to others, principally to his villainous lawyer John Hanson – who took full advantage of the poet’s inability to be bothered. Some things Kinnaird could not fix – like Byron’s refusal to pay the rent on Piccadilly Terrace, or to pay Baxter the coachmaker for his replica of Napoleon’s travelling-vehicle (“it is very iniquitous,” he writes, “to make me pay my debts – you have no idea of the pain it gives one” – October 26th 1819).
Load more

Recommended publications
  • INFORMATION to USERS the Most Advanced Technology Has Been
    INFORMATION TO USERS The most advanced technology has been used to photo­ graph and reproduce this manuscript from the microfilm master. UMI films the original text directly from the copy submitted. Thus, some dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from a computer printer. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyrighted material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are re­ produced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. Each oversize page is available as one exposure on a standard 35 mm slide or as a 17" x 23" black and white photographic print for an additional charge. Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced xerographically in this copy. 35 mm slides or 6" X 9" black and white photographic prints are available for any photographs or illustrations appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order. Accessing theUMI World's Information since 1938 300 North Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 USA Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Order Number 8803923 Throwing the scabbard away: Byron’s battle against the censors o f Don Juan Blann, Troy Robinson, Jr., D.A. Middle Tennessee State University, 1987 Copyright ©1988 by Blann, Troy Robinson, Jr.
    [Show full text]
  • Some Documents Relating to Lord Byron's Finances During 1812-18
    1 Some documents relating to Lord Byron’s Finances during 1812-18 1: Byron’s Bank Account with Hoare and Company, 37 Fleet Street 2: Financial material in the John Murray Archive relative to the account with Hoare’s 3: Byron’s account with Hammersley’s Bank, Pall Mall 1: Byron’s Bank Account with Hoare and Company, 37 Fleet Street This is as full an edition of Byron’s first-line bank account during his Years of Fame (1812 - 1816) as I have been able to construct. He had another account with Hammersley’s, for which see below. I think I have been able to identify most of the people and organisations named on the left-hand, debit side of the ledgers. If anyone disagrees with any of my attributions, or has a different interpretation, I should like to hear from them. Hoares date the foundation of their bank from July 5th 1672, when Richard Hoare was granted the Freedom of the Goldsmiths’ Company. In 1673 he took over the goldsmith’s business of his deceased master, and moved it in 1690 to 37 Fleet Street at the Sign of the Golden Bottle, where the bank’s premises have been ever since. All partners in the Bank have been his direct descendants. Hoare was knighted by Queen Anne, and was Lord Mayor of London in 1712. The Bank skilfully avoided disaster when the South Sea Bubble burst in 1721, and Sir Richard’s younger son, also named Richard, was knighted as a reward for his peacekeeping services during the Jacobite uprising of 1745.
    [Show full text]
  • Memoirs of the Life of Sir Samuel Romilly, Written by Himself, Ed. By
    This is a reproduction of a library book that was digitized by Google as part of an ongoing effort to preserve the information in books and make it universally accessible. https://books.google.com 4c 102,1 MEMOIRS THE LIFE OF SIR SAMUEL ROMILLY, WRITTEN BY HIMSELF; WITH A SELECTION FROM HIS CORRESPONDENCE. EDITED BY HIS SONS. IN THREE VOLUMES. VOL. III. LONDON: JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET. MDCCCXL. 1031. London : Printed by A. Spottiswoode, New- Street- Square. CONTENTS THE THIRD VOLUME. DIARY OF THE PARLIAMENTARY LIFE OF SIR SAMUEL ROMILL Y — {continued). 1812. Slave trade ; Registry of slaves Bristol election; candidates; Mr. Protheroe. — Resolution of the Independent Club, and letter respecting it Mr. Protheroe; Hunt Address to the electors. — Mr. Rider's motion, police of the metro polis ; increase of crime. — Abuses in Ecclesiastical Courts ; Sir Wm. Scott. — Bristol election ; letter to Mr. Edge. — Reversion Bill. — Bill to repeal 39 Eliz. — Transportation to New South Wales. — The Regent's determination to re tain the ministers; his letter to the Duke of York. — Colonel M'Mahon's sinecure. — Delays in the Court of Chancery ; Michael Angelo Taylor. — Master in Chancery not fit mem ber of a committee to inquire into the delays of the court. — Expulsion of Walsh from the House of Commons. — Local Poor Bills; Stroud. — Military punishments; Brougham. — Bill to repeal 39 Eliz. ; Lord Ellenborough. — Abuses of charitable trusts ; Mr. Lockhart. — Visit to Bristol, reception, Speech second address to the electors. — Military punishments. — Cobbett's attack. — Committee on the delays in the Court of Chancery. — Disqualifying laws against Catholics.
    [Show full text]
  • London, April 26Th–July 30Th 1816 84
    84 London, April 26th–July 30th 1816 Mid-1816 April 26th-July 30th 1816 Edited from BL Add. Mss. 47232 and 56536 There is much variety and interest in this section of the diary, which covers the time between Byron’s departure for the continent on April 25th 1816 and that of Hobhouse on July 30th (for which he is already preparing on June 5th). The events chronicled should climax in Sheridan’s funeral, on July 13th; but that is an anti-climactic affair. They might have climaxed with a successful romantic assignation on June 24th, but Hobhouse is as luckless and inept here as ever he is. The high-point would be Miss Somerville’s delivery of his prologue to Maturin’s Bertram , at Drury Lane on May 9th, if only that were something of which he felt proud. For the rest, Hobhouse is throughout anxious over the sale of his Letters from Paris , a work, it seems, much-praised but little purchased. The success of Caroline Lamb’s shameless Glenarvon , published on May 9th and into its second edition by late June, does his ego no good. His reading in Mungo Park, and the tales of the war with the Nepalese, and of Napoleon, which his brother Henry brings from his travels, add an incidental exotic interest; and there are vivid glimpses of Coleridge, Sebastiani, Kean, Benjamin Constant, and others. Hobhouse’s exit from the country is effected in a very strange and disturbing manner. Friday April 26th 1816: Did little or nothing in the morning. Met Bainbridge, 1 who told me that Cuthbert 2 had told him that he defended Lord Byron, as having separated only on common causes, when Lord Auckland 3 said, “I beg your pardon – Brougham has told me it is something ‘too horrid to mention’”.
    [Show full text]
  • Alex Park Diss After Defense 1013
    BYRON’S DON JUAN: FORMS OF PUBLICATION, MEANINGS, AND MONEY A Dissertation by JAE YOUNG PARK Submitted to the Office of Graduate Studies of Texas A&M University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY December 2011 Major Subject: English Byron’s Don Juan: Forms of Publication, Meanings, and Money Copyright 2011 Jae Young Park BYRON’S DON JUAN: FORMS OF PUBLICATION, MEANINGS, AND MONEY A Dissertation by JAE YOUNG PARK Submitted to the Office of Graduate Studies of Texas A&M University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Approved by: Chair of Committee, Terence Hoagwood Committee Members, Margaret Ezell Clinton Machann James M. Rosenheim Head of Department, Nancy Warren December 2011 Major Subject: English iii ABSTRACT Byron’s Don Juan: Forms of Publication, Meanings, and Money. (December 2011) Jae Young Park, B.A., Sungkyunkwan University; M.A., Texas A&M University Chair of Advisory Committee: Dr. Terence Hoagwood This dissertation examines Byron’s Don Juan and his attitude towards profits from the copyright money for publishing his poems. Recent studies on Don Juan and Byron have paid great attention to the poem especially in terms of the author’s status as an unprecedented noble literary celebrity. Thus the hermeneutics of the poem has very often had a tendency to bind itself within the biographical understanding of the poet’s socio-political practices. It is true that these studies are meaningful in that they highlighted and reconsidered the significance of the author’s unique life so as to illustrate biographical and historical contexts of this Romantic text.
    [Show full text]
  • Life and Contexts
    1 Life and contexts Introduction This part attempts to sketch Byron’s life as a writer and show how his poetry was produced through interaction with specific literary cultures in Regency London and abroad. The circumstances of the composition of the verse will be mentioned here briefly but the major poetry will be discussed in more detail in Part 2 and different critical views of it will be indicated in Part 3. Byron’s adventurous life has inspired many biographies, discussed in the ‘Further Reading’ at the end of this section. Reference will be made to these in parenthesis and also to Byron’s Letters and Journals (BLJ) and to accounts of the poet written by his contemporaries. Childhood and family background, 1788–1805 George Gordon Byron was born on 22 January 1788 at 16 Holles Street, Cavendish Square, London, the son of aristocratic parents: Captain ‘Mad Jack’ Byron and Catherine (née Gordon). His father was a handsome English fortune hunter who soon ran through his plain Scottish wife’s money, and the marriage disinte- grated not long after the birth of the baby. Mrs Byron returned to Scotland and took lodgings in Aberdeen in 1789, then in 1791 rented an apartment at 64 Broad Street. Captain Byron died in the same year and she was left to bring up her son alone on only 150 pounds a year. At this time 500 pounds per annum was considered the minimum income for the gentry, and a nobleman needed 10,000 pounds per annum to participate fully in the social season, so this modest lower- middle-class standard of life was considered akin to poverty by an aristocrat such as Catherine Byron.
    [Show full text]
  • BYRON's CORRESPONDENCE with DOUGLAS KINNAIRD – Part
    1 BYRON’S CORRESPONDENCE WITH DOUGLAS KINNAIRD – Part 1, 1814-1821 Update August 6th 2011. Edited by Peter Cochran This section has been in part prepared with generous support from Mr Geoffrey Bond. Letters and sections of letters not yet seen are reproduced from the John Murray edition, with kind permission. Introduction (by P.C., expanding Ralph Lloyd-Jones) Douglas Kinnaird was born on February 26th 1788, the fourth son of George, the seventh Lord Kinnaird, of Inchture, Perthshire. He was educated from 1799 to 1802 at Eton, then at Gottingen University, where he became fluent in French and German. He graduated MA from Trinity College, Cambridge, in 1811. In July 1813 he went to Germany again, where he visited Alexander I’s headquarters at Peterswaldau. In Berlin, J.C.Hobhouse fell in love, and was unwise enough to confess his infatuation to Kinnaird, who “did a Byron” and told everyone else. Kinnaird witnessed the Russo- Prussian victory over the French at Kulm, on August 30th. Travelling via Prague to Paris, he was present at Louis XVIII’s first entry, on April 28th 1814, before returning to England with the journalist William Jerdan. Although Kinnaird had been acquainted with Byron at Cambridge, their friendship began in earnest in the winter of 1814 when Moore recalls “those evenings we passed together at the house of ... Douglas Kinnaird, where music, – followed by its accustomed sequel of supper, brandy and water, and not a little laughter, – kept us together, usually till rather a late hour”.1 These parties were presided over by Kinnaird’s mistress, the actress and singer Maria Keppel, mother to an illegitimate son born in April 1814.
    [Show full text]
  • Appendix: Westminster Election Results, 1780–1891
    Appendix: Westminster Election Results, 1780–1891 Westminster 1780 1807 George Brydges Rodney W (m) 5298 Francis Burdett R 5134 Charles James Fox W (o) 4878 Lord Cochrane R 3708 Lord Lincoln W (m) 4157 Sheridan W (o) 2615 1782 (June by-election) John Elliot m 2137 Cecil Wray W (o) nc James Paull R 269 1784 1812 nc Lord Hood m 6694 Burdett R Charles James Fox W (o) 6234 Cochrane R Cecil Wray W (m) 5998 1814 (by-election) nc Cochrane R 1788 (by-election) Lord John Townshend W (o) 6392 1818 Lord Hood m 5569 Samuel Romilly W 5339 Burdett R 5238 1790 Murray Maxwell T 4808 Fox W (o) 3516 Henry Hunt R 84 Hood m 3217 Douglas Kinnaird R 65 John Horne Tooke R 1679 Major John Cartwright R 23 1796 1819 (by-election) Fox W (o) 5160 George Lamb W 4465 Alan Gardner m 4814 John Cam Hobhouse R 3861 Tooke R 2819 Cartwright R 38 1802 1820 Fox W (o) 2671 Burdett R 5327 Alan Gardner m 2431 Hobhouse R 4882 John Graham R 1693 Lamb W 4436 1806 (by-election) nc 1826 nc Earl Percy m Burdett R 1806 Hobhouse R Sir Samuel Hood m 5478 1830 nc Richard Sheridan W (m) 4758 Burdett R James Paull R 4481 Hobhouse R 255 256 Appendix: Westminster Election Results, 1780–1891 1831 nc 1857 Burdett R Evans L nc Hobhouse R Shelley L nc 1832 (by-election) 1859 Hobhouse L nc Evans L nc 1832 Shelley L nc Burdett L 3248 1865 Hobhouse L 3217 R.
    [Show full text]
  • The Lord Byron / John Polidori Relationship and the Foundation of the Early Nineteenth-Century Literary Vampire
    The Lord Byron / John Polidori relationship and the foundation of the early nineteenth-century literary vampire Matthew Beresford BA (hons), MA Submitted to the University of Hertfordshire in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy June 2019 Abstract John William Polidori (1795-1821) was appointed as the personal physician to Lord George Noel Gordon, 6th Baron Byron (1788-1824) in April 1816. Byron was not in the best of health, and Polidori was recommended to him by Sir William Knighton, who had previously treated him. Placing himself in self-imposed exile, Byron left England for good, taking Polidori with him and travelling in Europe. They settled in Switzerland, on Lake Geneva, where soon they were joined by the Shelleys and Claire Clairmont for the now infamous ‘Summer of Discontent’, spent largely at the Villa Diodati. At Diodati, Byron allegedly challenged the party to each write a ghost story, Mary Shelley writing what would become Frankenstein and Byron starting a tale of a vampire that he subsequently abandoned. After Polidori was dismissed, in September 1816, he was challenged on the request of ‘a lady’ to turn the fragment of the story started by Byron into a more complete piece – the result was The Vampyre, published in 1819 under Byron’s name. In this thesis I explore the relationship between Byron and Polidori during their time together, and seek to understand what led Polidori to cast Byron as his fictional vampire Lord Ruthven. I also analyse the controversy around the publication, which some believe contributed to Polidori’s death in 1821.
    [Show full text]
  • READER! This Edition Gives You a Raw Version of Byron's Correspondence. As Far As Can Be Done in Linear Print, It Conveys What
    1 BYRON’S CORRESPONDENCE AND JOURNALS 10: FROM VENICE, JANUARY 1818-JUNE 1819 Edited by Peter Cochran Work in progress, with frequent updates [indicated]. Letters not in the seventeen main files may be found in those containing the correspondences Byron / Annabella, Byron / Murray, Byron / Hobhouse, Byron / Moore, Byron / Scott, Byron / Kinnaird, Byron / The Shelleys , or Byron / Hoppner . UPDATED June 2012. My thanks to Paul Curtis for his contribution. Abbreviations B.: Byron; Mo: Moore; H.: Hobhouse; K.: Kinnaird; Mu.: Murray; Sh.: Shelley 1922: Lord Byron’s Correspondence Chiefly with Lady Melbourne, Mr Hobhouse, The Hon. Douglas Kinnaird, and P.B.Shelley (2 vols., John Murray 1922). BB: Byron’s Bulldog: The Letters of John Cam Hobhouse to Lord Byron, ed. Peter W.Graham (Columbus Ohio 1984) BLJ: Byron, George Gordon, Lord. Byron’s Letters and Journals . Ed. Leslie A. Marchand, 13 vols. London: John Murray 1973–94. Burnett: T.A.J. Burnett, The Rise and Fall of a Regency Dandy , John Murray, 1981. CSS: The Life and Correspondence of the Late Robert Southey , ed. C.C.Southey, Longman, Brown, Green and Longmans, 6 vols 1849-1850. J.W.W.: Selections from the letters of Robert Southey , Ed. John Wood Warter, 4 vols, Longman, Brown, Green, and Longmans, 1856. LJ: The Works of Lord Byron, Letters and Journals . Ed. R. E. Prothero, 6 vols. London: John Murray, 1899-1904. LJM: The Letters of John Murray to Lord Byron . Ed. Andrew Nicholson, Liverpool University Press, 2007. NLS: National Library of Scotland. Q: Byron: A Self-Portrait; Letters and Diaries 1798 to 1824 . Ed.
    [Show full text]
  • Shelley in 1819: Poetry, Publishing and Radicalism
    Shelley in 1819: Poetry, Publishing and Radicalism Catherine Boyle Thesis presented for a Doctorate at Roehampton Institute June 1998 ProQuest Number: 11009910 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 11009910 Published by ProQuest LLC(2018). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States C ode Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 ABSTRACT The thesis focuses on the question of why Percy Bysshe Shelley failed to publish The M ask o f Anarchy and a series of related poems in 1819. I argue that the attempt to answer this question has major relevance for a reading of Shelley's poems because it leads to a re-evaluation of Shelley's politics, which I regard as integral to the understanding of his poems. I argue in the introduction that tackling this subject leads to a contribution to the following areas of debate: Shelley's textual history and radicalism, publishing history and 'historicist' attempts to evaluate texts in the Romantic period. In Chapter One I re­ examine previous accounts of Shelley's attempts to publish in 1819, arguing that the accounts of those closest to Shelley, Leigh Hunt and Mary Shelley, have been too influential in portraying him as a victim of censorship, and that a new view of Shelley, as someone who was an informed participator in events, and not purely a victim, is needed.
    [Show full text]
  • Byron's Letters to Douglas Kinnaird and Lord Kinnaird
    1 BYRON’S LETTERS TO DOUGLAS KINNAIRD AND LORD KINNAIRD – with some replies from Douglas Kinnaird Edited by Peter Cochran This section has been in part prepared with generous support from Mr Geoffrey Bond. Letters and sections of letters not yet seen are reproduced from the John Murray edition, with kind permission. Introduction (by P.C., expanding Ralph Lloyd-Jones) Douglas Kinnaird was born on February 26th 1788, the fourth son of George, the seventh Lord Kinnaird, of Inchture, Perthshire. He was educated from 1799 to 1802 at Eton, then at Gottingen University, where he became fluent in French and German. He graduated MA from Trinity College, Cambridge, in 1811. In July 1813 he went to Germany again, where he visited Alexander I’s headquarters at Peterswaldau. In Berlin, J.C.Hobhouse fell in love, and was unwise enough to confess his infatuation to Kinnaird, who “did a Byron” and told everyone else. Kinnaird witnessed the Russo-Prussian victory over the French at Kulm, on August 30th. Travelling via Prague to Paris, he was present at Louis XVIII’s first entry, on April 28th 1814, before returning to England with the journalist William Jerdan. Although Kinnaird had been acquainted with Byron at Cambridge, their friendship began in earnest in the winter of 1814 when Moore recalls “those evenings we passed together at the house of ... Douglas Kinnaird, where music, – followed by its accustomed sequel of supper, brandy and water, and not a little laughter, – kept us together, usually till rather a late hour”.1 These parties were presided over by Kinnaird’s mistress, the actress and singer Maria Keppel, mother to an illegitimate son born in April 1814.
    [Show full text]