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Iran Vies for More Influence in Iraq at a Budget Price by Farzin Nadimi
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 3405 Iran Vies for More Influence in Iraq at a Budget Price by Farzin Nadimi Dec 3, 2020 Also available in Arabic / Farsi ABOUT THE AUTHORS Farzin Nadimi Farzin Nadimi, an associate fellow with The Washington Institute, is a Washington-based analyst specializing in the security and defense affairs of Iran and the Persian Gulf region. Brief Analysis Tehran aims to earn hard currency for its relatively cheap military hardware, ideally boosting its leverage in Baghdad at a fraction of the cost that the United States has been spending there. n November 14, a large Iraqi defense delegation began a four-day visit to Tehran as a follow-up to previous O exchanges with Iranian officials. The trip was led by Sunni defense minister Juma Saadoun al-Jubouri and included the commanders of each Iraqi military branch. According to Jubouri, its main goal was to “deepen” bilateral military and security cooperation. Three days later, the commander of Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps-Qods Force (IRGC-QF), Brig. Gen. Esmail Qaani, reportedly paid a secret visit to Baghdad. These exchanges are all the more notable because they came after the UN ban on arms deals with Iran expired in October. Tehran is now free to market and sell its weapons abroad, and several potential customers have already shown interest—not just Iraq, but also Syria, Venezuela, and other players. To be sure, all of these governments are financially constrained, and the United States will likely continue disrupting such deals via existing secondary sanctions, most of them based on UN Security Council resolutions adopted between 2006 and 2015. -
Iran Case File (April 2021)
IRAN CASE FILE April 2021 RASANAH International Institute for Iranian Studies, Al-Takhassusi St. Sahafah, Riyadh Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. P.O. Box: 12275 | Zip code: 11473 Contact us [email protected] +966112166696 Executive Summary .....................................................................................4 Internal Affairs ........................................................................................... 7 The Ideological File .............................................................................................8 1. Women and the “Political Man” ............................................................................... 8 2. Khatami and the Position of Women ......................................................................10 The Political File ............................................................................................... 12 1. The Most Notable Highlights of the Leaked Interview .............................................12 2. Consequences and Reactions .................................................................................13 3. The Position of the Iranian President and Foreign Ministry on the Interview ..........14 4. The Implications of Leaking the Interview at This Time..........................................15 The Economic File ............................................................................................. 16 1. Bitcoin’s Genesis Globally and the Start of Its Use in Iran ........................................16 2. The Importance of Bitcoin for Iran -
República Islámica De Irán
OFICINA DE INFORMACIÓN DIPLOMÁTICA FICHA PAÍS Irán República Islámica de Irán La Oficina de Información Diplomática del Ministerio de Asuntos Exteriores y de Cooperación pone a disposición de los profesionales de los medios de comunicación y del público en general la presente ficha país. La información contenida en esta ficha país es pública y se ha extraído de diversos medios no oficiales. La presente ficha país no defiende posición política alguna ni de este Ministerio ni del Gobierno de España respecto del país sobre el que versa. FEBRERO 2018 Constitución. Además, en torno a un 25 % de la población tiene una variedad Irán del turco como lengua materna y se hablan otros idiomas minoritarios, como el kurdo. Moneda: Rial iraní (cambio a 4 de febrero de 2018: 1€ = 46.086 riales) Religión: El Islam está consagrado en la Constitución hoy vigente como religión oficial. La mayoría musulmana iraní (un 96% de la población total) es chiíta (en Mar Caspio torno al 89% de los musulmanes). Hay una minoría musulmana que pertenece TURQUÍA Tabriz a la creencia autóctona conocida como bahaísmo. Existe una importante mino- TURKMENISTÁN ría cristiana de origen armenio, junto a asirio-caldeos; también hay un pequeño Mashhad grupo de judíos y de seguidores del Zoroastrismo. Teherán Forma de Estado: El artículo 1 de la Constitución de 1979 define a Irán como una República Islámica. El sistema se basa en la distinción entre un Ejecutivo encabezado por el Presidente de la República y compuesto por los distintos mi- Isfahán AFGANISTÁN nisterios, que gestiona la administración del país, y un Legislativo o Majlis, que de manera efectiva aprueba las leyes y vota a los candidatos a ministro propues- IRAK Ahvaz tos por el Presidente. -
Iran Under Khatami
IRAN UNDER KHATAMI A Political, Economic, and Military Assessment Patrick Clawson Michael Eisenstadt Eliyahu Kanovsky David Menashri A Washington Institute Monograph THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, re- cording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. © 1998 by the Washington Institute for Near East Policy Published in 1998 in the United States of America by the Washing- ton Institute for Near East Policy, 1828 L Street NW, Suite 1050, Washington, DC 20036. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Iran under Khatami: a political, economic, and military assess- ment / Patrick L. Clawson ... [et al.]. p. cm. ISBN 0-944029-27-2 (pbk.) 1. Iran—Politics and government—1997- 2. Khatami, Muhammad. 3. Iran—Economic conditions—1997- 4. Iran—Foreign relations—1997- 5. Iran—Military policy. I. Clawson, Patrick, 1951- . DS318.9.I73 1998 955.05'43—dc21 98-39718 CIP Cover design by Monica Neal Hertzman. Cover image AFP Photo/ Jamshid Bairami/Corbis. CONTENTS Contributors v Preface vii 1 The Khatami Paradox Patrick Clawson 1 2 Whither Iranian Politics? The Khatami Factor David Menashri 13 3 Iran's Sick Economy Prospects for Change under Khatami Eliyahu Kanovsky 53 4 The Military Dimension Michael Eisenstadt 71 5 Opportunities and Challenges for U.S. Policy Patrick Clawson and Michael Eisenstadt 99 CONTRIBUTORS Patrick Clawson is director for research at The Washington Institute for Near East Policy and senior editor of the Middle East Quarterly. -
Statement on the American Citizens Held in Iran June 1, 2007
June 1 / Administration of George W. Bush, 2007 And so I want to thank you all for joining and finger-pointing. And we’ll spend energy on a really important piece of legislation. and time and effort to help you advance It’s the right thing to do. It’s the right a really important piece of legislation for approach to take. It is right to address a the good of this country. problem. It is right to work with people I’ve come by to say thanks. Chertoff and in both political parties. It is right to argue Gutierrez can tell you how the bill has got- for what you believe and recognize that ten this far and what we see in the future. compromise might be necessary to move But I’m looking forward to signing a bill, the bill along. And it is right to take polit- and I think we will. I truly believe that ical risk for Members of the United States when people with good will and good heart Congress. and with focus on helping this country I say—I don’t think this is risky, frankly. come together, that we can get a good I don’t view this as risk reward. I frankly piece of legislation out. And I’m looking view it as doing what you ought to do. forward to signing it. I hope you’ll be there See, people ought to be running for office when I do. to do what’s right for the United States God bless. -
Iran's Transnational Terrorist Networks
כרמ ז ע ז ר י רקחל א י אר ן ץרפומה ירספה ﺰﮐﺮﻣ یرﺰﻋ ﺑ ﺮ یا ﺎﻄﻣ ﻟ ﻌ تﺎ ا ﯾ ﺮ نا ﻠﺧو ﺞﯿ ﭘ رسﺎ The Ezri Center for Iran & Persian Gulf Studies The Persian Gulf Observer Perspectives on Iran and the Persian Gulf à à à Iran’s Transnational Terrorist Networks Issue No. 37 (January, 2020) Attached please find the 37th issue of Persian Gulf Observer, titled " Iran’s Transnational Terrorist Networks" by The Ezri Center's research fellow, Dr. Yossi Mansharof. The Persian Gulf Observer: Perspectives on Iran and the Persian Gulf is published periodically by The Ezri Center for Iran & Persian Gulf Studies at the University of Haifa, expressing the views and analysis of the Ezri center's researchers on various issues concerning the Persian Gulf region and the countries which lay by its shores. You are most welcome to follow the Ezri Center's tweets at: https://twitter.com/EzriCenter , be our friend on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/pages/The-Ezri-Center-for-Iran-and- Persian-Gulf-Studies/141080069242626 Watch and listen to conferences and lecturers at the Center's YouTube channel: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCZdzvlhv7a8nxLjYZdaz68Q and visit our site: http://gulfc.haifa.ac.il/ להל ן גה י ל י ו ן ה- 37 לש Persian Gulf Observer ובו מאמר כש ו תרת ו " ךרעמ רטה ו ר רטה נ ס - אל ו מ י רפה ו - נאריא י : ילכ קשנ קשנ ילכ : י נאריא טרסאט ג י ל י ו ם קפ ו הד " אמת "דר ףמוישריס ונ ,תעמ רמקחי מ זכרב .ירזע The Persian Gulf Observer: Perspectives on Iran and the Persian Gulf פתמ ר םס דתב י ר ו ת קת ו תפ י ת "ע י י" זכרמ ירזע רקחל ןאריא ץרפמהו סרפה י אב ו נ י סרב י תט ח י הפ , ו וב גצומ םי מאמר י העד , רפ י - טעם לש ירקוח זכרמה לע גמ ו ו ן מל זרה רו ש ע מםיונאש המרוזא הץרפ יסרפ הדשוהמת וניו ונכת יפוחל ו . -
IRGC Navy Leadership Change May Not Signal Imminent Behavior Change | the Washington Institute
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 3011 IRGC Navy Leadership Change May Not Signal Imminent Behavior Change by Farzin Nadimi Sep 5, 2018 Also available in Arabic ABOUT THE AUTHORS Farzin Nadimi Farzin Nadimi, an associate fellow with The Washington Institute, is a Washington-based analyst specializing in the security and defense affairs of Iran and the Persian Gulf region. Brief Analysis Despite the appointment of a radical anti-American commander, Iran’s naval forces are unlikely to resume frequent provocations without a strategic shift at the very top of the regime. n August 23, Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei promoted the acting commander of Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary O Guard Corps Navy (IRGCN), Alireza Tangsiri, to full commander, replacing Ali Fadavi, who was appointed as the wider IRGC’s deputy commander for coordination. In his appointment letter, Tangsiri was instructed to build an “agile and growing naval arm on par with [the demands of the] Islamic Republic” by carrying out three main objectives: making use of “religious manpower,” improving the navy’s “training, skills, intelligence dominance, and interoperability with other IRGC branches,” and “expanding its arsenal even further.” Yet his promotion does not necessarily signal a shift back to tense naval provocations in Persian Gulf waters, depending on how Khamenei decides to respond to forthcoming oil sanctions. WHO IS TANGSIRI? A naval brigade commander during the Iran-Iraq War, Tangsiri headed the IRGCN’s 1st Naval District in Bandar Abbas before becoming Fadavi’s deputy in 2010. He is known for his staunchly anti-American views and his vocal support for detaining Western naval personnel whose vessels stray into Iranian waters. -
Iran and the Soft Aw R Monroe Price University of Pennsylvania, [email protected]
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Departmental Papers (ASC) Annenberg School for Communication 2012 Iran and the Soft aW r Monroe Price University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/asc_papers Part of the Social Influence and Political Communication Commons Recommended Citation Price, M. (2012). Iran and the Soft aW r. International Journal of Communication, 6 2397-2415. Retrieved from https://repository.upenn.edu/asc_papers/732 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/asc_papers/732 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Iran and the Soft aW r Disciplines Communication | Social and Behavioral Sciences | Social Influence and Political Communication This journal article is available at ScholarlyCommons: https://repository.upenn.edu/asc_papers/732 International Journal of Communication 6 (2012), Feature 2397–2415 1932–8036/2012FEA0002 Iran and the Soft War MONROE PRICE University of Pennsylvania The events of the Arab Spring instilled in many authorities the considerable fear that they could too easily lose control over the narratives of legitimacy that undergird their power. 1 This threat to national power was already a part of central thinking in Iran. Their reaction to the Arab Spring was especially marked because of a long-held feeling that strategic communicators from outside the state’s borders were purposely reinforcing domestic discontent. I characterize strategic communications as, most dramatically, investment by an external source in methods to alter basic elements of a societal consensus. In this essay, I want to examine what this process looks like from what might be called the “inside,” the view from the perspective of the target society. -
Major General Hossein Salami: Commander-In-Chief of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps October 2020
Major General Hossein Salami: Commander-in-Chief of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps October 2020 1 Table of Contents Salami’s Early Years and the Iran-Iraq War ................................................................................................... 3 Salami’s Path to Power ................................................................................................................................. 4 Commander of the IRGC’s Air Force and Deputy Commander-in-Chief ....................................................... 5 Commander-in-Chief of the IRGC.................................................................................................................. 9 Conclusion ................................................................................................................................................... 11 2 Major General Hossein Salami Major General Hossein Salami has risen through the ranks of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) since its inception after the 1979 Islamic Revolution in Iran. He served on the battlefield during the Iran-Iraq War, spent part of his career in the IRGC’s academic establishment, commanded its Air Force, served as its second-in-command, and finally was promoted to the top position as commander-in-chief in 2019. Salami, in addition to being an IRGC insider, is known for his speeches, which are full of fire and fury. It’s this bellicosity coupled with his devotion to Iran’s supreme leader that has fueled his rise. Salami’s Early Years and the Iran-Iraq War Hossein -
Iran and the Gulf Military Balance - I
IRAN AND THE GULF MILITARY BALANCE - I The Conventional and Asymmetric Dimensions FIFTH WORKING DRAFT By Anthony H. Cordesman and Alexander Wilner Revised July 11, 2012 Anthony H. Cordesman Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy [email protected] Cordesman/Wilner: Iran & The Gulf Military Balance, Rev 5 7/11/12 2 Acknowledgements This analysis was made possible by a grant from the Smith Richardson Foundation. It draws on the work of Dr. Abdullah Toukan and a series of reports on Iran by Adam Seitz, a Senior Research Associate and Instructor, Middle East Studies, Marine Corps University. 2 Cordesman/Wilner: Iran & The Gulf Military Balance, Rev 5 7/11/12 3 INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................................................. 5 THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND ....................................................................................................................... 6 Figure III.1: Summary Chronology of US-Iranian Military Competition: 2000-2011 ............................... 8 CURRENT PATTERNS IN THE STRUCTURE OF US AND IRANIAN MILITARY COMPETITION ........................................... 13 DIFFERING NATIONAL PERSPECTIVES .............................................................................................................. 17 US Perceptions .................................................................................................................................... 17 Iranian Perceptions............................................................................................................................ -
Iran's Foreign and Defense Policies
Iran’s Foreign and Defense Policies Updated May 8, 2019 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R44017 SUMMARY R44017 Iran’s Foreign and Defense Policies May 8, 2019 Iran’s national security policy is the product of many overlapping and sometimes competing factors such as the ideology of Iran’s Islamic revolution, perception of threats Kenneth Katzman to the regime and to the country, long-standing national interests, and the interaction of Specialist in Middle the Iranian regime’s factions and constituencies. Iran’s leadership: Eastern Affairs x Seeks to deter or thwart U.S. or other efforts to invade or intimidate Iran or to bring about a change of regime. x Has sought to take advantage of opportunities of regional conflicts to overturn a power structure in the Middle East that it asserts favors the United States, Israel, Saudi Arabia, and other Sunni Muslim Arab regimes. x Seeks to enhance its international prestige and restore a sense of “greatness” reminiscent of ancient Persian empires. x Advances its foreign policy goals, in part by providing material support to regional allied governments and armed factions. Iranian officials characterize the support as helping the region’s “oppressed” and assert that Saudi Arabia, in particular, is instigating sectarian tensions and trying to exclude Iran from regional affairs. x Sometimes disagrees on tactics and strategies. Supreme Leader Ali Khamene’i and key hardline institutions, such as the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), oppose any compromises of Iran’s national security core goals. Iran’s elected president, Hassan Rouhani, and Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif support Iran’s integration into regional and international diplomacy. -
Download Bios
Iran’s Revolution Turns Forty Atlantic Council and the University of Southern Florida Tuesday, February 12, 2019 9:00 a.m.- 4:00 p.m. Atlantic Council Headquarters Speaker Biographies Holly Dagres Nonresident Fellow, Middle East Security Initiative, Scowcroft Center for Strategy and Security, Atlantic Council Holly Dagres is a nonresident fellow with the Middle East Security Initiative at the Atlantic Council’s Scowcroft Center for Strategy and Security. She is also the editor of Scowcroft Center’s IranSource blog and curator for the weekly newsletter, The Iranist. Before joining the Atlantic Council, Holly worked as a freelance Iran analyst, regularly following traditional and social media in English and Persian. She also worked as the assistant editor at the Cairo Review of Global Affairs, associated with the American University in Cairo’s Global Affairs and Public Policy School. Holly received a master’s degree in political science at the American University in Cairo, and a bachelor’s degree in political science and French from the University of California, Los Angeles. In 2013, she conducted on-the-ground research in Iran on the impact of sanctions for her master’s degree thesis. Haleh Esfandiari Former and Founding Director, Middle East Program, Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars Haleh Esfandiari, the former and founding director of the Middle East Program at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, is a public policy fellow at the Wilson Center. In her native Iran, she was a journalist, served as deputy secretary general of the Women's Organization of Iran, and was the deputy director of a cultural foundation where she was responsible for the activities of several museums and art and cultural centers.