J. Pouwer ,,Loosely Structured Societies in Netherlands New Guinea
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J. Pouwer ,,Loosely structured societies in Netherlands New Guinea In: Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 116 (1960), no: 1, Leiden, 109-118 This PDF-file was downloaded from http://www.kitlv-journals.nl Downloaded from Brill.com10/02/2021 10:25:54PM via free access "LOOSELY STRUCTURED SOCIETIES" IN NETHERLANDS NEW GUINEA* he book under review, for which Van der Leeden was awarded a doctorate at Leiden University, contains only part of the Tresults of the thorough and intensive research carried out between 1952 and 1955 in the Sarmi area (northern New Guinea) by the author, then Government Ethnologist in Netherlands New Guinea. This doctor's thesis only deals with the western interior of the Sarmi area, viz. the region between the Mamberamo in the west and the Woske in the east. The culture of this area differs from that of the eastern part. Then, the author concentrates on two communities in the western interior, and only compares them with the rest of the western inland region in two brief paragraphs. Finally, after giving a rapid survey of the culture as a whole, he limits his discussion to the social aspect of the culture concerned. In other words, his study is limited both geographically and thematically. The reader may wonder what the ethnographic and theoretical value may be of such an intensive study of the social life of two miniature communities, the Samarokena and the Mukrara which have 68 and 71 members respectively. In my opinion, its value lies in the fact that it is a study of man and community in a marginal situation. We learn that the population of the western interior has to make, maintain and give content to its living in natural surroundings which are "merciless and in some respects even hostile, and which supply the inhabitants with little more than the barest necessities of life" in this case sago and pork. The landscape consists of marshlands and steep hills, and is characterized by erosion of the cultivated soil, floods and earthquakes. The semi-nomadic way of life of these communities, the very slight density of the population, the diffused settlement pattern, and the small Review of A. C. van der Leeden, Hoofdtrekken der socuJe struktuur m het Westelijke bmnenlcmd van Sarmi (i.e. "The principal features of the social structure in the western inland regions of Sarmi") Eduard IJdo, Leiden 1956. Downloaded from Brill.com10/02/2021 10:25:54PM via free access 110 DR J. POUWER. size of the local groups — seldom more than 100 individuals — are undoubtedly all connected with the scantiness of the natural resources. One of the dangers always threatening these small communities in their unfavourable habitat is that of becoming extinct (p. 158). The great merit of this study is that Van der Leeden has always kept this marginal situation in mind when analysing and synthesizing his data. He does not deal with kinship and marriage as an abstract system, existing in vacua, but he projects them onto the concrete reali- ties of human beings and their world. It is for this reason that the book, in spite of its highly specialized and technical character, which makes it unsuitable for the general reader, yet presents us with the almost infinitely varied and always fascinating spectacle of living human beings, whom we recognize and appreciate as fellow-men.2 An intense interest and warm sympathy for his Papua fellowman is the foundation of Van der Leeden's scholarship and was the stimulus for his field research, which he carried out in extremely difficult cir- cumstances, and while suffering from ill-health. Such intensive studies of man as bearer of culture in a marginal situation are rare in cultural anthropology. It is my conviction that they can give us a more profound insight into the main subject of anthropological research, i.e. the way elements are integrated in, and into, culture, and the interaction of individual and community. In fact, they can do so better than many descriptions of larger communities, which always run the risk of too much generalization, and thus of becoming little more than blueprints. A second point in favour of this work is the writer's scrupulous and objective manner of collecting, analysing and presenting his facts, and the great theoretical knowledge he displays. When one knows from one's own experience how, even in his undergraduate years at Leiden, Van der Leeden was "steeped in Levi-Strauss" as no other, it is simply comical to read the review of his thesis by Rodney Needham in Man (Vol. LVIII, June 1957, nr. 112), in which he is advised to read Levi- Strauss ! His painstaking, systematic presentation and interpretation of his ;1 A. C. Van der Leeden, Hoofdtrekken der socicde structuur in het westelijke bmnenland van Sarmi, Leiden; IJdo N.V., 1956. 168 pages, with 3 appendices, a map and a summary in English. 2 See also Fischer's review of this thesis in Nieuw-Guinea Studivn, year 1, nr. 2, April 1957, p. 172. Downloaded from Brill.com10/02/2021 10:25:54PM via free access LOOSELY STRUCTURED SOCIETIES IN NETHERLANDS NEW GUINEA. Ill material allows the reader to follow the argument — which at times is very compact — step by step; it also permits the reader to form a reasoned opinion differing from the author's own, on the grounds of the same data. This is the greatest compliment one can make the writer of a scholarly work. Like other workers in the labyrinth of New Guinea cultures and communities, Van der Leeden was also hampered in drawing up the pattern of the community (Linton's "construct pattern") by the tre- mendous variability of behaviour, and also, in particular, by the strong bilateral tendencies. Both factors tended to make the over-all picture confused and hazy. Prominent ethnologists as Van Baal and the late Professor Held in this connection even spoke of loose social structure. The influence of bilateral kinship reckoning comes to the fore on almost every page of Van der Leeden's work. In the first place, there is the kinship terminology with its marked bilateral features, particu- larly in the generations of the grandparents, children, and grand- children, and with respect to distant relatives. The terminological system resembles the Hawaiian type. It is true there are separate terms for fa-younger-si and for mo-br, but these are to be explained by the prevalent marriage type, involving exchange of sisters. The fact that the partners in the exchange are terminologically distinguished, results, in the next generation, in distinctive terms for cross-cousins. In every-day life, however, these terms are only used in situations which demand an exact determination or classification of kinsfolk (p. 42). It is considered quite normal to address cross-cousins by the same terms one employs toward siblings. This also applies to mo-si-children, for whom there is also a distinctive term, remarkably enough. There are few unilineal indications in the terminological system. Furthermore one notes the great structural importance of the rela- tionships between siblings (br-si, br-br, si-si). The sibling group is a closely-knit unit, after as well as before the marriage of its members (p. 72). This is most strikingly shown up by the prohibition of cross- cousin marriage. The informants themselves explain this prohibition in a purely bila- teral manner: cross-cousins are of the same blood, being descended from a man and a woman, who call each other brother and sister. So we need not be surprised at the ease with which siblings and cross- cousins are terminologically identified. Downloaded from Brill.com10/02/2021 10:25:54PM via free access 112 DR J. POUWER. In this connection the entirely bilateral inheritance of food plants deserves separate mention (for particulars see p. 88). The rules of inheritance illustrate the importance of the parent-child and sibling relationship. With the parent-child and the sibling relationships so heavily stress- ed, a considerable bilateral elaboration of these relationships in the wider contexts of kinship is almost unavoidable, the more so as the superstructure is only slightly developed, and the nuclear family has a remarkably independent position, and acts independently. There are no units at a clan level or higher. To quote Van der Leeden: "One of the greatest problems I faced in my fieldwork was caused by the vagueness of the larger kinship groupings among the Samarokena and Mukrara. Some of these groups proved hardly to be recognized at all, due to bilateral influences, and it seems that among the Samarokena and Mukrara "kin group" means practically the same as "kinship" (p. 88). There is no clearly-defined term meaning "lineage". Of the six "lineages" (geslachten) which appear as corporate units in the two communities, only two are predominantly patrilineal, and the two smal- lest ones are completely bilateral. Van der Leeden himself attributes the vagueness in distinguishing kin group to the fact that one considers oneself a member of father's as well as of mother's kin group (p. 93). Finally, Van der Leeden observes on very good grounds, that the distinction between traceable and traditional relatives, so important for the regulation of marriage, also shows bilateral features. The result is that the exogamous and endogamous groups cannot be sharply defined either. It is obvious that the author met considerable difficulties when he had to interpret these data in order to draw up a structural model. He was very much aware of these difficulties, as is proved for instance, by the following sentence: "I n spite of these bilateral fea- tures (my italics, P.) I believe we must study the lineages from a unilineal point of view" (p.