DOCSLIB.ORG

“The Proletarian Revolution

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
“The Proletarian Revolution Page Two DAILY WORKER. NEW YORK. THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 15, 1934 “The Proletarian Revolution Is Knocking at the Door of Europe Says Pravda Austrian II orkers Still Austrian Workers Carrying on Hold Fascist Murderers Fight with Supreme Courage And Devotion, Says Pravda at Bay; Resistance Rises Social-Democratic Leaders Are Already Coming orking (lass Districts us Vienna, Main Provincial to Terms With the Dollfuss Government in Despite Towns. Remain Hands of Workers Special to Uw Dally Worker) \rtillery. Planes, Flame-Throwers MOSCOW, Feb. 14 (By Cable).— Paris Workers Defy “Austria on Fire” is the title of the leading article in today’s Pravda VIENNA, Feb. 14.—After a night of the sharpest fight- organ of the Central Committee of ing on a hundred fronts in Austria, the workers have battled the Troops; Hold Meets the Communist Party of the Soviet and fascist forces a standstill, held their most im- Union. "After the events in Paris state to and France,” article de- VIENNA STRONGHOLDS, SHELLED BV FASCISTS throughout the portant positions. TENEMENTS. WORKERS’ in Public Squares battles of the the clares, "the heroic I Despite the meagerness of the news reaching Vienna from The centers of the workers' resistance to fascist troops have largely been the workers' tenements of Austrian workmen are a new eon- I Vienna. The block shown above, a tenement in the Reomannhof, one of the workers’ strongholds, was at- great is determl- g the provinces, and despite obviously faked government reports, Anti-Fascist Actions on firmation of how the tacked by government artillery. Hundreds of women and children were killed by the fascist shells. nation of the toilers and how high it is clear that the workers have revealed a tremendous revolu- AT LEFT: The fascist murderer, Prince Ernest Starhemberg, leader of the Austrian Heimwehr. Increase Throughout the anti-fascist wave has risen. tionary resistance to the incomparably better equipped state France "The bourgeoisie, which Is becoming forces and their fascist legions. fascist, has badly miscalculated the army hunting rifle*, or old equipment PARIS, Feb. 14.—French workers, situation. It will not succeed in turn- Use Flame-Throwers retained from past years, firing at i who came out in millions on Monday ing millions of proletarians into slaves The the troops through windows with War Danger Blazes in Europe Over in the tremendously successful 24- The working class cannot be deceived. murderous capitalist state has not nesitated to use and geranium plants white curtains hour nation-wide strike against fas- “The Social Democratic workers of flame-throwers and the most barbarous scientific methods of on the sills, defending their homes. cism continued their fight on the by leaders, The working-class dead Include Austria, abandoned their destruction in it* wax on the working class. Airplanes direct the Are of reactionary Doumergue Government are carrying on their struggles With hundreds of women and children, The Threatened Seizure ol Austria batteries of howitzers, hurling shell after shell into the tenement homes of in scores of demonstrations through- supreme courage and devotion.” who fought with their men, or were out today. ■workers. <• France caught in the murderous barrages of work- The Pravda further states th»< The Dollfuss government and his Heimwehr (fascist) supporters have Oe- (Continued Page 1) In this city, large crowds of the state troops, which spared no one, from complicated war antagonisms, the he rising resistance of the revolu- ers gathered throughout the day in the Social Democratic leaders have ranging the captured workers out of hand. revealed no spark of humanity in its French carry on a bitter trade war tionary proletariat, with the Place already come to terms with the =HPJ the tremendous soli- along the de la Concorde, defyUig There are no reliable estimates of the dead. The total, which may never desperate resolve to crush the work- international with Great Britain. strengthening of the of troops Austrian government party regard- darity of the workers behind their fascist reaction, cordons and police be known, must run Into thousand.*; throughout the country. The hospitals ing class whatever the cost. The air of Europe flashes with the lays the pretext for the united front thrown around the huge square to ing capitulation, but that the masse* Austrian brothers, are now fervently against the capitulating and of Vienna are crowded with the wounded of the state forces. lay Siege to Floridsdorf Apartments lightning of capitalist antagonisms, of all the capitalist slaveholders for enforce the government’s ban on rose attempting to knit the imperialist with war treacherous maneuvers of the lead- The workers cannot take their wounded to the hospitals. front for against with war hatreds, the actual against the Soviet Union, against working class demonstrations. Meet- Troops began throwing a pontoon war our Austrian of the armies. ings were organized by Commu- ers. “The devoted fighters for their Meet of Vienna Undefeated. workers, and against the world yan- mobilization the world fortress of the victorious the bridge across the Danube during the War is on the order of the day proletarian revolution. nist Party in protest against the class, the Austrian Communists, are Xiie greater part of the working class districts of Vienna are unbeaten. to attack strong- guard of the proletariat, the Union front ranks of the present night, the workers’ and may break out in tremendous The war fever and mobilization in murder of two strikers by Paris po- in the Despite defeats at certain points, the workers rally again and again, holds at bridgehead. of Socialist Soviet Republics. small Austrian Com- fighting the Floridsdorf each the fury at any moment. Europe underline the Bolshevik fore- lice during the general strike, and struggle. The with heroism. Here stand four gigantic cooperative Yet of imperialist power* Party given thousands on revolutionary for war to seize the greatest The of in Austria sight and correctness of the 13th the wholesale arrests ordered by the munist has tenements. Os these only one, the girds shrieking howitzers government in an to of fearless to this Prince Ernst von Stahrembcrg, chief of the Heimwehr forces, stormed share of the booty. directed at the workers, is the pre- Plenum Resolution of the Communist attempt crush fighters struggle, Schlesingerhof, has been leading the great munition center of StejT this morning, after an all-night artillery taken. for the heavier In the rising revolutionary wave. At fighters who are tens of A second, Geitenstade, Is un- Hitler Moves Armies lude bombardment International. that resolution, 600 were arrested in of in He a a report the that will rock all to its passed least workers thousands workers heroic barrage. reported vlctoc-y, but previous that Steyr had fallen der a barrage of shells and Europe some two months ago. it is the past 36 hours. arrests smashing Hitler is quietly moving his armies foundations in the most savage war The were struggle. was proven incorrect. gun fire. A river gunboat stated: aimed especially at na- machine towards the Austrian frontier. The the world has ever known. revolutionary “Let the Bauer* and other despic- The workers are still holding the railway depot at Linz, having lost It carrying powerful guns has anchored "The bourgeoisie wants to post- tive and Immigrant workers. In their German fascist press openly declares bandits able traitors to the workers desert, once, and recaptured it in a heroic assault. off this point in the river, and Is The capitalist are seeking pone the doom of capitalism a attempt to split the working class, that the victory of fascism means the to prevent their doom the most by proletarian revolution Is knocking at hurling shells into the workers’ by criminal imperialist war and a the government has ordered the de- Few State Victories. “anschluss,” unity of fascist Austria criminal in history. the door of Europe] war - homes. and Germany—a step' towards counter revolutionary campaign portation of scores of militant immi- The workers are still holding their barricades at Goesting, a suburb of war They make no more grant workers, The northern railroad station In the against the Soviet Union. To secret about against the land of victorious so- including German “The events in Austria and Pan* Austria, where fortify plunge to war. refugees Graz. Few reports have come from other industrial centers of Floridsdorf district has been destroyed this “anschluss,” German fascism is their cialism.” whom the government in- are the vangard of skirmish® be- fighting equally great. government has no reports, which by shellfire, “for strategic reasons,” Henry Berenger, tends to return to certain death at ginning powerful the is Tlie issued ready to plunge to war, a war which head of the Rrench In answer to this situation, which a new and era of it has no victories boast of. the government reported. not of Senate Foreign Affairs Committee, tiie hands of the Nazi murderers. revolutionary upsurge. This upsurge show to would stop with the seizure is now a living reality, which is now Austria. yesterday declared that League News of police attacks on is proceeding the slogan of The story of two days’ fighting is a long record of heroic deeds by the Heroic Defense of Workers Center if the being translated into actual warfare workers under the of Nations does not march armies in- ; demonstrations in Marseilles. South Unity of the Proletariat, which Is the embattled workers, facing with sporting arms, old army rifles, and a few Tile At the same time, Czecho-Slovakian by the fascist hounds of Austria, and state forces claimed a victory capitalism, to pusn its further to Austria, the League will be dead France and in Algiers and other only guarantee of rletorloue battles machine guns the tremendous batteries of the state forces.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Significance and Shortcomings of Karl Marx
    Class, Race and Corporate Power Volume 6 Issue 2 Article 3 2018 The Significance and Shortcomings of Karl Marx Chris Wright Hunter College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/classracecorporatepower Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Wright, Chris (2018) "The Significance and Shortcomings of Karl Marx," Class, Race and Corporate Power: Vol. 6 : Iss. 2 , Article 3. DOI: 10.25148/CRCP.6.2.008310 Available at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/classracecorporatepower/vol6/iss2/3 This work is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Arts, Sciences & Education at FIU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Class, Race and Corporate Power by an authorized administrator of FIU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Significance and Shortcomings of Karl Marx Abstract In this essay I explain both why Karl Marx remains an important thinker and why he is in some respects inadequate. I focus on the central issue of 'materialism vs. idealism,' and briefly explore ways in which contemporary intellectuals still haven't assimilated the insights of historical materialism. In the last section of the paper I examine the greatest weakness of Marxism, its theory of proletarian revolution, and propose an alternative conceptualization that both updates the theory for the twenty-first century and is more faithful to historical materialism than Marx's own conception was. Keywords Karl Marx, Marxism, socialism Creative Commons License This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License. This article is available in Class, Race and Corporate Power: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/ classracecorporatepower/vol6/iss2/3 I often have occasion to think that, as an “intellectual,” I’m very lucky to be alive at this time in history, at the end of the long evolution from Herodotus and the pre-Socratic philosophers to Chomsky and modern science.
    [Show full text]
  • Remaking Italy? Place Configurations and Italian Electoral Politics Under the ‘Second Republic’
    Modern Italy Vol. 12, No. 1, February 2007, pp. 17–38 Remaking Italy? Place Configurations and Italian Electoral Politics under the ‘Second Republic’ John Agnew The Italian Second Republic was meant to have led to a bipolar polity with alternation in national government between conservative and progressive blocs. Such a system it has been claimed would undermine the geographical structure of electoral politics that contributed to party system immobilism in the past. However, in this article I argue that dynamic place configurations are central to how the ‘new’ Italian politics is being constructed. The dominant emphasis on either television or the emergence of ‘politics without territory’ has obscured the importance of this geographical restructuring. New dynamic place configurations are apparent particularly in the South which has emerged as a zone of competition between the main party coalitions and a nationally more fragmented geographical pattern of electoral outcomes. These patterns in turn reflect differential trends in support for party positions on governmental centralization and devolution, geographical patterns of local economic development, and the re-emergence of the North–South divide as a focus for ideological and policy differences between parties and social groups across Italy. Introduction One of the high hopes of the early 1990s in Italy was that following the cleansing of the corruption associated with the party regime of the Cold War period, Italy could become a ‘normal country’ in which bipolar politics of electoral competition between clearly defined coalitions formed before elections, rather than perpetual domination by the political centre, would lead to potential alternation of progressive and conservative forces in national political office and would check the systematic corruption of partitocrazia based on the jockeying for government offices (and associated powers) after elections (Gundle & Parker 1996).
    [Show full text]
  • Ten Canons of the Proletarian Revolution
    Ten Canons of the Proletarian Revolution New York Labar New$ Cornpan7 (Soclalfet Labor Partp) 45 Rose St., New Yark 1988 THE CREED OF A REVOLUTrONIST. Dare to be a Daniel, Dare to stand alone, Dare to have a purpose firm, Dare to make it known. -P&4 Ems of Damid Bs Lum. cwwmB 1905, HewYorL;~Nc~p"s& All rights reMmed. The Ten Canons of a Revolutionist are, as they originally stand, part of the second part-The Warning of the Gracchi--of 'Two Pages from Roman His- tory," being lessons deduced from blunders or weak- nesses of the two Gnccbi brothers in their struggle with the Roman patriciate. Beyond a doubt, these Ten Canons are the clearest, the most concise outline of con- duct of:the ProIetarian Revolution that have ever been permed They amount practically to a code of revolu- tionary conduct and tactical ethics. Because of this, we have considered it valuable and proper to publish them in handy pamphlet form by themselves, so that the rest of the material, however significant in itself, shall not detract attention fmm these revoIutionary canons, so important and essential that they ought to be engrayed on the mind of every revolutionist, the "leaders" as well as the rank and Me. The srrmqth, the cool, relentless and unassaabble logic of each of these rules of conduct, could never at any time fail to strike the revaIutionist, bur it is only since the Praletarian Revolution actually got into action that we can fully appreciate these revolutionary "ten commandments." So concrete are they that they might the rocks by the lure of the Cadmmt
    [Show full text]
  • Learning to Swim in Stormy Weather” Was first Published July 31, 2011, at Winterends.Net
    Greece’s Communist Organization: LearningLearning toto SwimSwim inin StormyStormy WeatherWeather by Eric Ribellarsi Also includes “The in!uence of the Chinese Revolution on the Communist Movement of Greece” by the Communist Organization of Greece (KOE), 2006 KASAMA ESSAYS FOR DISCUSSION “Greece’s Communist Organization: Learning to Swim in Stormy Weather” was first published July 31, 2011, at winterends.net. Winter Has Its End is a team of reporters traveling during the summer of 2011 to places in the world where people are rising up. “!e influence of the Chinese Revolution on the Communist Move- ment of Greece” was published by the Communist Organization of Greece (KOE), May 2006 Published as a Kasama Essay for Discussion pamphlet August, 2011 Licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 United States Licence. Feel free to reprint, distribute or quote this with attribution. Cover photo illustration by Enzo Rhyner/original photo by Eric Ribellarsi Kasama is a communist project that seeks to reconceive and regroup for a profound revolutionary transformation of society. website: kasamaproject.org email: [email protected] 80045_r2 08.11 Greece’s Communist Organization: Learning to Swim in Stormy Weather by Eric Ribellarsi We in Kasama, and many others, have been en- Great and energetic hopes often masked under- gaged for several years now in trying to imagine new lying naiveté and fracture lines that would inevitably ways to fuse revolutionary ideas with the popular dis- come to the fore: How should these popular move- content of the people. It is part of what drew our Win- ments view the existing army (in Egypt), or the intru- ter’s End reporti ng team to Greece and what draws sive Western powers (in Libya), or problems of defin- us now to discuss the Communist Organization of ing specific solutions, or the organizational problems Greece (known as the KOE, and pronounced ‘Koy’).
    [Show full text]
  • The Revolutions of 1989 and Their Legacies
    1 The Revolutions of 1989 and Their Legacies Vladimir Tismaneanu The revolutions of 1989 were, no matter how one judges their nature, a true world-historical event, in the Hegelian sense: they established a historical cleavage (only to some extent conventional) between the world before and after 89. During that year, what appeared to be an immutable, ostensibly indestructible system collapsed with breath-taking alacrity. And this happened not because of external blows (although external pressure did matter), as in the case of Nazi Germany, but as a consequence of the development of insuperable inner tensions. The Leninist systems were terminally sick, and the disease affected first and foremost their capacity for self-regeneration. After decades of toying with the ideas of intrasystemic reforms (“institutional amphibiousness”, as it were, to use X. L. Ding’s concept, as developed by Archie Brown in his writings on Gorbachev and Gorbachevism), it had become clear that communism did not have the resources for readjustment and that the solution lay not within but outside, and even against, the existing order.1 The importance of these revolutions cannot therefore be overestimated: they represent the triumph of civic dignity and political morality over ideological monism, bureaucratic cynicism and police dictatorship.2 Rooted in an individualistic concept of freedom, programmatically skeptical of all ideological blueprints for social engineering, these revolutions were, at least in their first stage, liberal and non-utopian.3 The fact that 1 See Archie Brown, Seven Years that Changed the World: Perestroika in Perspective (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), pp. 157-189. In this paper I elaborate upon and revisit the main ideas I put them forward in my introduction to Vladimir Tismaneanu, ed., The Revolutions of 1989 (London and New York: Routledge, 1999) as well as in my book Reinventing Politics: Eastern Europe from Stalin to Havel (New York: Free Press, 1992; revised and expanded paperback, with new afterword, Free Press, 1993).
    [Show full text]
  • 'Left-Wing' Communism: an Infantile Disorder
    Resistance Marxist Library ‘Left-Wing’ Communism: An Infantile Disorder V. I. Lenin 2 ‘Left-Wing’ Communism: An Infantile Disorder Acknowledgement: “The Communist Parties and Parliamentarism” © Pluto Press, London; reprinted by permission. Resistance Books 1999 ISBN 0909196 88 5 Published by Resistance Books, resistancebooks.com Contents Introduction by Doug Lorimer................................................................ 5 I. A popular exposition of Bolshevik strategy & tactics...................................... 5 II. The origin & development of Bolshevism...................................................... 6 III. Parliamentary democracy & the proletarian revolution................................. 8 IV. The German Revolution and the German communists............................... 10 V. Marxism & the working-class vanguard........................................................ 13 VI. Winning over the vanguard & winning over the masses.............................. 18 VII. Mass action & tactical compromises............................................................. 20 VIII. Mass action & the united-front tactic............................................................ 23 I. In What Sense We Can Speak of the International Significance of the Russian Revolution .........................27 II. An Essential Condition of the Bolsheviks’ Success ...... 30 III. The Principal Stages in the History of Bolshevism ....... 33 IV. The Struggle Against Which Enemies Within the Working-Class Movement Helped Bolshevism Develop, Gain
    [Show full text]
  • Not for Distribution
    6 The decline of the legitimate monopoly of violence and the return of non-state warriors Cihan Tuğal Introduction For the last few decades, political sociology has focused on state-making. We are therefore quite ill equipped to understand the recent rise of non-state violence throughout the world. Even if states still seem to perform more violence than non- state actors, the latter’s actions have come to significantly transform relationships between citizens and states. Existing frameworks predispose scholars to treat non-state violence too as an instrument of state-building. However, we need to consider whether non-state violence serves other purposes as well. This chapter will first point out how the post-9/11 world problematises one of sociology’s major assumptions (the state’s monopolisation of legitimate violence). It will then trace the social prehistory of non-state political violence to highlight continui- ties with today’s intensifying religious violence. It will finally emphasise that the seemingly inevitable rise of non-state violence is inextricably tangled with the emergence of the subcontracting state. Neo-liberalisation aggravates the practico- ethical difficulties secular revolutionaries and religious radicals face (which I call ‘the Fanonite dilemma’ and ‘the Qutbi dilemma’). The monopolisation of violence: social implications War-making, military apparatuses and international military rivalry figure prominently in today’s political sociology. This came about as a reaction to the sociology and political science of the postwar era: for quite different rea- sons, both tended to ignore the influence of militaries and violence on domestic social structure. Political science unduly focused on the former and sociology on the latter, whereas (according to the new political sociology) international violence and domestic social structure are tightly linked (Mann 1986; Skocpol 1979; Tilly 1992).
    [Show full text]
  • Marxism and the Solidarity Economy: Toward a New Theory of Revolution
    Class, Race and Corporate Power Volume 9 Issue 1 Article 2 2021 Marxism and the Solidarity Economy: Toward a New Theory of Revolution Chris Wright [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/classracecorporatepower Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Wright, Chris (2021) "Marxism and the Solidarity Economy: Toward a New Theory of Revolution," Class, Race and Corporate Power: Vol. 9 : Iss. 1 , Article 2. DOI: 10.25148/CRCP.9.1.009647 Available at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/classracecorporatepower/vol9/iss1/2 This work is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Arts, Sciences & Education at FIU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Class, Race and Corporate Power by an authorized administrator of FIU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Marxism and the Solidarity Economy: Toward a New Theory of Revolution Abstract In the twenty-first century, it is time that Marxists updated the conception of socialist revolution they have inherited from Marx, Engels, and Lenin. Slogans about the “dictatorship of the proletariat” “smashing the capitalist state” and carrying out a social revolution from the commanding heights of a reconstituted state are completely obsolete. In this article I propose a reconceptualization that accomplishes several purposes: first, it explains the logical and empirical problems with Marx’s classical theory of revolution; second, it revises the classical theory to make it, for the first time, logically consistent with the premises of historical materialism; third, it provides a (Marxist) theoretical grounding for activism in the solidarity economy, and thus partially reconciles Marxism with anarchism; fourth, it accounts for the long-term failure of all attempts at socialist revolution so far.
    [Show full text]
  • KDE Civics Test Manual
    Civics Test and Administration Manual 1 Table of Contents Introduction.............................................................................................................................................................. 3 Statutory Requirements ........................................................................................................................................... 3 Civics Test ............................................................................................................................................................... 3 Test Administration ................................................................................................................................................. 3 Which Grade Takes the Test? .............................................................................................................................. 3 Accommodations ................................................................................................................................................. 4 Implementation Options ...................................................................................................................................... 4 Scoring the Test ....................................................................................................................................................... 5 Recording Results .................................................................................................................................................... 5 Suggested
    [Show full text]
  • A Century of 1917S: Ideas, Representations, and Interpretations of the October Revolution, 1917–2017 * Andrea Graziosi
    Harvard Ukrainian Studiesa 36, century no. 1–2 (2019):of 1917s 9–44. 9 ONE HUNDRED YEARS AFTER THE REVOLUTION A Century of 1917s: Ideas, Representations, and Interpretations of the October Revolution, 1917–2017 * Andrea Graziosi Introduction he celebrations of the 1917 centenary were striking for both their diversity and the diminishment of the event they commemorated, Tfrom Moscow’s low-key celebrations,1 to the missing or halfhearted remembrances organized in the former Soviet and socialist countries, to the West’s many platitudes—all of them stridently contradicting the initial energy of 1917. Embarrassment and hollowness were the key words in Russia, where, in 2017, 1917 was presented either as a “world historical event” illustrating the country’s greatness and importance by the very fact that it had taken place there, or it was buried under occasional studies of local events, with very little room left over for ideas. In the remain- ing post-Soviet states, as well as in the former socialist countries, silence often fell on what was until recently a hot terrain of polemics * This essay is based on a lecture that I delivered at the Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute on 6 November 2017, “Rethinking the 1917 Revolution,” as well as on a presentation that I gave at the 100th Anniversary Roundtable “The Bolshevik Revolution and Its Legacy in the USSR, Post-Soviet Russia, and the West,” organized by the Davis Center on the following day. The idea for this essay came from the way I reconstructed the interpretations of the Soviet experience in the chapter “What is the Soviet Union?” in my Histoire de l’URSS (Paris: PUF, 2010; Moscow: ROSSPEN, 2016).
    [Show full text]
  • List of Members
    Delegation to the Parliamentary Assembly of the Union for the Mediterranean Members David Maria SASSOLI Chair Group of the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats in the European Parliament Italy Partito Democratico Asim ADEMOV Member Group of the European People's Party (Christian Democrats) Bulgaria Citizens for European Development of Bulgaria Alex AGIUS SALIBA Member Group of the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats in the European Parliament Malta Partit Laburista François ALFONSI Member Group of the Greens/European Free Alliance France Régions et Peuples Solidaires Malik AZMANI Member Renew Europe Group Netherlands Volkspartij voor Vrijheid en Democratie Nicolas BAY Member Identity and Democracy Group France Rassemblement national Tiziana BEGHIN Member Non-attached Members Italy Movimento 5 Stelle François-Xavier BELLAMY Member Group of the European People's Party (Christian Democrats) France Les Républicains Sergio BERLATO Member European Conservatives and Reformists Group Italy Fratelli d'Italia Manuel BOMPARD Member The Left group in the European Parliament - GUE/NGL France La France Insoumise 24/09/2021 1 Sylvie BRUNET Member Renew Europe Group France Mouvement Démocrate Jorge BUXADÉ VILLALBA Member European Conservatives and Reformists Group Spain VOX Catherine CHABAUD Member Renew Europe Group France Mouvement Démocrate Nathalie COLIN-OESTERLÉ Member Group of the European People's Party (Christian Democrats) France Les centristes Gilbert COLLARD Member Identity and Democracy Group France Rassemblement national
    [Show full text]
  • Socialism and War.Pdf
    SOCIALISM AND WAR SOCIALISM AND WAR BY G. ZINOVIEV and V. I. LENIN INmRNATIONAt PuBmHEIH NEW YO= 5 0. ~PAam~~ ..A b i'PamBrwa~l~f0~0F1905 7. Bs.smlr 8. -rao~hAm k ~T*sraoa.ra~Fnmm~~mO~~rmou 10. T# dP1Dr. CON-= IL Taa; THUEL~~~CAT AS^ rn How To FbeElr h ES wu.rae Bwrawns hm STAYS Po-? IS.OlrmcEvsoF~ 14 ST- llrtr Rmo~trmo~ I5.~~~arsrsTmorcAPm~ In Prcp~& w CQ~:Aw IIIrAnTm Dm- EmmIclb hmm- -O=K Am THE R~~EADxmU%SKf WoTA~CB OF TEE ~.DEHoQ~~~m PB]L Dzuommc Rmotrno~ TgC Nm*c Qumzon mFmmF~m-~ . , p. ~S~~MP.* . OF 3WUBM Am TBS WM OP l$U&lP% ;, OfSocialitato~W~ . 9 ~ofWarkh~ofMod!mt~.. '3 .. U 'Writ mmng dm S1awBoIdem fa&e Wm . ~and~of~verp,18 --,?ai b Folh camthd olh (k,PdIs1 .- Mem$* ............ f4 .~e.of~.1.. l5 .*..l5 r -Whtlehid-Chatl~*l,, . • - 16 '-lmsBasr~Mdf~. , . , a. 11 A FdseRefmm~ta+db*.. ..17 1 &~pof~~~d.. l9 - phion. .......... I9 ~whhtbOppo~banAn~$dfhp Wdmwith %la'NatfaPal Bourguo* d clam............. m . .$antd+l. ........... 2l IhSIogan of Mmxb ,bdm Slogan of hlfgnm- aryQd-]Dam~ ........ 2# ~1eufF~in~~.. rn ~ofnr~~.6 . 33 war ..**.****. H< 1 ~~~F~SI~..... *, s . ~PfNakteW~.... .S -- 3-- - 7-&----<.- - 4 n. ~~~cDP~W~. .na ThaBoqdhandthaWtrr. 27 %Working Clam adthe War . 2B % ksia~~Sd-Watio Wu1: Fraction in h Imperial Duma and the War . 30 TkB -uCTIOH OF THE ?~TIOBU. MktW of tha Social-Chrtu* and of the "Cmtre'' 34 strta of Mhin the OppoAtion . 36 The RWSdl-Demdc Uour Party and tho Third International .
    [Show full text]