Descendancy Narrative of Yves de Beaumont-sur-Oise (7890)

Yves de Beaumont-sur-Oise (7890). AKA: Yves I de Ham (7890) (Roderick W. Stuart, Royalty for Commoners in ISBN: 0-8063-1344-7 (1001 North Calvert Street, Baltimore, MD 21202, USA: Genealogical Publishing Company, Inc., 1992), Page 199, Line 274-34.). AKA: Yves I de Val d'Oise (7890) (P.D. Abbott, Provinces, Pays and Seigneuries of France in ISBN: 0-9593773-0-1 (Author at 266 Myrtleford, 3737, Australia: Priries Printers Pty. Ltd, Canberra A.C.T., Australia, November, 1981), Page 31.). Born: before 971 at France, son of Yves de Beaumont-sur-Oise (26776) and Yvette=Geila de Vermandois (7893), Yves I is presumed to have been at least 10 years of age when he married Gisèle. Married before 981: Gisèle de Chèvreuse (7891),, daughter of Guy de Chèvreuse (26774) and N? N? (26775). AKA: Yves I, Comte de Beaumont-sur-Oise (7890) (Citing: Père Anselme, Histoire généalogique et chronologique de la Maison Royale de France, des Pairs, Grands Officiers de la Couronne et de la Maison du Roy: et des anciens Barons du Royaume, Collection H&G, (édition originale 1726-1733 et suppplément de Potier de Courcy en 12 volumes), n.d., http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties/Les_dynasties_celebres/Liste_alphabetique.htm.). Died: on 22 Apr 1036 at Val d'Oise, France (Abbott, Page 31.).

1 Yves II de Bellemontensis (7888) (Stuart, Page 199, Line 274-33.). AKA: Yves II de Val d'Oise (7888) (Abbott, Page 31.). Born: circa 995 at France, son of Yves de Beaumont-sur-Oise (7890) and Gisèle de Chèvreuse (7891). Married before 1014: N? N? (7889) (Yves II was in Saint Léonor-de-Beaumont in the year 1029). AKA: Yves I, Comte de Beaumont-sur-Oise (7888) (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties/Les_dynasties_celebres/Liste_alphabetique.htm.). Died: on 12 Apr 1036 (Abbott, Page 31.).

1.1 Yves I/II, Count de Beaumont-sur-Oise (4395) (André Roux: Scrolls from his personal genealogicaL research. The Number refers to the family branch numbers on his many scrolls, 239.). AKA: Yves III, Count de Bellemontensis (4395) (Stuart, Page 199, Line 274-32.). AKA: Yves III de Val d'Oise (4395) (Abbott, Page 31.). Born: before 1015 at Beaumont, Beaumont, Beaumont-sur-Oise, France, son of Yves II de Bellemontensis (7888) and N? N? (7889), Yves I was alive in the year 1028 and is presumed to have been at least 15 years of age by the time his son, Eudes, was born. Married before 1029 at France: Emma (--?--) (4396),, daughter of Geoffroy I, Duke de Bretagne (2984) and Havoise de Normandie (2983). AKA: Yves II, Seigneur de Conflans (4395). Died: on 22 May 1059 Yves I was alive in the year 1044.

1.1.1 Eudes, Vicomte de Chaumont-en-Vexin (18758) (Paul Theroff, posts on the Genealogy Bulletin Board of the Prodigy Interactive Personal Service, was a member as of 5 April 1994, at which time he held the identification MPSE79A, until July, 1996. His main source was Europaseische Stammtafeln, Posting in Subject "Beaumont" on 6 March 1994 at 20:07 Hours.). AKA: Eudes de Beaumont-sur-Oise (18758). Born: before 1030, son of Yves I/II, Count de Beaumont-sur-Oise (4395) and Emma (--?--) (4396), Eudes is presumed to have been at least 15 years of age by the time his son, Geoffroy, was born. Married before 1044: Ne de Chaumont-en-Vexin (18759). Died: after 1069 In 1069, Eudes was Vicomte de Chaumont-et-Vexin (Abbott, Page 34.).

1.1.1.1 Geoffroy, Vicomte de Chaumont-en-Vexin (20683) (Abbott, Page 34.). Born: before 1045 at France, son of Eudes, Vicomte de Chaumont-en-Vexin (18758) and Ne de Chaumont-en-Vexin (18759), Geoffroy is presumed to have been at least 18 years of age by the time his son, Walon=Galon, was born (Abbott, Page 34.). Married before 1062: N? N? (20684).

1.1.1.1.1 Galon, Vicomte de Chaumont-en-Vexin (4619) (Abbott, Page 34.) (Abbott, Page 34.). AKA: Walon, Vicomte de Chaumont (4619) (André Roux: Scrolls, 262.). AKA: Walon, Constable de France (4619) (Abbott, Page 34.). AKA: Galon de Beaumont-sur-Oise (4619). Born: before 1063 at France, son of Geoffroy, Vicomte de Chaumont-en-Vexin (20683) and N? N? (20684), Walon is presumed to have been at least 18 years of age by the time his son Dreux was born. Married before 1080 at France: Humberge de Chartres (4620),, daughter of Hughes, Châtelain du Puiset (14807) and Alix de Rochefort (18757). Note - in 1085: Around 1985, Galon=Walon, Second son of Geoffroy acquired the Seigneurie of Chaumont-en-Vexin from his older brother, Robert. Died: after 1100 Walon was alive in the year 1100.

1.1.1.1.1.1 Dreux, Seigneur de Trie (4621) (André Roux: Scrolls, 262.). AKA: Dreux de Chaumont (4621). AKA: Dreux de Beaumont-sur-Oise (4621). Born: before 1081 at France, son of Galon, Vicomte de Chaumont-en-Vexin (4619) and Humberge de Chartres (4620), Dreux is presumed to have been at least 15 years of age by the time his son Enguérrant I, was born. Married before 1098: Ne de Trie (4622).

1.1.1.1.1.1.1 Enguérrant I de Chaumont (20101) (Paul Theroff, posts, Posted on the Internet, at Uniform Resource Locator (URL) ftp://members.aol.com/ptheroff/Beaumont.txt, 20 June 1996 at 15:27 hours.) (Paul Theroff, posts, Posted on the Internet, at Uniform Resource Locator (URL) ftp://members.aol.com/ptheroff/Beaumont.txt, 20 June 1996 at 15:27 hours.) (Paul Theroff, posts, Posted on the Internet, at Uniform Resource Locator (URL) ftp://members.aol.com/ptheroff/Beaumont.txt, 20 June 1996 at 15:27 hours.). Born: before 1099, son of Dreux, Seigneur de Trie (4621) and Ne de Trie (4622), Enguérrant I is presumed to have been at least 20 years of age when he died (Paul Theroff, posts, Posted on the Internet, at Uniform Resource Locator (URL) ftp://members.aol.com/ptheroff/Beaumont.txt, 20 June 1996 at 15:27 hours.). Died: in 1119 Enguérrant I was killed in action (Paul Theroff, posts, Posted on the Internet, at Uniform Resource Locator (URL) ftp://members.aol.com/ptheroff/Beaumont.txt, 20 June 1996 at 15:27 hours.).

1.1.1.1.1.1.2 Galon, Chevalier de Trie (20102) (Paul Theroff, posts, Posted on the Internet, at Uniform Resource Locator (URL) ftp://members.aol.com/ptheroff/Beaumont.txt, 20 June 1996 at 15:27 hours.). Born: before 1100, son of Dreux, Seigneur de Trie (4621) and Ne de Trie (4622), Galon is presumed to have been at least 18 years of age when he died. Died: after 1118.

1.1.1.1.1.1.3 Guillaume dit Aiguillon, Seigneur de Trie (4623) (André Roux: Scrolls, 262.). Born: circa 1105 at France, son of Dreux, Seigneur de Trie (4621) and Ne de Trie (4622), Guillaume became Seigneur in 1126. Married before 1134 at France: Marguerite de Gisors (4624),, daughter of Thibaut dit Payen de Gisors (4625) and N? N? (4626). Died: in 1147 at Holy Land.

1.1.1.1.1.1.3.1 Enguérrant II, dit "Aiguillon" de Trie (20103) (Paul Theroff, posts, Posted on the Internet, at Uniform Resource Locator (URL) ftp://members.aol.com/ptheroff/Beaumont.txt, 20 June 1996 at 15:27 hours.). AKA: Enguérrant, Seigneur de Mouchy (20103). Born: circa 1135, son of Guillaume dit Aiguillon, Seigneur de Trie (4623) and Marguerite de Gisors (4624) (Paul Theroff, posts, Posted on the Internet, at Uniform Resource Locator (URL) ftp://members.aol.com/ptheroff/Beaumont.txt, 20 June 1996 at 15:27 hours.). Married after 1161: Basilie de Mouchy (20104). Died: after 1200 (Paul Theroff, posts, Posted on the Internet, at Uniform Resource Locator (URL) ftp://members.aol.com/ptheroff/Beaumont.txt, 20 June 1996 at 15:27 hours.).

1.1.1.1.1.1.3.2 Idoine de Trie (4276) (André Roux: Scrolls, 227, 262.). Married Name: de Garlande (4276). Born: before 1147 at France, daughter of Guillaume dit Aiguillon, Seigneur de Trie (4623) and Marguerite de Gisors (4624), Idoine was alive in the year 1147. Married before 1160: Guillaume IV de Garlande (4275),, son of Guillaume III de Garlande (4265) and Agnès de Crépy (4264). Died: after 1208 Idoine was alive in the year 1208.

1.1.2 Adèlaïs de Beaumont-sur-Oise (26276) (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://genealogiequebec.info/testphp/info.php? no=171001, 9 December 2008.). Born: circa 1033, daughter of Yves I/II, Count de Beaumont-sur-Oise (4395) and Emma (--?--) (4396) (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://genealogiequebec.info/testphp/info.php?no=171001, 9 December 2008.). Married circa 1044: Hughes de Grantemesnil (26275),, son of Robert I, Seigneur de Grantemesnil (26280) and Hadewise d'Échauffour (13507) (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://genealogiequebec.info/testphp/info.php?no=171001, 9 December 2008.). Married Name: de Grantemesnil (26276) (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://genealogiequebec.info/testphp/info.php?no=171001, 9 December 2008.). Died: either 2 Jul 1091 or 11 Jul 1091 at Rouen, Seine-Maritime, Normandie, France (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://genealogiequebec.info/testphp/info.php?no=171001, 9 December 2008.).

1.1.2.1 Agnès de Grantemesnil (26277) (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://genealogiequebec.info/testphp/info.php? no=170998, 9 December 2008.) (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://genealogiequebec.info/testphp/info.php?no=170998, 9 December 2008.) (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://genealogiequebec.info/testphp/info.php?no=170998, 9 December 2008.). Born: circa 1045, daughter of Hughes de Grantemesnil (26275) and Adèlaïs de Beaumont-sur-Oise (26276) (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://genealogiequebec.info/testphp/info.php?no=170998, 9 December 2008.). Married circa 1068: Picot de Say (26278) (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://genealogiequebec.info/testphp/info.php?no=170997, 9 December 2008.). Married Name: de Say (26277) (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://genealogiequebec.info/testphp/info.php?no=170997, 9 December 2008.).

1.1.2.1.1 Jourdain de Say (26279) (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://genealogiequebec.info/testphp/info.php? no=170732, 9 December 2008.) (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://genealogiequebec.info/testphp/info.php? no=170732, 9 December 2008.) (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://genealogiequebec.info/testphp/info.php? no=170732, 9 December 2008.). AKA: Jourdain, Seigneur d'Aunay (26279). Born: circa 1069, son of Picot de Say (26278) and Agnès de Grantemesnil (26277) (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://genealogiequebec.info/testphp/info.php? no=170732, 9 December 2008.).

1.1.2.2 Rohaïs de Grantemesnil (26274) (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://genealogiequebec.info/testphp/info.php? no=171003, 9 December 2008.) (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://genealogiequebec.info/testphp/info.php?no=171000, 9 December 2008.) (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://genealogiequebec.info/testphp/info.php?no=171001, 9 December 2008.). Married Name: de Courcy (26274) (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://genealogiequebec.info/testphp/info.php? no=171003, 9 December 2008.). Born: circa 1080, daughter of Hughes de Grantemesnil (26275) and Adèlaïs de Beaumont-sur-Oise (26276) (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://genealogiequebec.info/testphp/info.php?no=171003, 9 December 2008.). Married before 1097: Robert II, Baron de Courcy (26273),, son of Richard I, Baron de Courcy (26269) and Gandelmodis N? (26270) (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://genealogiequebec.info/testphp/info.php?no=171003, 9 December 2008.).

1.1.3 Yves II/III, Count de Beaumont-sur-Oise (4397) (André Roux: Scrolls, 239.) (Stuart, Page 199, Line 274-31.). AKA: Yves I, Seigneur de Beaumont-sur-Oise (4397) (Abbott, Page 31.). AKA: Yves I, Seigneur de Val d'Oise (4397) (Abbott, Pages 30 - 31.). AKA: Yves, Chambrier de France (4397). Born: circa 1044 at France, son of Yves I/II, Count de Beaumont-sur-Oise (4395) and Emma (--?--) (4396). Married before 1072: Judith N? (7894) (Judith was Yves II's first wife). Married before 1078: Adèle=Adélaïde de Gournay (4398),, daughter of Hughes, Count de Gournay (7895) and N? N? (7896) (Adèle was Yves II's second wife). Note - before 1083: Yves, the first Seigneur, was a vassal of Hughes Capet. He amassed lands in the district. His son assumed the title of Comte (Abbott, Pages 30 - 31.). Died: between 1083 and 1090 Yves II was alive in the year 1080 in Conflans-Saint-Honoré.

1.1.3.1 Aélis de Beaumont-sur-Oise (20092) (Paul Theroff, posts, Posted on the Internet, at Uniform Resource Locator (URL) ftp://members.aol.com/ptheroff/Beaumont.txt, 20 June 1996 at 15:27 hours.). Married Name: de Grandmesnil (20092). Born: before 1073 at France, daughter of Yves II/III, Count de Beaumont-sur-Oise (4397) and Judith N? (7894), Aélis is presumed to have been at least 20 years of age when her husband, Hughes, died. Married before 1076: Hughes de Grandmesnil (20093),, son of Robert I, Seigneur de Grantemesnil (26280) and Hadewise d'Échauffour (13507). Died: on 11 Jul 1091 at Rouen, Seine-Inférieure, Normandie, France (Paul Theroff, posts, Posted on the Internet, at Uniform Resource Locator (URL) ftp://members.aol.com/ptheroff/Beaumont.txt, 20 June 1996 at 15:27 hours.).

1.1.3.2 Mathieu I, Count de Beaumont-sur-Oise (12553) (Paul Theroff, posts, 22 April 1994 at 01:39 hours.) (Paul Theroff, posts, 23 April 1994 @ 15:57 Hours.) (M. de La Chenaye-des-Bois, Dictionnaire de La Noblesse, Contenant lesa Généalogies, l'Histoire et la Chronologie des Familles Nobles de France in Volumes, 1 to 15 (Seconde Édition; Rue St-Jacques, Paris: Antoine Boudet, Libraire- Imprimeur du Roi, (1770 - 1786)), Tome IV (Volume 4), MDCCLXXII (1772), Page 632.). Born: before 1079 at France, son of Yves II/III, Count de Beaumont-sur-Oise (4397) and Adèle=Adélaïde de Gournay (4398). Married before 1101 at France: Béatrix=Emmé de Clermont-en-Beauvaisis (12554),, daughter of Hugues I, Comte de Clermont-en-Beauvaisis (2751) and Marguerite de Roucy (2752) (K.S.B. Keats-Rohan (Ed.), Family Trees and the Roots of Politics: The Prosopography of Britain and France from the Tenth to the Twelfth Century , ISBN: 0-85115-625-8, (Rochester, NY: Boydell & Brewer, Inc., 1997), Bur, Michel: Chapter 15: "De quelques champenois dans l'entourage français des rois d'Angleterre aux XIe et XIIe siècles", Page 342.). Note - before 1155: Matthieu I assumed the title of Comte when he inherrited the lands from his father. Comte Mathieu was attacked twice by King Louis VI. Later, he became reconciled with the King and was appointed Chamberlain of France, an office that he ceded to his son before his death (Abbott, Pages 30 - 31.). Died: on 1 Jan 1155.

1.1.3.2.1 Mathieu II, Comte de Beaumont-sur-Oise (18755) (Paul Theroff, posts, Posting in Subject "Beaumont" on 6 March 1994 at 20:05 Hours.). AKA: Mathieu II, Seigneur de Luzarches (18755) (Abbott, Pages 43 - 44.). Born: before 1137, son of Mathieu I, Count de Beaumont-sur-Oise (12553) and Béatrix=Emmé de Clermont-en-Beauvaisis (12554), Mathieu II is presumed to have been at least 18 years of age by the time his son, Mathieu III, was born. Married before 1154: Mathilde de Châteaudun (18754),, daughter of Geoffroy III, Vicomte de Châteaudun (3167) and Harvoise=Héloïse, Dame de Montdoubleau (3168). Married circa 1160: Adèle, Dame de Lusarches (20094) (Paul Theroff, posts, Posted on the Internet, at Uniform Resource Locator (URL) ftp://members.aol.com/ptheroff/Beaumont.txt, 20 June 1996 at 15:27 hours.). Died: circa 1177 Mathieu II was granted the office of Chamberlain de France from his father before Mathieu I died in 1155 (Abbott, Pages 30 - 31.).

1.1.3.2.1.1 Mathieu III, Count de Beaumont-sur-Oise (11569) (Paul Theroff, posts, 25 August 1994 at 01:43 Hours.).

AKA: Mathieu III, Seigneur de Luzarches (11569) (Abbott, Pages 43 - 44.). Born: before 1155 at France, son of Mathieu II, Comte de Beaumont-sur-Oise (18755) and Mathilde de Châteaudun (18754), Matthieu III is presumed to have been at least 20 years of age when he married Éléonore. Married circa 1175 at France: Éléonore, Countess de Vermandois (10256),, daughter of Raoul I, Count de Vermandois (10257) and Laurette de Flandre (11158) (Matthieu III was Éléonore's fourth husband). Note - between 1188 and 1192: Mathieu III participated in the Third Crusade. Third Crusade (1188 – 1192). After the failure of the Second Crusade, Nur ad-Din had control of Damascus and a unified Syria. Eager to expand his power, Nur ad-Din set his sights on the Fatimid dynasty of Egypt. In 1163, Nur ad-Din's most trusted general, Shirkuh set out on a military expedition to the Nile. Accompanying the general was his young nephew, Saladin. With Shirkuh's troops camped outside of Cairo, Egypt's sultan, Shawar called on King Amalric I of Jerusalem for assistance. In response, Amalric sent an army into Egypt and attacked Shirkuh's troops at Bilbeis in 1164. In an attempt to divert Crusader attention from Egypt, Nur ad-Din attacked Antioch, resulting in a massacre of Christian soldiers and the capture of several Crusader leaders, including Bohemond III, Prince of Antioch. Nur ad-Din sent the scalps of the Christian defenders to Egypt for Shirkuh to proudly display at Bilbeis for Amalric's soldiers to see. This action prompted both Amalric and Shirkuh to lead their armies out of Egypt. In 1167, Nur ad-Din once again sent Shirkuh to conquer the Fatimids in Egypt. Shawar also opted to once again call upon Amalric for the defence of his territory. The combined Egyptian-Christian forces pursued Shirkuh until he retreated to Alexandria. Amalric then breached his alliance with Shawar by turning his forces on Egypt and besieging the city of Bilbeis. Shawar pleaded with his former enemy, Nur ad-Din to save him from Amalric's treachery. Lacking the resources to maintain a prolonged siege of Cairo against the combined forces of Nur ad-Din and Shawar, Amalric retreated. This new alliance gave Nur ad-Din rule over virtually all of Syria and Egypt. Shawar was executed for his alliances with the Christian forces, and Shirkuh succeeded him as vizier of Egypt. In 1169, Shirkuh died unexpectedly after only weeks of rule. Shirkuh's successor was his nephew, Salah ad-Din Yusuf, commonly known as Saladin. Nur ad-Din died in 1174, leaving the new empire to his 11-year old son, As-Salih. It was decided that the only man competent enough to uphold the jihad against the Crusaders was Saladin, who became sultan of both Egypt and Syria, and the founder of the Ayyubid dynasty. Amalric also died in 1174, leaving Jerusalem to his 13-year old son, Baldwin IV. Although Baldwin suffered from leprosy, he was an effective and active military commander, defeating Saladin at the battle of Montgisard in 1177, with support from Raynald of Châtillon, who had been released from prison in 1176. Later, he forged an agreement with Saladin to allow free trade between Muslim and Christian territories. Raynald also raided caravans throughout the region. He expanded his piracy to the Red Sea by sending galleys not only to raid ships, but to assault the city of Mecca itself. These acts enraged the Muslim world, giving Raynald a reputation as the most hated man in the Middle East. Baldwin IV died in 1185 and the kingdom was left to his nephew Baldwin V, whom he had crowned as co-king in 1183. Raymond III of Tripoli again served as regent. The following year, Baldwin V died before his ninth birthday, and his mother Princess Sybilla, sister of Baldwin IV, crowned herself queen and her husband, Guy of Lusignan, king. It was at this time that Raynald, once again, raided a rich caravan and had its travelers thrown in prison. Saladin demanded that the prisoners and their cargo be released. The newly crowned King Guy appealed to Raynald to give in to Saladin's demands, but Raynald refused to follow the king's orders. It was this final act of outrage by Raynald which gave Saladin the opportunity he needed to take the offensive against the kingdom. He laid siege to the city of Tiberias in 1187. Raymond advised patience, but King Guy, acting on advice from Raynald, marched his army to the Horns of Hattin outside of Tiberias. The Crusader army, thirsty and demoralized, was destroyed in the ensuing battle. King Guy and Raynald were brought to Saladin's tent, where Guy was offered a goblet of water. Guy took a drink but was forbidden to pass the goblet to Raynald, because the Muslim rule of hospitality states that one who receives food or drink is under the protection of the host, and that anyone in need of water should be given an adequate amount. Saladin would not be forced to protect the treacherous Raynald by allowing him to drink. Raynald, who had not had a drop of water in days, grabbed the goblet out of Guy's hands. Upon seeing Raynald's disrespect for Muslim custom, Saladin beheaded Raynald for past betrayals. Saladin honored tradition with King Guy; Guy was sent to Damascus and eventually ransomed to his people, one of the few captive crusaders to avoid execution. By the end of the year, Saladin had taken Acre and Jerusalem. Pope Urban III is said to have collapsed and died upon hearing the news. However, at the time of his death, the news of the fall of Jerusalem could not yet have reached him, although he knew of the battle of Hattin and the fall of Acre. The new pope, Gregory VIII proclaimed that the capture of Jerusalem was punishment for the sins of Christians across Europe. The cry went up for a new crusade to the Holy Land. Henry II of England and Philip II of France ended their war with each other, and both imposed a "Saladin tithe" on their citizens to finance the venture. In Britain, Baldwin of Exeter, the archbishop of Canterbury, made a tour through Wales, convincing 3,000 men-at-arms to take up the cross, recorded in the Itinerary of Giraldus Cambrensis. The elderly Holy Roman Emperor Frederick I Barbarossa responded to the call immediately. He took up the Cross at Mainz Cathedral on March 27, 1188 and was the first to set out for the Holy Land in May of 1189 with an army of about 100,000 men, including 20,000 knights. However, some historians believe that this is an exaggeration and that the true figure might be closer to 15,000 men, including 3,000 knights. The Byzantine Emperor Isaac II Angelus made a secret alliance with Saladin to impede Frederick's progress in exchange for his empire's safety. On May 18, 1190, the German army captured Iconium, the capital of the Sultanate of Rüm. However, on June 10, 1190, Frederick was thrown from his horse in the crossing of the Saleph River and drowned. After this, much of his army returned to Germany. His son Frederick of Swabia led the remaining 5,000 men to Antioch. There, the emperor's body was boiled to remove the flesh, which was interred in the Church of St. Peter; his bones were put in a bag to continue the crusade. In Antioch, however, the German army was further reduced by fever. Young Frederick had to ask the assistance of his kinsman Conrad of Montferrat to lead him safely to Acre, by way of Tyre, where his father's bones were buried. Henry II of England died on July 6, 1189 following a defeat by his son Richard I (Lionheart) and Philip II. Richard inherited the crown and immediately began raising funds for the crusade. In July 1190, Richard and Philip set out jointly from Marseille, France for Sicily. Philip II had hired a Genoese fleet to transport his army which consisted of 650 knights, 1,300 horses, and 1,300 squires to the Holy Land. William II of Sicily had died the previous year, and was replaced by Tancred, who placed Joan of England—William's wife and Richard's sister—in prison. Richard captured the capital city of Messina on October 4, 1190 and Joan was released. Richard and Philip fell out over the issue of Richard's marriage, as Richard had decided to marry Berengaria of Navarre, breaking off his long- standing betrothal to Philip's half-sister Alys. Philip left Sicily directly for the Middle East on March 30, 1191, and arrived in Tyre in mid-May. He joined the siege of Acre on May 20. Richard did not set off from Sicily until April 10. Shortly after setting sail from Sicily, Richard's armada of 100 ships (carrying 8,000 men) was struck by a violent storm. Several ships ran aground, including one holding Joan, his new fiancée Berengaria, and a large amount of treasure that had been amassed for the crusade. It was soon discovered that Isaac Dukas Comnenus of Cyprus had seized the treasure. The young women were unharmed. Richard entered Limassol on May 6, and met with Isaac, who agreed to return Richard's belongings and send 500 of his soldiers to the Holy Land. Once back at his fortress of Famagusta, Isaac broke his oath of hospitality and began issuing orders for Richard to leave the island. Isaac's arrogance prompted Richard to conquer the island within days. In July 1188, Saladin gives in freedom Guy de Lusignan, king of Jerusalem captured the previous year with the Bataille of Hattin, after him to have made solemnly swear not to take the weapons against the Moslems any more. In August 1189, Guy de Lusignan, broke his word the seat in front of the port of Acre. It has modest forces, but each day of the ships charged combatants arrive from Occident in reinforcement (September)., which tries to take them out of clipper. He had attempted to take command of the Christian forces at Tyre, but Conrad of Montferrat held power there after his successful defense of the city from Muslim attacks. Guy turned his attention to the wealthy port of Acre. The city is doubly encircled: around the ramparts, the Francs form an arc. Guy amassed an army to besiege the city and received aid from Philip's newly-arrived French army. However, it was still not enough to counter Saladin's force, which besieged the besiegers. In summer 1190, in one of the numerous outbreaks of disease in the camp, Queen Sibylla and her young daughters died. Guy, although only king by right of marriage, endeavored to retain his crown, although the rightful heir was Sibylla's half-sister Isabella. After a hastily arranged divorce from Humphrey IV of Toron, Isabella was married to Conrad of Montferrat, who claimed the kingship in her name. During the winter of 1190-91, there were further outbreaks of dysentery and fever, which claimed the lives of Frederick of Swabia, Patriarch Heraclius of Jerusalem, and Thibauld V of Blois. When the sailing season began again in spring 1191, Leopold V of Austria arrived and took command of what remained of the imperial forces. Philippe of France arrived with his troops from Sicily in May. Richard arrived at Acre on 8 June 1191 and immediately began supervising the construction of siege weapons to assault the city. The city was captured on 12 July. Richard, Philippe, and Leopold quarreled over the spoils of their victory. Richard cast down the German standard from the city, slighting Leopold. Also, in the struggle for the kingship of Jerusalem, Richard supported Guy, while Philip and Leopold supported Conrad, who was related to them both. It was decided that Guy would continue to rule, but that Conrad would receive the crown upon his death. Frustrated with Richard (and in Philip's case, in poor health), Philip and Leopold took their armies and left the Holy Land in August. Philip left 10,000 French crusaders in the Holy Land and 5,000 silver marks to pay them. When it became apparent that Saladin was not willing to pay the terms of the treaty at Acre, Richard had 2700 Muslim prisoners executed on August 20 outside of Acre in full view of Saladin's camp. In response, Saladin likewise executed the Christian prisoners which he had captured. After the capture of Acre, Richard decided to march to the city of Jaffa, where he could launch an attack on Jerusalem but on September 7, 1191, at Arsuf, 30 miles (50 km) north of Jaffa, Saladin attacked Richard's army. Saladin attempted to lure Richard's forces out to be easily picked off, but Richard maintained his formation until the Hospitallers rushed in to take Saladin's right flank, while the Templars took the left. Richard then won the battle. Following his victory, Richard took Jaffa and established his new headquarters there. He offered to begin negotiations with Saladin, who sent his brother, Al-Adil to meet with Richard. Negotiations (which had included an attempt to marry Richard's sister Joan to Al-Adil) failed, and Richard marched to Ascalon. Richard called on Conrad to join him on campaign, but he refused, citing Richard's alliance with King Guy. He too had been negotiating with Saladin, as a defence against any attempt by Richard to wrest Tyre from him for Guy. However, in April, Richard was forced to accept Conrad as king of Jerusalem after an election by the nobles of the kingdom. Guy had received no votes at all, but Richard sold him Cyprus as compensation. Before he could be crowned, Conrad was stabbed to death by two Hashshashin in the streets of Tyre. Eight days later, Richard's nephew Henry II of Champagne married Queen Isabella, who was pregnant with Conrad's child. It was strongly suspected that the king's killers had acted on instructions from Richard. In July 1192, Saladin's army suddenly attacked and captured Jaffa with thousands of men, but Saladin had lost control of his army because of their anger for the massacre at Acre. It was believed that Saladin even told the Crusaders to shield themselves in the Citadel until he had regained control of his army. Later, Richard had arrived in ships, but did not land because he did not know the situation, until a priest swam to the ship and told him what happened. The city was then re-captured by Richard and a much smaller force of 55 men on July 31. A final battle was fought on August 5 in which Richard once again emerged triumphant. On September 2, 1192, Richard and Saladin finalized a treaty by which Jerusalem would remain under Muslim control, but which also allowed unarmed Christian pilgrims to visit the city. Richard departed the Holy Land on October 9. Richard was arrested and imprisoned in December 1192 by Duke Leopold, who suspected him of murdering his cousin Conrad of Montferrat, and had been offended by Richard casting down his standard from the walls of Acre. He was later transferred to the custody of Henry VI, Holy Roman Emperor, and it took a ransom of one hundred fifty thousand marks to obtain his release. Richard returned to England in 1194 and died of a crossbow bolt wound in 1199 at the age of 41. In 1193, Saladin died of yellow fever, leaving behind only one piece of gold and forty-seven pieces of silver; he had given the rest away to charity. Henry of Champagne was killed in an accidental fall in 1197. Queen Isabella then married for a fourth time, to Amalric of Lusignan, who had succeeded his brother Guy, positioned as King of Cyprus. After their deaths in 1205, her eldest daughter Maria of Montferrat (born after her father's murder) succeeded to the throne of Jerusalem.

The failure of the Third Crusade would lead to the call for a Fourth Crusade six years after the third ended in 1192. Accounts of events surrounding the Third Crusade were written by the anonymous authors of the Itinerarium Peregrinorum et Gesta Regis Ricardi, the Old French Continuation of William of Tyre (parts of which are attributed to Ernoul), and by Ambroise, Roger of Howden, Ralph of Diceto, and Giraldus Cambrensis. Annulled he and Éléonore, Countess de Vermandois (10256): in 1192 (an unknown value). Married before 1193 at France: Aénor-Éléonore de Soissons (4011),, daughter of Raoul III, Count de Nesle (4568) and Alix = Agnès de Dreux (1596). Died: on 4 Nov 1208. 1.1.3.2.1.2 Mathieu de Beaumont-sur-Oise (20095). AKA: Mathieu, Seigneur de Luzarches (20095) (Abbott, Pages 30 - 31.). Born: between 1160 and 1170, son of Mathieu II, Comte de Beaumont-sur-Oise (18755) and Adèle, Dame de Lusarches (20094). Died: between 1181 and 1233 Mathieu was alive in the year 1180. He died before 1233 (Paul Theroff, posts, Posted on the Internet, at Uniform Resource Locator (URL) ftp://members.aol.com/ptheroff/Beaumont.txt, 20 June 1996 at 15:27 hours.) (Abbott, Pages 30 - 31.).

1.1.3.2.1.3 Marie de Beaumont-sur-Oise (25386) (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties/Les_dynasties_celebres/Liste_alphabetique.htm.) (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties/Les_dynasties_celebres/Liste_alphabetique.htm.) (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties/Les_dynasties_celebres/Liste_alphabetique.htm.). Born: between 1161 and 1176, daughter of Mathieu II, Comte de Beaumont-sur-Oise (18755) and Adèle, Dame de Lusarches (20094) (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties/Les_dynasties_celebres/Liste_alphabetique.htm.).

1.1.3.2.1.4 Alix de Beaumont-sur-Oise (25387) (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties/Les_dynasties_celebres/Liste_alphabetique.htm.) (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties/Les_dynasties_celebres/Liste_alphabetique.htm.) (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties/Les_dynasties_celebres/Liste_alphabetique.htm.). Born: between 1162 and 1177, daughter of Mathieu II, Comte de Beaumont-sur-Oise (18755) and Adèle, Dame de Lusarches (20094), Alix married Anseau seigneur de L'Isle-Adam (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties/Les_dynasties_celebres/Liste_alphabetique.htm.).

1.1.3.2.1.5 Jean, Comte de Beaumont (14140) (Paul Theroff, posts, 25 August 1994 at 01:43 Hours.).

AKA: Jean I, Comte de Beaumont-sur-Oise (14140) (Paul Theroff, posts, 10 June 1995 at 16:15 Hours.). Born: before 1177 at France, son of Mathieu II, Comte de Beaumont-sur-Oise (18755) and Adèle, Dame de Lusarches (20094). Married before 1190 at France: Gertrude de Nesle (14139),, daughter of Raoul III, Count de Nesle (4568) and Alix = Agnès de Dreux (1596) (Jean was Gertrude's first husband). Annulled he and Gertrude de Nesle (14139): before 1193 at France (an unknown value). Note - on 27 Jul 1214: Jean fought at the Battle of Bouvines on Sunday 27 July 1214.

The most significant origins of the 'War' of Bouvines can be traced to the ascension of Henri, duc d'Anjou, duc de Normandie, and duc d'Aquitaine to the crown of England in 1154. Henri d'Anjou came into his extensive French ducal domains though inheritances from his father [Anjou], his mother [Normandie], and wife [Aquitaine]. His mother, Matilda also opened for her son a right to continue her claim to the Anglo-Norman crown of England. This latter had to be secured by military conquest. Though often characterized as a civil war in anglophone histories, the conflict was resolved by an Angevin invasion -- actually more than one military expedition -- which won for Henri d'Anjou the right to succeed Stephen as the king of England (reign:1135-1154). Henri II d'Anjou, became Henry II of England (reign:1154-1189). England became part of a much larger 'empire' that had its goegraphic and cultural center of balance in France. Though the Angevin dynastic line led back to the original house of Anjou established by Foulques [Fulk] Nerra (987-1040), many historians identify Henri's impressive 'Angevin empire' as a 'second house of Anjou', that ruled over an 'Anglo-Norman-Angevin Empire'. More uniquely and more enduring, Henri would be associated with the nickname of 'Plantagenêt' that was given to his father, Geoffroi. The name of 'Plantagenêt' would be associated directly with him and his heirs. It would be 'Plantagenêt' that remained with the dynasty on the English throne when the Angevin lands in France would be lost. As will be seen, the War of Bouvines begins the story of how the Angevin lands were lost to the 'Plantagenêts'. The dynastic, political arrangements were peculiar. Henry II was sovereign in 'Anglo' England, but as Henri II duc d'Anjou, he was just a vassal -- a duke in 'Norman-Angevin' France where he paid feudal homage to his suzerain, the king of France. The unusual situation was further exacerbated in that the size of just Henri II's French fiefs was more than triple the land that was directly a fief of the French king, Louis VII (1137-1180). In an era were land conveyed wealth and power, the situation presented a significant threat to the Capetian monarchy of France. The contest between the dynastic houses that ruled England and France became more intense. The comparative military strengths of the two domains definitely favored Henry II of England. The French king, Louis VII, resorted to intrigue, and inciting or assisting revolts among the French vassals of the English duke-king. In the initial so-called Anglo-French War of 1159-89, Henry I and his forces invaded from Normandy in order to press a claim to Toulouse, where the Comte resisted. Louis VII had positioned himself in the town of Toulouse before the arrival of Henry II's army. Henry II did not want to besiege 'his suzerain' and withdrew, vowing revenge. Louis VII, and his son, Philippe II Auguste (1165-1223) found a weakness in Henry II's family, and was able to persuaded Henry II's sons to rebel [Anglo-Norman rebellion of 1173-74]. Eleanor, jealous of her husband's spousal faithlessness, also conspired with her sons and reduced Henry II's authority. Henry II died in 1189. Henry II's most capable and eldest surviving son was Richard Coeur de Lion [Lionheart], already made duc d'Aquitaine by his mother, became Richard I, king of England (1189-1199). Philippe II and Richard I went on the Third Crusade (1189-1192). Relations between the two deteriorated due to a variety of incidents. After the only significant military accomplishment, the seizure of St. Jean d'Acre (12 July 1191), Philippe II returned to France. Richard I departed the Levant in 1192, only to be captured as he was traveling though the lands of duke Leopold, of Austria, whom Richard had antagonized during the Third Crusade. Leopold put Richard in prison, and later turned the English monarch over to the German Emperor, Henry VI. Richard I's brother, John Lackland, and Philippe II conspired to delay Richard's return to England and France. Philippe proceeded with a series of small conquests of the 'Norman-Angevin' lands in France. He made some progress in the north, but not in the south, where vassals remained loyal to their duke-king, Richard, and did not trust John Lackland anymore than the French king. Eventually, Richard I's mother managed to pay the ransom and Richard returned to England in 1194. Richard I's war with Philippe II (1194-1199). Richard I immediately resolved differences with his brother John Lackland, and then proceeded to undo the incursions upon 'Norman-Angevin' lands by Philippe II. Between May 1194 and April 1199, a war was conducted between Richard I and Philippe II that involved considerable use of mercenaries, such as Martin, Algais, Mercadier, and Cadoc. Their presence introduced "a more professional and ruthless element" in the fighting. Philippe II enjoyed a few minor victories. However, Richard I demonstrated the most military prowess. He won noted victories at Gisors (29 September 1186), and at Fréteval (3 July 1194) in eastern Vendômois. Philippe II took Aumâle (20 August 1196) after defeating a relief force led by Richard I. Richard I began the construction of Château-Gaillard in 1196, and sought to ally Raymond, Comte de Toulouse to his side by renouncing the Angevin claims to that domain. Richard I's mercenary captain captured Milly (19 May 1197), and gained a valuable captive -- Philippe de Dreux, the Bishop of Beauvais, a redoubtable warrior and first cousin of Philippe II. By threatening a trade embargo, Richard I coerced Baldwin, comte de Flandre, to attack the French king's lands in the north. Philippe II's defeat at Courcelles-les-Gisors (27 September 1198) was followed by the Truce of Vernon. However, Richard I's reconquest was not fully complete, and he had not gained any new territory. He continued with an expedition against the vicomte de Limoges, whom Philippe II had encouraged to rebel against his duke. In preparing to besiege the vicomte's castle at Châlus- Chabrol (26 March 1199), Richard I was wounded by a crossbow shot. Though he took the castle a few days later, an infection developed in Richard's wound and he died on 6 April 1199. Upon Richard's death, John Lackland became king of England. Philippe II immediately made incursions into Normandy, as if testing John's resolve. He further offended John by declaring that Arthur, John's nephew, as the duc de Bretagne and Normandie. Philippe II waited for an opportunity to make a major seizure of 'Norman-Angevin' lands. John I Lackland crossed la Manche [channel waters between England and France] to Aquitaine. Sailing from Portsmouth, he landed at La Rochelle on 15 February in 1214 with his mercenary army. He could not count on loyalty from the English barons, but called up his feudal levies from Guyenne [the term more commonly used for Aquitaine] and then marched into Poitou. Gathering more forces along the way, John I crossed the Loire and entered his family lands in Anjou. This had the desired result, as king Philippe II came south with his royal troops to meet the English king's troops. Philippe II marched via Samur and Chinon to cut John's line of retreat. John I abandoned Anjou and moved quickly back south to Limoges in April. At this point, John had succeeded in drawing Philip far south. Unfortunately for the allies, the emperor Otto and his forces were not ready to move. Aware of Otto's marshalling of forces, Philippe II realized the danger of following John I further south. Philippe II left his son, prince Louis, with 800 knights, 2,000 sergeants and 7,000 infantry to face John Lackland. Philippe II, himself, with a small force of his personal household knights, returned to Paris and prepared to meet the threatened invasion from the north. John I Lackland, possibly believing that the entire royal army had withdrawn toward Paris, immediately moved back into Poitou in May, crossed the Loire, and again invaded Anjou. John laid siege to La-Roche-aux-Moines in June. However, in July, when learning that prince Louis was approaching with a French army and levies from Anjou and Maine, John Lackland retired hastily, leaving much of his siege train. Meanwhile Otto moved toward the Netherlands in March. He lost time rounding up his German forces, and dallied at Aachen to marry (10 May) the daughter of Henri de Brabant. When Otto finally began to campaign in June, he only had three of the principal German vassals with him plus his own Saxon troops. By 12 July he reached Nivelles, where he met with the dukes and other allies. These finally increased his forces to a reasonable size. However, by then it was too late to conduct a coordinated campaign according to John Lackland's plan. By late June, Philippe II had mobilized his forces in northern France and was well aware of Otto IV's plans. As it turned out, Otto's new father-in-law felt it in his own best interests to keep the French king secretly advised of the coalition's intentions. Otto IV had a very powerful army. The comte de Flandre brought a sizable cavalry unit. William Longsword, earl of Salisbury, and John Lackland's half brother, had a large contingent of mercenaries paid for with English money. These formed one division of the coalition army. It consisted of infantry and many hired knights. When he saw that the German invasion was near at hand, Philippe II called up all his vassals and allies, proclaiming the ban in eastern, central, and northern parts of France. He could not draw on the western territories that were either occupied by or threatened by John. Philippe II had great numbers of top quality knights, but most of the infantry would have been rather mediocre levies. Philippe II assembled his army at Péronne toward by early July, and took the offensive into Flanders, thinking the emperor was in front of him. Philippe II reached Tournai on 25 July, where he learned that Otto was to his south at Valenciennes. Philippe II decided to withdraw so as not to let Otto's army get behind the French line's of communications back toward Paris. About the same time, Otto learned of Philippe II's position, and moved north. On 26 July Otto was moving through Saint Amand, heading north toward Tournai, possibly intending to engaged Philippe to the west of the city. Hearing of the location of the French army from his spies, but not of its true size, Otto decided to attack rather than use the opportunity to capture Paris. Otto marched his army northwestward, reaching a point only nine miles south of Tournai as the French were abandoning the town. Otto pursued Philippe II, hoping to catch him with part of the French army on each side of the bridge at Bouvines. Reportedly, the duc de Brabant's secret messengers kept Philippe II alerted to emperor's plans. Still, what happened seemed to have caught the French king by surprise.

THE BATTLE

The morning of Sunday 27 July found Philippe II's force stretch out over a long distance to the west of Tournai. French engineers had been sent ahead to widen the bridge at Bouvines, so the army could cross it more rapidly. The French advanced section, of mainly infantry and baggage, had crossed the only bridge over the Marcq River in the area, at the hamlet of Bouvines. Philippe II, himself, stopped with his main force of heavy cavalry (knights and sergeants) on the east side of the bridge at Bouvines. It was late morning, when to the east, the French rearguard was attacked by the advance guard of the emperor's coalition army, which had marched rapidly from Mortagne, south of Tournai. The emperor was anticipating to find the French in retreat, and his host was moving in such an array as to engage quickly an unprepared enemy in march configuration. As the French rearguard fended off the attacks of the allied advanced elements, Otto IV was all the more convinced that he had the French at a disadvantage and in retreat. Philippe II's rearguard of mounted sergeants was under the command of Adam Vicomte de Melun. One of Philippe II's most experienced military leaders, the Hospitaller and bishop-elect Guérin de Senlis, rode in a position where he could monitor the rear of the French march column. When Guérin saw the imperial army rapidly approaching in full battle array, he hurried to report the to the king, who was watching his cavalry starting to cross the bridge at Bouvines. Philippe immediately recognized the potential for disaster, since there would be no way to get the rear third of his army across the bridge before it was destroyed. The French king ordered the entire army to turn around and form for battle, and directed the infantry to come back across the bridge at full speed. Meanwhile Otto's troops smashed into the Vicomte de Melun's detachment, forcing the French horse arbalesters and the Champenois sergeants to return to their aid. Then the duc de Bourgogne [Burgundy] departed from the main cavalry column, and threw his knights into the growing holding action. The enlarged French rearguard managed to delay the imperial army's vanguard for the necessary time it took for the main French cavalry to form up in battle array. Otto IV, who had thought that he was pursuing, was surprised to encounter the French army drawn up in order of battle. In turn, the emperor had to form his own army hastily for a pitch battle, because if he turned around or tried to retreat he would surely have been destroyed. The imperial army was forced to align itself in respect to the positions being taken by the French. Philippe II appears to have aligned his army at an angle across the road, on a bit of rolling terrain above the marshy river bank. He left his right flank area open so the retreating rearguard could form there. Remarkably, the French king seemed to have arranged for the orderly placement of each of the returning detachments. One after the other, he had them successively to extend his line northward, to the left. By the time the duc de Bourgogne approached the bridge in a fighting retreat he could see his suzerain's army completing its deployment into line of battle. For his part, Otto, ordered each of his arriving units off to the right, extending his lines to match the French. The eye witnesses attest to Otto's astonishment at finding a powerful fighting force rather than a column of stragglers before him. The deployment procedure took at least an hour, during which the French infantry managed to get across the bridge and hurriedly into line supporting the nobility. The duc de Bourgogne used the time to rest and refresh his sorely taxed knights, who now took up their honored place on the right of the French line. The time was around noon, or early afternoon. The sun was at the back of the French forces. Thus, two of the largest military forces in early thirteenth-century France came face-to-face, each in two lines about 2,000 yards wide. To get a picture of the scene one must recall that a medieval host was composed of a heterogeneous crowd of separate detachments raised by a wide variety of vassals and communities. Some minor barons might be liable to bring 10 or 20 mounted knights and twice the number in sergeants. Others would have private armies of 100 knights and their retainers. Various abbeys and bishops would have their mounted knights and foot troops under their own banners. Towns of all sizes would send their communal militia variously armed and experienced in combat. The French army was arrayed as the necessity of rushing from line of march back into line of battle dictated. The fully armored knights were across the entire field. [There is some interpretation that the French knights had to form in a single ranks, versus the preferred two so as to not be outflanked by the larger coalition army. The mounted, and more lightly armored, sergeants were in multiple ranks.] For command purposes, the medieval hosts grouped into the usual three 'battles' -- a center, with a right wing and a left wing. The French communal militia bands of crossbowmen arrived in time to pass through the cavalry, and take up a position in front of the center. The French levied pikemen formed behind the cavalry on each wing. The French nobility was arrayed from right to left as follows: first the knights from Champagne, the host of Eudes de Bourgogne, the knights from Champagne, the followings of the Counts of St. Pol, Beaumont, Montmorency, and Sancerre and smaller feudal contingents; in the center the seventy available Norman knights (the rest still deployed in the south, facing king John Lackland), and the vassals from the Isle-de-France; on the left the retainers of Robert, comte de Dreux; Guillaume, comte de Ponthieu; Pierre, comte d'Auxerre; the bishop of Beauvais; and Thomas de St. Valery; plus many units from northwest France. The king, himself, stood in the front, center under the oriflamme and his personal blue ensign with the golden lilies. The imperial army drew up with its main infantry body in the front line of the center, and the emperor's personal cavalry in the second. The imperial infantry in the center was composed of German and Netherlandish pikemen, considered the best in Europe. Beside his Saxon warriors the emperor placed the chivalry of Brabant, Limburg, Holland, and Namur. Behind his second line of infantry, Otto placed the great Iiperial silken dragon flying from the pole on which was a carved imperial eagle with golden wings. The entire imperial standard was mounted on a gold covered 'war chariot'. This he guarded with his personal retinue. On the left Otto deployed the knights of Flanders and Hainault, commanded by comte Ferdinand, in the first line with their regional infantry in support. On his right wing, Otto relied on the army of the comte de Boulogne, a small body of Flemish knights, and the mercenaries under William Longsword [earl of Salisbury. They also had infantry in support including crossbowmen as well as pikemen. The French opened the battle as Guérin led 300 horse sergeants from Soissons in a charge against the Flemish cavalry of noble knights. Gradually the Burgundy knights joined in. The entire French right and Imperial left wings became enmeshed in a general melée of mounted knights slashing at each other with sword and axe. The Comte de Flandre was captured. In the center, Otto sent his large body of pole-armed infantry forward. The assault was toward the position of Philippe II, among the French infantry of commune militia, which had formed in front. The German and Flemish pole-armed infantry soon disposed of the French militia and reached the line of French knights. Even though they greatly outnumbered the knights, such lightly armored urban militia were no match for the veteran knights in full armor. In the general struggle, king Philippe was pulled from his saddle and briefly threatened. However, seeing the distress signal executed by the king's banner carrier, the French knights in the center battle rapidly joined around Philippe II, who had remounted and continued the fight. The French knights slaughtered the hostile foot swarming about the French monarch. The Fleming foot melted away, and the French nobility reached the position held by Otto and the cavalry of Saxony, Brabant and Limburg. The knights on the French left wing detected an advantage as the coalition's right wing partly exposed their own right flank in the concentrated effort against the French center. Thus, an advance of the French left managed to deliver a decisive blow, destroying the coalition's heavy cavalry on the right and capturing it leader, the earl of Salisbury. One of the senior coalition leaders, Hugh de Boves, fled. The coalition's largely mercenary infantry, on the right, led by Renaud de Damartin, continued to fight as they expected no mercy from the French knights or Philippe II. Renaud continued to resist with a few knights executing sorties from a protective circle of pole-armed mercenary infantry. Eventually the French knights and infantry killed the mercenaries and Renaud surrendered. Back at the center, French cavalry reached the outnumbered but fresh Saxon and Brabantine knights, another wild melée ensued. Otto fought courageously among his retainers, wielding his war axe, while receiving multiple blows in return from a crowd of Frenchmen. Suddenly his horse was killed, throwing him to the ground. A few French knights nearly captured him before the Saxon guard surrounded their sovereign. A noble gave the emperor his horse, on which Otto fled the scene. Apparently he was so shaken up by the beating and near capture that he did not stop riding until he was back in Valenciennes. Emperor Otto's departure essentially destroyed the coalition's resolve. The Saxons and Westphalians manfully covered the retreat, until most of the remaining nobles were captured. On the imperial right, the Comte Renaud formed his pikemen into a tight circle, and sheltered his remaining knights inside until the whole Brabançon force was gradually worn down and Renaud captured. The Netherlanders rode off, along with the already flying mercenaries. The battle, fought on flat terrain favorable to cavalry action, lasted about 3 hours. Emperor battered imperial insignia was captured and taken to Paris. The earl of Salisbury was quickly exchanged for the son of the Comte de Dreux. Frederick of Hohenstaufen was crowned as emperor at Aachen in 1215. Ferrand remained in French prison until 1227, six years before his death. Renaud languished in prison for the rest of his life, which ended with suicide. John Lackland and Philippe agreed to a six-year truce at Chinon in 1214. For some time, Flanders would remain under the French orbit. Philippe II demonstrated experienced leadership throughout, as well as being served by fine commanders among his knights. The French cavalry demonstrated remarkable control of the tactical situation -- coming to their king's aid and striking the vulnerable flank of the coalition's right flank, and not loosing control in pursuit of early fleeing coalition troops. Bouvines was the most important battle from a political point of view for a century. Most historians cite the event as 'the battle that made France' and credit France's very existence to the victory of Philip II Auguste. It was a great pitched battle, the greatest of its age, in contrast to the many smaller and briefer engagements of the period. If the French monarch had lost, the Plantagenêts might have won back their lost Norman and Angevin territories, and the counts of Flanders might have won freedom from the French king, and the German emperor might have retained Lotharingian territories. Not until the time of the emperor Charles V did France have so many enemies allied against it. For England, Philippe II's victory of Bouvines more than confirmed the end of Plantagenêt claims to Angevin France. It brought king John Lackland to his lowest ebb, and certainly promoted the English barons to revolt and to force upon the monarch the Magna Carta. Further, the English nobles went so far as to invite Philippe II's son, prince Louis, to take the crown of England. Louis landed with a French army in May 1216. He was supported by many English [including the earl of Salisbury], Welsh, and Scot nobles. However, King John Lackland died in October 1216 and Louis returned to France in 1217 in an effort to get support from his father -- Philippe II was not interested in the project. With John Lackland's death, the majority of the English nobles changed their minds and threw their support to John Lackland's son, Henry III (1216-72). When Louis returned to England, he and his few English allies lost a land battle at Lincoln (20 May 1216), and reinforcements from France were lost in a naval battle off Sandwich soon after. Louis was forced to accept a small payment for abandoning his claim and returned to France, where he was later to rule briefly as Louis VIII (1223-1226). Married before Apr 1218: Élisabeth Jeanne de Garlande (17267),, daughter of Guillaume V de Garlande (4277) and Alix = Adèle de Châtillon-sur-Marne (4278). Died: on 15 Jun 1222.

1.1.3.2.1.5.1 Thibaud de Beaumont (25383) (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties/Les_dynasties_celebres/Liste_alphabetique.htm.) (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties/Les_dynasties_celebres/Liste_alphabetique.htm.) (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties/Les_dynasties_celebres/Liste_alphabetique.htm.). Born: in 1219, son of Jean, Comte de Beaumont (14140) and Élisabeth Jeanne de Garlande (17267), Thibaud married Jeanne, daughter of Raoul Le Bouteiller, Seigneur d'Ermenonville (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties/Les_dynasties_celebres/Liste_alphabetique.htm.). 1.1.3.2.1.5.2 Jean II, Seigneur de Clichy (25384) (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties/Les_dynasties_celebres/Liste_alphabetique.htm.) (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties/Les_dynasties_celebres/Liste_alphabetique.htm.) (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties/Les_dynasties_celebres/Liste_alphabetique.htm.). Born: in 1220, son of Jean, Comte de Beaumont (14140) and Élisabeth Jeanne de Garlande (17267), Jean married Jeanne de Roie (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties/Les_dynasties_celebres/Liste_alphabetique.htm.).

1.1.3.2.1.5.3 Alix de Beaumont (25385) (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties/Les_dynasties_celebres/Liste_alphabetique.htm.) (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties/Les_dynasties_celebres/Liste_alphabetique.htm.) (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties/Les_dynasties_celebres/Liste_alphabetique.htm.). Born: in 1222, daughter of Jean, Comte de Beaumont (14140) and Élisabeth Jeanne de Garlande (17267), Agnès married Jean I Le Prud'homme seigneur d'Harcourt (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties/Les_dynasties_celebres/Liste_alphabetique.htm.). Died: on 4 Oct 1275.

1.1.3.2.2 Hughes I, Vicomte de Beaumont-sur-Oise (12551) (Paul Theroff, posts, 22 April 1994 at 01:39 hours.). AKA: Hughes, Seigneur de Persan (12551). Born: before 1155 at France, son of Mathieu I, Count de Beaumont-sur-Oise (12553) and Béatrix=Emmé de Clermont-en-Beauvaisis (12554). Married before 1186 at France: Béatrix N? (12552) (Hughes I is presumed to have married by age 40 years).

1.1.3.2.2.1 Ives de Beaumont-sur-Oise (20098) (Paul Theroff, posts, Posted on the Internet, at Uniform Resource Locator (URL) ftp://members.aol.com/ptheroff/Beaumont.txt, 20 June 1996 at 15:27 hours.). AKA: Ives, Seigneur de Luzarches (20098) (Abbott, Pages 43 - 44.). AKA: Yves, Avoué d'Ully (20098) (Abbott, Pages 30 - 31.). Born: before 1187, son of Hughes I, Vicomte de Beaumont-sur-Oise (12551) and Béatrix N? (12552), Ives is presumed to have been at least 18 years of age by the time his son, Thibaut, was born. Married before 1204: Mahaut N? (20099) (She is one of three wives).

1.1.3.2.2.1.1 Thibaud, Comte de Beaumont-sur-Oise (20100) (in 1223, he sold his comté to Philippe-Auguste, King) (Paul Theroff, posts, Posted on the Internet, at Uniform Resource Locator (URL) ftp://members.aol.com/ptheroff/Beaumont.txt, 20 June 1996 at 15:27 hours.) (Paul Theroff, posts, Posted on the Internet, at Uniform Resource Locator (URL) ftp://members.aol.com/ptheroff/Beaumont.txt, 20 June 1996 at 15:27 hours.) (Paul Theroff, posts, Posted on the Internet, at Uniform Resource Locator (URL) ftp://members.aol.com/ptheroff/Beaumont.txt, 20 June 1996 at 15:27 hours.). AKA: Thibaut, Seigneur de Luzarches (20100) (Abbott, Pages 43 - 44.). Born: before 1205 at France, son of Ives de Beaumont-sur-Oise (20098) and Mahaut N? (20099), Thibaut is presumed to have been at least 18 years of age by the time he sold the County of Beaumont-sur-Oise to King Philippe Augustus de France in 1223 (Paul Theroff, posts, Posted on the Internet, at Uniform Resource Locator (URL) ftp://members.aol.com/ptheroff/Beaumont.txt, 20 June 1996 at 15:27 hours.). Died: circa 1231 (Abbott, Pages 43 - 44.).

1.1.3.2.2.2 Hughes II, Vicomte de Beaumont-sur-Oise (12549) (Paul Theroff, posts, 22 April 1994 at 01:39 hours.). AKA: Hughes II, Seigneur de Persan (12549) (Paul Theroff, posts, Posted on the Internet, at Uniform Resource Locator (URL) ftp://members.aol.com/ptheroff/Beaumont.txt, 20 June 1996 at 15:27 hours.). AKA: Hugues II, Seigneur d'Offemont (12549) (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties/Les_dynasties_celebres/Liste_alphabetique.htm.). Born: before 1192 at France, son of Hughes I, Vicomte de Beaumont-sur-Oise (12551) and Béatrix N? (12552), Hughes II is presumed to have been at least 18 years of age by the time his daughter, Marguerite, was born. Married before 1209 at France: Adé de Persan (12550).

1.1.3.2.2.2.1 Marguerite de Beaumont-sur-Oise (20096) (Paul Theroff, posts, Posted on the Internet, at Uniform Resource Locator (URL) ftp://members.aol.com/ptheroff/Beaumont.txt, 20 June 1996 at 15:27 hours.) (Paul Theroff, posts, Posted on the Internet, at Uniform Resource Locator (URL) ftp://members.aol.com/ptheroff/Beaumont.txt, 20 June 1996 at 15:27 hours.) (Paul Theroff, posts, Posted on the Internet, at Uniform Resource Locator (URL) ftp://members.aol.com/ptheroff/Beaumont.txt, 20 June 1996 at 15:27 hours.). Married Name: de Thourotte (20096). Born: before 1210 at France, daughter of Hughes II, Vicomte de Beaumont-sur-Oise (12549) and Adé de Persan (12550), Marguerite is presumed to have been at least 10 years of age when she married Gaucher (Paul Theroff, posts, Posted on the Internet, at Uniform Resource Locator (URL) ftp://members.aol.com/ptheroff/Beaumont.txt, 20 June 1996 at 15:27 hours.). Married before May 1220: Gaucher de Thourotte (20097) (Paul Theroff, posts, Posted on the Internet, at Uniform Resource Locator (URL) ftp://members.aol.com/ptheroff/Beaumont.txt, 20 June 1996 at 15:27 hours.).

1.1.3.2.2.2.2 Béatrix de Beaumont-sur-Oise (12548) (Paul Theroff, posts, 22 April 1994 at 01:39 hours.). Married Name: de Thourotte (12548). Born: before 1238 at France, daughter of Hughes II, Vicomte de Beaumont-sur-Oise (12549) and Adé de Persan (12550), Béatrix is presumed to have been at least 15 years of age by the time her son Ansoult I was born. Married before 1250 at France: Guillaume de Thourotte (12547),, son of Jean II de Thourotte (11303) and Odette de Dampierre-sur- l'Aube (11302) (Guillaume is presumed to have married before age 40 years).

1.1.3.2.2.2.2.1 Ansoult I de Thourotte (12543) (Paul Theroff, posts, 22 April 1994 at 01:39 hours.). Born: before 1253 at France, son of Guillaume de Thourotte (12547) and Béatrix de Beaumont-sur-Oise (12548), Ansoult I is presumed to have been at least 18 years of age by the time his son Ansoult II was born. Married before 1271 at France: Marie d'Autrèches (12544),, daughter of Guy d'Autrèches (12545) and N? N? (12546).

1.1.3.3 Agnès de Beaumont-sur-Oise (3436) (André Roux: Scrolls, 184, 239.) (Stuart, Page 199, Line 274-30.). Married Name: de Montmorency (3436). AKA: Agnès, Dame de Conflans-Sainte-Honorine (3436) (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties/Les_dynasties_celebres/Liste_alphabetique.htm.). Born: before 1083 at France, daughter of Yves II/III, Count de Beaumont-sur-Oise (4397) and Adèle=Adélaïde de Gournay (4398). Married before 1115: Bouchard IV, Lord de Montmorency (3435),, son of Hervé de Montmorency (3433) and Agnès d'Eu (3434). Died: after 1124.

1.1.3.3.1 Mathieu I, Seigneur de Montmorency (3437) (André Roux: Scrolls, 184, 231.) (Paul Theroff, posts, 26 April 1994 @ 18:47 Hours.) (M. de La Chenaye-des-Bois, Dictionnaire de La Noblesse, Tome IV (Volume 4), MDCCLXXII (1772), Page 351.) (M. de La Chenaye-des-Bois, Dictionnaire de La Noblesse, Tome IV (Volume 4), MDCCLXXII (1772), Page 351.).

Occupation: Mathieu I was the supreme military commander of French forces under Louis VII, King of France. Born: circa 1100 at Montmorency, Ile-de-France, France, son of Bouchard IV, Lord de Montmorency (3435) and Agnès de Beaumont-sur-Oise (3436). Married circa 1126: Alice of England (3438),, daughter of Henry I, King of England (2940) (André Roux: Scrolls.). Married circa 1140: Alix=Adélaïde de Maurienne (1288),, daughter of Humbert II, Comte de Savoie (2117) and Gisle=Gisèle, Countess de Bourgogne (2118). PaterAlter before 1155 Mathieu I, Seigneur de Montmorency (3437)/Mathieu II, Lord de Marly (3439) (an unknown value). Died: in 1160.

1.1.3.3.1.1 Bouchard V, Seigneur de Montmorency (2083) (André Roux: Scrolls, 118, 184.) (Paul Theroff, posts, 11 February 1995 at 23:25 Hours.). Born: before 1153 at France, son of Mathieu I, Seigneur de Montmorency (3437) and Alice of England (3438). Married in 1173 at France: Laurence de Hainaut (2082),, daughter of Baudouin IV, Comte de Hainaut (2080) and Alice=Ermesende de Namur (2081). Died: in 1190 (Abbott, Page 49.).

1.1.3.3.1.1.1 Alix de Montmorency (3207) (André Roux: Scrolls, 168, 184.) (Paul Theroff, posts, 11 February 1995 at 23:25 Hours.). Married Name: de Montfort (3207). Born: between 1174 and 1175 at France, daughter of Bouchard V, Seigneur de Montmorency (2083) and Laurence de Hainaut (2082). Married before 1190 at France: Simon IV/V, Count de Montfort (3203),, son of Simon IV, Count de Montfort (3197) and Amicie, Countess of Leicester (3200). Died: in 1226.

1.1.3.3.1.1.1.1 Gui de Montfort (3202) (André Roux: Scrolls, 168.). AKA: Gui de Montfort-l'Amaury (3202). Born: before 1186 at France, son of Simon IV/V, Count de Montfort (3203) and Alix de Montmorency (3207), Guy was alive in the year 1191. Married on 6 Nov 1216 at Tarbes, Bigorre, Gascogne, France: Pétronille de Comminges (9644),, daughter of Bernard IV, Count de Comminges (3002) and Béatrice III/IV, Comtesse de Bigorre (9641) (Gui was Pétronelle's third husband) (M. de La Chenaye-des-Bois, Dictionnaire de La Noblesse, Tome II (Volume 2), MDCCLXXI (1771), Page 502.). Note - between 13 Sep 1217 and 22 Jul 1218 at Toulouse, Languedoc, France: Gui fought at the Siege of Toulouse in which his father, Simon IV died. 13 Sep 1217 – 22 Jul 1218 – Second Siege of Toulouse. Like most towns, Toulouse was defended by city walls with a seigniorial castle providing a second line of defence. The castle of the Counts of Toulouse was on the west side of the city, and known as the Château Narbonnais. The City was repeatedly besieged, and repeatedly withstood the Catholic Crusaders, though it had to be surrendered under treaties of surrender. William of Puylaurens covered events relating to the history of Languedoc from the twelfth century to the mid-1270s.àThe section below begins with the future Raymond VII, count of Toulouse, laying siege to the crusader-held fortress of Beaucaire in 1216.à Events seem to turn against Simon de Montfort, leader of the crusading forces, and he begins a siege of the city of Toulouse, which lasts from October 1217 to July 1218.à This siege ends with the death of Simon. This text is from The Chronicle of William of Puylaurens: The Albigensian Crusade and its Aftermath, trans. W.A. Sibly and M.D. Sibly (Boydell, 2003).à Simon first besieged Toulouse in 1211, but failed to take it. From 16 to 29 June 1211, Simon de Montfort besieges the City of Toulouse, without success. In May, 1215, the city of Toulouse surrendered to Simon de Montfort. September to October 1216: “So, after his reception by the citizens of Avignon and the people of Venaissin, the son of the Count of Toulouse entered the town of Beaucaire in strength, with the support of the inhabitants, and laid siege to the crusader garrison in the castle. He invested the castle from all sides, by land and from the river Rhone, so that no one could leave and no relief could reach the garrison from outside. Count Simon [de Montfort] rushed to besiege the besiegers, but after eating their horses and running completely out of supplies the garrison surrendered the castle to their enemies, having received guarantees that their lives would be spared. As his efforts had come to nothing Count Simon raised the siege of the town. As a consequence many who had concealed their opposition to him lifted up their horns, and numerous strongholds and towns at once joined his enemies. For the citizens of Toulouse, whose hostages had already returned home, as I reported above, refused to submit to masters whose rule was overweening and took refuge in a form of disobedience. They bore with difficulty the yoke which undermined the liberty to which they were accustomed. Accordingly Count Simon – fearful that if he took no steps to suppress them they would become as a swelling tumour, decided to oppose them with armed force and punish their arrogance severely.” 12th September 1217. Raymond VI of Toulouse re-enters the City of Toulouse over the Bazacle (the ancient ford over the Garonne) to the delight of the population. Simon de Montfort's family are trapped within the Château Narbonnais. “So, in the year 1216, the Count entered the Cité with a large armed force.à He started fires in several places hoping that the citizens would be put in dread by a double storm, of fire and sword, and thus be more readily thrown into confusion.à The Toulousians met force with force, they placed wooden beams and wine casks in the streets and repulsed the attackers.à All night long they had no rest from fighting fire or the enemy. In the morning the venerable father Bishop Fulk took with him some of the citizens, and in the hope of adverting the impending dangers, mediated between the two parties to secure an agreed peace and sought to blunt the sharp edge of steel with silver.à The Count's resources had been exhausted by the expenditure he had incurred at Beaucaire, and he had no money.à Seizing on this some of his associates, claiming that it would be of his advantage, urged him to claim compensation of thirty thousand marks, from the Cité and the Bourg – an amount they could well afford – as a means of enabling them to gain the Count's favor.à He willingly fell in with this counsel of Achitofel, and, blinded by money, did not see the dangers that might result.à For those who gave this advice well knew that levying this sum would result in much wrong being done, to the community as a whole and to individuals; this would drive the Toulousains to aspire to their erstwhile freedoms and recall their former lord. When the levy came to be collected it was exacted with a harsh and cruel pressure; not only were pledges demanded, but the doorways of houses were marked with signs.à There were many instances of this harsh treatment which it would take too long to describe in detail, as the people groaned under the yoke of servitude. Meanwhile the Toulousains engaged in secret discussion with their old Count [Raymond VI], who was travelling in Spain, concerning his possible return to Toulouse, so that their wishes might be fulfilled.” From 13 September 1217 to 22 July 1218. Second Siege of the City of Toulouse. Stung by the humiliation of losing Toulouse, Simon de Montfort besieges the city again, without success. He dies during the siege, on 25th June 1218, hit on the head by a stone from a trebuchet, to the great rejoicing of the besieged, and the whole of the Midi. “So in the year 1217, whilst Count Simon was engaged in a long struggle with Adhemar of Poitiers on the east side of the Rhone, the Count of Toulouse took advantage of the opportunity so created to cross the Pyrenees and enter Toulouse, not by bridge bit by the ford under the Bazacle.à This was in September.à He was accompanied by the Counts of Comminges and Palhars and a few knights.à Few people were aware of his arrival; some were pleased, others who judged the likely future turn of events by what had happened in the past, were displeased.à Some of the latter therefore retired to the Chateau Narbonnais with the French, others to the Bishop's house or the cloister of St. Stephen or the monastery of Saint- Sernin; the Count persuaded them to return to him after a few days, by threats or flattery.à The Count Guy, who was in the area, tried to suppress this latest insurrection by force but was repulsed and could not achieve his aims. In the meantime, whilst Count Simon, currently engaged in besieging Crest, was being apprised of these events, the citizens began to cut off access from the Chateau Narbonnais to the Cité, with pales and stakes, large wooden beams and ditches, starting at the rampart known as le Touzet and going as far as the rampart of St James.à Count Simon now arrived with Cardinal Bertrand, who had been sent as legate by the Supreme Pontiff Honorius, attacked the city with a strong force, but the citizens defended themselves courageously and his efforts were in vain.à Then siege-engines were erected on all sides of the city, and a bombardment of mill-stones and other heavy stones was begun. Meanwhile the legate sent Lord Fulk, the Bishop of Toulouse, to France to preach the cross; with him were others entrusted with the same mission including Master Jacques de Vitry, a man of outstanding honour, learning and eloquence, who later became Bishop of Acre and then a cardinal of the Church of Rome.à The lord Bishop of Toulouse once spoke to me of Master Jacques, who had told him that he had been enjoined in a dream by a vision of St. Saturnin, the first Bishop of Toulouse, to preach against his people; he referred the matter to the Bishop and asked him if there had at one time been a priest at Toulouse called Saturnin - he had not previously known this. The preaching mission resulted in a great many men taking up the cross; these came to take part in the siege of Toulouse in the following spring, and the Bishop returned to the army with them.à Count Simon now donated to the Bishop and his successors as bishops of Toulouse in perpetuity the castrum of Verfeil, with all the towns and forts which belonged to it and which contained twenty hearths of less; the count retained nothing, and imposed only one condition that if he were ever to become involved in warfare on open ground in the territory of Verfeil, the Bishop would provide him with one armed knight. The labour of battle oppressed the besieged and the besiegers alike throughout the winter, as they fought with siege-engines and the other instruments of war.à Count Simon, now strengthened by the presence of the newly arrived crusaders, harried his enemies, less by direct attacks on the walls of the town than by excursions around it (which the citizens hindered by erecting barriers and digging ditches).à At last it was decided to construct a wooden engine of the type known as a 'cat', which would enable his men to bring up earth and wood to fill up the ditches; once the ditches had been levelled they would be able to engage the enemy at close quarters and effect an entry into town after breaking up the wooden barriers opposing them. However the Count [Simon] was worn out by his labours, despondent and weakened and exhausted by the drain on his resources; nor did he easily bear the prick of constant accusations be the legate that he was unthinking and remiss.à Whence, it is said, he began to pray to God to give him peace by the remedy of death.à One day, the day after the feast of St John the Baptist, he went into the cat, and a stone thrown from an enemy mangonel fell on his head; he died at once.à The news reached the citizens inside Toulouse that day, and they did not hold back from showing their delight by shouts of rejoicing, whilst on the other side there was great sadness.à Indeed the citizens were in great distress through fear of an imminent attack; moreover they had few remaining supplies and little hope of gathering their harvest that summer. So, the man who inspired terror from the Mediterranean to the British sea fell by a blow from a single stone; at his fall those who had previously stood firm fell down.à In him who was a good man, the insolence of his subordinates was thrown down.à I affirm that later I heard the Count of Toulouse (the last of his line) generously praise him - even though he was his enemy - for his fidelity, his foresight, his energy and all the qualities which befit a leader.” 16th of June - 1st of August 1219. Third Siege of the City of Toulouse, this time by Prince Louis, the future French King Louis IX (Saint Louis), again without success. Died: in Jul 1220 at Castelnaudary, Aude, Languedoc, France, Gui was killed in action, when Raymond VII, Comte de Toulouse was successful in re-taking Castelnaudary from the house of Montfort.

1.1.3.3.1.1.1.2 Lauré de Montfort (18016) (Paul Theroff, posts, 11 February 1995 at 23:25 Hours.). Married Name: de Picquigny (18016). Born: between 1191 and 1207, daughter of Simon IV/V, Count de Montfort (3203) and Alix de Montmorency (3207), Lauré is presumed to have been at least 20 years of age when she died. Married before 1225: Gérard III, Sire de Picquigny (18015),, son of Enguérrand, Seigneur de Picquigny (13065) and Marguerite de Ponthieu (13064). Died: circa 1227.

1.1.3.3.1.1.1.3 Amaury VI/VII, Count de Montfort (1330) (André Roux: Scrolls, 80, 168.) (Paul Theroff, posts, 16 July 1994 at 16:00 Hours.). AKA: Amaury, Comte de Toulouse (1330). AKA: Amaury VII, Duc de Narbonne (1330). Born: in 1192 at France, son of Simon IV/V, Count de Montfort (3203) and Alix de Montmorency (3207), Amaury VI was alive in the year 1213. Some sources refer to this Amaury as Amaury VII. Note - between 1192 and 1240 at France: Amaury VI was the prime military officer of France. Amaury was unsuccessful in his attempts to maintain his father's work in Languedoc. Thus, he lost the Count-ship of Toulouse and yielded his rights to King Louis VII of France. He was then appointed Constable of France. He also surrendered all of the family's English estates to his brother, Simon (Abbott, Page 48.). Married in 1214 at Carcassonne, Aude, Languedoc, France: Béatrix d'Albon-Viennois (1329),, daughter of André dit Guigues VI, Comte d'Albon (1326) and Béatrix, Countess de Sabran (4221). Note - between 5 Jun 1215 and 22 Aug 1216 at Beaucaire, Languedoc, France: Amaury VI/VII was at the Siege of Beaucaire. Siege of Beaucaire: 5 June 1215 - 22 August 1216 The Castle of Beaucaire was built over the site of the Roman Ugernum and was later the Merovingian capital of Pagus Argenteus - The Land of Silver. It overlooks the River Rhône, the traditional border with Provence, with Tarascon lying on the Provençal side. It was here, in an eleventh century castle, that King Richard I of England gave his sister Jeanne of England in marriage to Raymond VI of Toulouse; and it was here, a year later, in July 1197 that Jeanne gave birth to Raymondet, the future Count Raymond VII of Toulouse. During the Albigensian Crusades which started a decade later, Beaucaire fell to the French Catholic Crusaders. As elsewhere in the Midi, the inhabitants loathed their new masters. Even after Pope Innocent III purported to dispossess Raymond VI as Count of Toulouse and confirmed Simon de Montfort as his replacement at the Fourth Lateran Council in 1216, they would still wholeheartedly support their sovereign Count against the combined might of western Christendom. The pope had reserved Provence, including Beaucaire, for the young Raymond, but Simon de Montfort did not always obey God's representative on Earth, if the pope's instructions did not suit his own interests.Raymondet would have to take Beaucaire by force from the crusader army. Raymond VI and Raymondet travelled separately from the Fourth Lateran Council to Genoa. There they met up and rode together to Marseilles where they were heartened by their welcome and the words of a loyal delegation from Avignon. Raymond VI now carried on for Aragon to talk to his allies there. Raymondet left for Beaucaire. It was on the way that Guy de Cavaillon spoke these famous words about paratge - the high civilisation of the Midi - to the young Raymondet: "...the Count of Montfort who destroys men, he and the Church at Rome and the preachers are covering paratge with shame. They have cast it down from its high place, and if you do not raise it up, it will vanish for ever. If worth and paratge do not rise again through you, then paratge will die - with it the whole world will die. You are the true hope of all paratge and the choice is yours: either you show valour, or paratge dies!" (The Song of the Crusade (Canso de la crozada), Laisse ???) Raymondet replied that any leopard that attacked him would find that he was fighting a lion, and so it was to prove. In late April 1216 Raymond, just 18 years old, began his siege of Beaucaire, attracting supporting forces from far and wide. The French defenders were lead by Lambert de Croissy (now "Lambert de Limoux") but their position was difficult since, without hesitation, the population opened the gates of the town to their sovereign's son. "Our dear Lord is entering the town in joy, and now we shall be rid of the Barrois and the French!" (The Canso de la crozada laisse 156. Barrois were vassals of the Count of Bar). As in many places, the castle at Beaucaire was a sort of citadel within a fortified town. (You can see a good example of this common design, still surviving, at Carcassonne). The French rode out of the castle to regain the town, but the fighting was intense. Raymondet's forces, shouting their war-cry "Tolosa!", were well prepared: "Darts, lances and stones they flung, bolts, arrows, axes, hatchets; they fought with spears, with swords, with clubs and staves. They pressed de Montfort's men so hard, levering dressed stones down onto them from the windows, shattering shield bosses and poitrels, delivering mortal blows, that they put them to flight and forced them to take unwilling refuge in the castle" (The Song of the Crusade laisse 156). The Barrois and the French were now confined, but safe enough from further attack. Raymondet had a palisade built to neutralize the French cavalry. Trapped in the castle, war horses - and knights - were useless. Raymond Gaucelm gave Raymondet some advice, to build a new wall with brattices and a barbican, with a catapult at each opening. As so often during this period, the dedication of the meridional forces was striking. Knights carried infill to build the walls, rare enough in itself, but so did their ladies. Noble girls carried timber and dressed stone.

Then Raymondet built a battering ram to assault the castle. Guy de Montfort and Amaury de Montfort (Simon's bother and son) arrived to assist the French troops and relieve the castle. By the time they got there Raymondet was well entrenched in the town with his additional defences. Worse still for the French, Raymondet was still building, not just fortifications, but mangonels, bitches (gousas - similar to mangonels) and other siege weapons. Lambert de Limoux, isolated in the castle, could only watch as Raymondet's troops fetched more stones. They were building a wall outside the castle's outer walls to contain it and isolate it from the rest of the town. On 5 June 1215 Simon de Montfort himself arrived from Paris with fresh troops and mercenaries, but no siege engines. Inside the town, Raymondet was already using his massive iron-capped battering ram to smash down the walls of the citadel. His forces had supplies. So did de Montfort's Crusader army outside. Lambert and his men inside the citadel did not. Simon de Montfort tried to take the town, apparently in open battle. As the The Song of the Crusade, laisse 161 tells us: “ ... Then came the roar of shouting and the charge; joyfully the horns rang out; trumpets and shrill clarions resounded all along the riverbank and field. The crusaders spurred, and charged as one into the thickest of the array, but the men of Beaucaire took their assault well. Now came the clash of blades from Cologne and twice-tempered steel, of round headed maces and chilled javelins, well-honed axes and shining shields, came flights of darts, arrows and polished quarrels, feathered shafts and brandished spears, came brave knights, alert and active, sergeants, archers eagerly advancing, and the other companies, keen to strike hard. On all sides the rush and crash of men and weapons shook the field, riverbank and the solid ground. Count Simon, Sir Alan [de Roucy] and Sir Foucaud [de Berzey] with Sir Guy [de Montfort] and Sir Peter Mir bore the shock of the encounter. What damaged hauberks you would have seen there, what good shields cracked and broken, what fists, legs and feet cut off, what spattered blood and skulls split apart! Even the simplest mind could not but feel it. But the men of Beaucaire had the upper hand and drove the crusaders down the beaten track; although they resisted strongly and there was not much pursuit. Many were the horses you would have seen running loose, iron-clad, riderless, their masters fallen and killed...” Both sides retired - the Crusaders to their encampment, Raymondet's forces to the town. Simon de Montfort held a council of war. As well as his nobles he had three bishops and as the Song of the Crusade laisse 162 puts it "I don't know how many abbots". Raymondet seems to have held his own Council, but without the aid of senior Churchmen - a disadvantage, for at this period Catholic churchmen were the recognized masters of siege engineering. Simon de Montfort decided to build siege engines - a belfry and a cat "built of iron, timber and leather" and manned day and night. He also built a catapult to shoot all day at the town's gateway. On his side Raymondet decided to cut off water supplies to de Montfort's forces ( Lambert's of course were already isolated from all water supplies). Simon's catapult was a real threat, but his belfry and cat seem to have had little impact: "... these have no more effect than an enchanter's dream, they are a spider's web and a sheer waste of material. His catapult, though, throws strongly and is breaking down the whole gateway...". Simon de Montfort needed a quick victory. Ravens and vultures circled his men in the summer heat. Famously, the defenders in the citadel raised a black flag, the traditional flag of the Angel of Death, to signal to de Montfort that they could not hold out much longer. More Councils of war followed. Simon de Montfort's troops and Simon himself started to wonder how God could fail to support him, when the Catholic Church was so clearly behind him. They also started to think about Raymondet's high birth - they recalled that Richard Coeur de Lion was his uncle and Bertrand, Count of Toulouse, his ancestor. In medieval society this counted for much. Perhaps they were fighting on the wrong side. French crusaders started to desert, while fresh local reinforcements continued to join Raymondet. The people of Beaucaire worked to overcome the Crusaders in the citadel, using their battering ram.: "... long, straight, sharp and shod with iron; it thrust, carved and smashed till the wall was breached and many of the dressed stones thrown down. When the besieged Crusaders saw that, they did not panic but made a rope lasso and used a device to fling it so that they caught and held the ram's head, to the rage of all in Beaucaire. Then the engineer who had set up the battering ram arrived. He and his men slipped secretly into the rock itself [presumably the hole already made by the ram], intending to break through the wall with their sharp picks. But when the men in the keep realized this, they cast down fire, sulfur and tow together in a piece of cloth and let it down on a chain. When the fire caught and the sulfur ran, the flames and stench so stupefied them that not one of them could stay there. Then they used their stone throwers and broke down the beams and palisades." (The Song of the Crusade, laisse 164). Food and water had run out in Lambert's citadel. One of the commanders waved a napkin and an empty bottle to signify their distress. This invited another attack on the town by de Montfort, but he was again unsuccessful. The slaughter was massive. Afterwards Sir Alain de Roucy ventured a joke: "By God, Sir Count, we can set up a butcher's shop! Our sharp swords have won us so much meat, it won't cost a penny to feed the cat". But Simon was not amused. As the weeks stretched into months, between these large-scale encounters his men were being picked off by crossbowmen and his supplies were running low even outside the town: "Our stores and granaries are empty, we haven't a sack of any kind of grain, and our horses are so hungry they're eating wood and the bark of trees". Again, questions were asked about why God was supporting the wrong side. The mood darkened and there was talk of having to eat the horses and then of having to eat each other. As Simon was conducting yet another Council of War a beggar burst in, shouting that he had seen a weasel. This was disturbing news. A weasel was a siege engine - similar to a cat, but smaller. The weasel was already against the citadel wall and ready to drive a spike into it. Once again the French engineers were up to the job. The chief engineer hurled a pot of molten pitch, hitting the weasel in exactly the right spot. It burst into flames. Another pitched battle followed, again Simon de Montfort failing to carry the day. He called yet another Council of War. His position was parlous. If he carried on he would certainly fail and his garrison in the citadel would perish. Yet if he lifted the siege, his reputation, credibility and future would all be called into question. Sir Hugh de Lacy pointed up the unique situation: "I have never seen a siege like this one: the besieged are happy, sheltered and at ease, they have good bread, fresh water, good beds and lodging, and Genestet wine [a local wine] on tap, whereas we're out here exposed to every danger, with nothing to call our own but heat, sweat and dust, muddy watered wine and hard bread made without salt ..." (Canso de la crozada 169). In late August 1216, one final battle was planned, this time with a surprise ambush, but once again the enterprise failed. After another scene of carnage, this time with hot lime being thrown down from the parapets, Simon addressed his barons: "My lords, God has shown me by the clearest evidence that I am out of my mind. Once I was rich, great and valiant, but now my affairs have turned to nothing, for now neither force, cunning nor courage can rescue my men or get them out of Beaucaire. Yet if I abandon the siege so shamefully, all over the world they will call me recreant." His men in the citadel were dying now, and there was nothing he could do about it. Through Sir Dragonet, an intermediary, Simon de Montfort parleyed with the young Raymondet. Raymondet held the whip hand. He could afford to wait until Lambert's men died or surrendered, and until de Montfort's men slunk off in disgrace. More gracious than he needed to be, Raymondet let the dying garrison go free allowing Simon to lift his siege with a vestige of honor. Nevertheless, this event marked the beginning of the end for de Montfort. Heartened by events at Beaucaire the City of Toulouse had rebelled and expelled the French invaders. Even now local men, women and children were rebuilding their city walls - a massive feat of engineering that no- one had thought possible in the time available. Simon would now have to besiege the city, and he would die outside the city walls there within two years, as brave as ever, commanding another unsuccessful siege. As for Raymondet, he had earned his spurs. Now aged 19 he had already exceeded the military prowess of his sixty year old father. The flower of paratge was in full bloom. The writer of the Canso de la crozada, gave him a review at laisse 171 that any Medieval reader would have regarded as the very highest praise: "... Beaucaire remained in the hands of Raymond, Count, Marquis and Duke, for he was a valiant, wise and clever man, courteous, of excellent lineage and powerful kin, related to the noble House of France and to the good king of England." Despite his military prowess, Raymondet - the future Raymond VII, had no way to fight against the papal arsenal of other weapons. By diplomacy and the simple expedient of denying him a divorce, the pope ensured that Raymond's territories would pass by inheritance to the King of France.

Note - between 13 Sep 1217 and 22 Jul 1218 at Toulouse, Languedoc, France: Amaury VI/VII saw his father Simon IV die during the Siege of Toulouse. 13 Sep 1217 – 22 Jul 1218 – Second Siege of Toulouse. Like most towns, Toulouse was defended by city walls with a seigniorial castle providing a second line of defence. The castle of the Counts of Toulouse was on the west side of the city, and known as the Château Narbonnais. The City was repeatedly besieged, and repeatedly withstood the Catholic Crusaders, though it had to be surrendered under treaties of surrender. William of Puylaurens covered events relating to the history of Languedoc from the twelfth century to the mid-1270s.àThe section below begins with the future Raymond VII, count of Toulouse, laying siege to the crusader-held fortress of Beaucaire in 1216.à Events seem to turn against Simon de Montfort, leader of the crusading forces, and he begins a siege of the city of Toulouse, which lasts from October 1217 to July 1218.à This siege ends with the death of Simon. This text is from The Chronicle of William of Puylaurens: The Albigensian Crusade and its Aftermath, trans. W.A. Sibly and M.D. Sibly (Boydell, 2003).à Simon first besieged Toulouse in 1211, but failed to take it. From 16 to 29 June 1211, Simon de Montfort besieges the City of Toulouse, without success. In May, 1215, the city of Toulouse surrendered to Simon de Montfort. September to October 1216: “So, after his reception by the citizens of Avignon and the people of Venaissin, the son of the Count of Toulouse entered the town of Beaucaire in strength, with the support of the inhabitants, and laid siege to the crusader garrison in the castle. He invested the castle from all sides, by land and from the river Rhone, so that no one could leave and no relief could reach the garrison from outside. Count Simon [de Montfort] rushed to besiege the besiegers, but after eating their horses and running completely out of supplies the garrison surrendered the castle to their enemies, having received guarantees that their lives would be spared. As his efforts had come to nothing Count Simon raised the siege of the town. As a consequence many who had concealed their opposition to him lifted up their horns, and numerous strongholds and towns at once joined his enemies. For the citizens of Toulouse, whose hostages had already returned home, as I reported above, refused to submit to masters whose rule was overweening and took refuge in a form of disobedience. They bore with difficulty the yoke which undermined the liberty to which they were accustomed. Accordingly Count Simon – fearful that if he took no steps to suppress them they would become as a swelling tumour, decided to oppose them with armed force and punish their arrogance severely.” 12th September 1217. Raymond VI of Toulouse re-enters the City of Toulouse over the Bazacle (the ancient ford over the Garonne) to the delight of the population. Simon de Montfort's family are trapped within the Château Narbonnais. “So, in the year 1216, the Count entered the Cité with a large armed force.à He started fires in several places hoping that the citizens would be put in dread by a double storm, of fire and sword, and thus be more readily thrown into confusion.à The Toulousians met force with force, they placed wooden beams and wine casks in the streets and repulsed the attackers.à All night long they had no rest from fighting fire or the enemy. In the morning the venerable father Bishop Fulk took with him some of the citizens, and in the hope of adverting the impending dangers, mediated between the two parties to secure an agreed peace and sought to blunt the sharp edge of steel with silver.à The Count's resources had been exhausted by the expenditure he had incurred at Beaucaire, and he had no money.à Seizing on this some of his associates, claiming that it would be of his advantage, urged him to claim compensation of thirty thousand marks, from the Cité and the Bourg – an amount they could well afford – as a means of enabling them to gain the Count's favor.à He willingly fell in with this counsel of Achitofel, and, blinded by money, did not see the dangers that might result.à For those who gave this advice well knew that levying this sum would result in much wrong being done, to the community as a whole and to individuals; this would drive the Toulousains to aspire to their erstwhile freedoms and recall their former lord. When the levy came to be collected it was exacted with a harsh and cruel pressure; not only were pledges demanded, but the doorways of houses were marked with signs.à There were many instances of this harsh treatment which it would take too long to describe in detail, as the people groaned under the yoke of servitude. Meanwhile the Toulousains engaged in secret discussion with their old Count [Raymond VI], who was travelling in Spain, concerning his possible return to Toulouse, so that their wishes might be fulfilled.” From 13 September 1217 to 22 July 1218. Second Siege of the City of Toulouse. Stung by the humiliation of losing Toulouse, Simon de Montfort besieges the city again, without success. He dies during the siege, on 25th June 1218, hit on the head by a stone from a trebuchet, to the great rejoicing of the besieged, and the whole of the Midi. “So in the year 1217, whilst Count Simon was engaged in a long struggle with Adhemar of Poitiers on the east side of the Rhone, the Count of Toulouse took advantage of the opportunity so created to cross the Pyrenees and enter Toulouse, not by bridge bit by the ford under the Bazacle.à This was in September.à He was accompanied by the Counts of Comminges and Palhars and a few knights.à Few people were aware of his arrival; some were pleased, others who judged the likely future turn of events by what had happened in the past, were displeased.à Some of the latter therefore retired to the Chateau Narbonnais with the French, others to the Bishop's house or the cloister of St. Stephen or the monastery of Saint- Sernin; the Count persuaded them to return to him after a few days, by threats or flattery.à The Count Guy, who was in the area, tried to suppress this latest insurrection by force but was repulsed and could not achieve his aims. In the meantime, whilst Count Simon, currently engaged in besieging Crest, was being apprised of these events, the citizens began to cut off access from the Chateau Narbonnais to the Cité, with pales and stakes, large wooden beams and ditches, starting at the rampart known as le Touzet and going as far as the rampart of St James.à Count Simon now arrived with Cardinal Bertrand, who had been sent as legate by the Supreme Pontiff Honorius, attacked the city with a strong force, but the citizens defended themselves courageously and his efforts were in vain.à Then siege-engines were erected on all sides of the city, and a bombardment of mill-stones and other heavy stones was begun. Meanwhile the legate sent Lord Fulk, the Bishop of Toulouse, to France to preach the cross; with him were others entrusted with the same mission including Master Jacques de Vitry, a man of outstanding honour, learning and eloquence, who later became Bishop of Acre and then a cardinal of the Church of Rome.à The lord Bishop of Toulouse once spoke to me of Master Jacques, who had told him that he had been enjoined in a dream by a vision of St. Saturnin, the first Bishop of Toulouse, to preach against his people; he referred the matter to the Bishop and asked him if there had at one time been a priest at Toulouse called Saturnin - he had not previously known this. The preaching mission resulted in a great many men taking up the cross; these came to take part in the siege of Toulouse in the following spring, and the Bishop returned to the army with them.à Count Simon now donated to the Bishop and his successors as bishops of Toulouse in perpetuity the castrum of Verfeil, with all the towns and forts which belonged to it and which contained twenty hearths of less; the count retained nothing, and imposed only one condition that if he were ever to become involved in warfare on open ground in the territory of Verfeil, the Bishop would provide him with one armed knight. The labour of battle oppressed the besieged and the besiegers alike throughout the winter, as they fought with siege-engines and the other instruments of war.à Count Simon, now strengthened by the presence of the newly arrived crusaders, harried his enemies, less by direct attacks on the walls of the town than by excursions around it (which the citizens hindered by erecting barriers and digging ditches).à At last it was decided to construct a wooden engine of the type known as a 'cat', which would enable his men to bring up earth and wood to fill up the ditches; once the ditches had been levelled they would be able to engage the enemy at close quarters and effect an entry into town after breaking up the wooden barriers opposing them. However the Count [Simon] was worn out by his labours, despondent and weakened and exhausted by the drain on his resources; nor did he easily bear the prick of constant accusations be the legate that he was unthinking and remiss.à Whence, it is said, he began to pray to God to give him peace by the remedy of death.à One day, the day after the feast of St John the Baptist, he went into the cat, and a stone thrown from an enemy mangonel fell on his head; he died at once.à The news reached the citizens inside Toulouse that day, and they did not hold back from showing their delight by shouts of rejoicing, whilst on the other side there was great sadness.à Indeed the citizens were in great distress through fear of an imminent attack; moreover they had few remaining supplies and little hope of gathering their harvest that summer. So, the man who inspired terror from the Mediterranean to the British sea fell by a blow from a single stone; at his fall those who had previously stood firm fell down.à In him who was a good man, the insolence of his subordinates was thrown down.à I affirm that later I heard the Count of Toulouse (the last of his line) generously praise him - even though he was his enemy - for his fidelity, his foresight, his energy and all the qualities which befit a leader.” 16th of June - 1st of August 1219. Third Siege of the City of Toulouse, this time by Prince Louis, the future French King Louis IX (Saint Louis), again without success.

Note - between Oct 1218 and Jun 1219 at Marmande, Languedoc, France: Amaury VI/VII fought in the Battle of Armande. Siege of Marmande: October 1218 – June 1219. Marmande was a bastide founded about 1195 on the site of a more ancient town by King Richard I (Coeur de Lion or Lionheart). Its position on the banks of the Garonne made it an important place of toll. It soon passed into the hands of the counts of Toulouse, and was three times besieged and taken during the Albigensian Crusade In June 1219, the town had already been besieged for weeks by Amaury de Montfort when Louis, King Philippe Auguste’s son, arrived. Louis had been in England - and well on the way to winning the throne of England - largely at the invitation of the barons who had had enough of King John. But when John had died suddenly in October 1216, the incomparable William Marshal had stepped in as Regent for the infant King of England, Henry III. Not even kings relished the prospect of facing William Marshal and the whole purpose of Louis' presence in England was now gone. The young Louis was wise enough to make peace with and withdraw after a couple of quick but severe maulings at the hands of Marshal. After having captured La Rochelle from the English King, Louis set about to attack the Albigensians in Toulouse with the blessing of the Pope. Now Louis was in the Languedoc, a much better prospect for plunder having been exhausted by years of war waged by the French Catholic armies. He arrived at Marmande , a possession of the Comte de Toulouse, with 20 bishops, 30 counts, 600 knights and 10,000 foot soldiers in June, 1219. On the orders of the Comte Raimond VI, Marmande was being defended by Centulle, Comte d’Astarac, and the magnates Arnold de Blanquefort and Guillaume- Arnold de Tantalon with a large complement of knights. After several days of assault by Louis, the defenders surrendered thinking they would be spared as prisoners. The city of some 7,000 people fell after the first assault, and was sacked. The massacre that followed shocked even the crusaders' own allies. Only Centulle and his immediate subordinates were taken alive, and then sent to Puylaurens and held until they could be exchanged for prisoners held by the other side. Even while discussion about their fate were taking place, and the townspeople had long since ceased to resist, the very valiant heroic crusaders of French nobility set upon the inhabitants and butchered them regardless of age or sex. About 5,000 civilians were thus slaughtered in the Name of God. Here is a contemporary account from the Song of the Cathar Wars (laisse 212): …terror and massacre began;à Lords, ladies and their little children, Men and women stripped naked, All were slashed and cut to shreds by keen edged swords.à Flesh, blood, brains, torsos, Limbs and faces hacked in two; Lungs, livers and guts torn out and thrown away - Laying on the open ground As if they had rained down from the heavens.à Marshland and firm ground, all was red with blood.à Not a man or woman was left alive, neither young nor old, No living creature, except perhaps some well-hidden infant.à Marmond was razed and set alight Very soon afterwards the king [Louis] left ààààfor Toulouse. Note - between 10 Jun 1226 and 13 Sep 1226 at Avignon, Languedoc, France: Amaury VI/VII participated in the slaughter of Avignon's residents. 10 June – 13 September 1226. Avignon, written in the form of Avennio in the ancient texts and inscriptions, takes its name from the House, or Clan, Avennius [d'Arbois de Jubainville, "Recherches sur l'origine de la propriété foncière et des noms des lieux habités en France" (Paris,1890), 518]. Founded by theCavari, who were of Celtic origin, it became the centre of an important Phocaean colony from Marseilles. Under the Roman occupation, it was one of the most flourishing cities of Gallia Narbonensis; later, and during the inroads of the barbarians, it belonged in turn to the Goths, the Burgundians, the Ostrogoths, and to the Frankish kings of Austrasia. In 736 it fell into the hands of the Saracens, who were driven out by Charles Martel. Boso having been proclaimed King of Provence, or of Arles, by the Synod of Mantaille, at the death of Louis the Stammerer (879), Avignon ceased to belong to the Frankish kings. In 1033, when Conrad II fell heir to the Kingdom of Arles, Avignon passed to the empire. The German rulers, however, being at a distance, Avignon took advantage of their absence to set up as a republic with a consular form of government, between 1135 and 1146. In addition to the emperor, the Counts of Forcalquier, Toulouse and Provence exercised a purely nominal sway over the city; on two occasions, in 1125, and in 1251, the two latter divided their rights in regard to it, while the Count of Forcalquier resigned any that he possessed to the bishops and consuls in 1135. On Sunday, 30 November 1225, at Bourges, in a scenario all too familiar, fourteen archbishops, one hundred and thirteen bishops, and one hundred and fifty abbots, all fretting about the persistence of heresy and the reinvigoration of the southern nobility, excommunicated Raimon VII and proclaimed the continuation of the crusade. Aimery de Montfort had, by this time, ceded all his (somewhat brittle) rights to the king of France, Louis VIII. So, with the financial and moral aid of the new papal legate to France, Roman Frangipani, Louis VIII prepared to invade the Midi for a third time. Royal prestige, and the efficient bureaucracy established by Philip II Augustus, sufficed to persuade enough barons of France to join their king at Lyon in June 1226 for what would be a majestic campaign of conquest. This royal host was easily twice the size of the crusading army of 1209. The king captured Avignon in September 1226, then proceeded to march toward Toulouse. During the crusade against the Albigenses the citizens refused to open the gates of Avignon to Louis VIII and the legate, but capitulated after a three months' siege (10 June - 13 September, 1226) and were forced to pull down the ramparts and fill up the moat of their city. Louis VIII, after his initial delay at Avignon, hastily occupied the possessions of the Trencavels along the Aude, but before he could strengthen his position, the thirty-nine-year-old king died (from an illness he caught during the Avignon siege) on Sunday, 8 November 1226, at Montpensier. "Rome, you killed good King Louis," no question about it, so the Toulousain troubadour Guilhem Figueira sang in his bitter and angry sirventes (an overtly satirical canso) a few years later, "because, with your false preaching, you lured him away from Paris." The death of Louis VIII did not end the war in the south. The king had installed sénéchaux and baillis, royal administrators, in his newly acquired lands and had reorganized (along northern French lines) the territories ceded to him by Aimery de Montfort as the sénéchaussées of Beaucaire-Nîmes and Carcassonne-Béziers. All this royal domain was placed firmly under the control of his cousin Imbert de Beaujeu and protected by five hundred northern French knights. The crusade, as undertaken by Imbert de Beaujeu, became an exercise in the gradual exhaustion of Raimon VII and the county of Toulouse. It was a campaign of one small atrocity after another, of a vineyard burnt here, of a field destroyed there, of hamlets razed, of men and women murdered. The castra of the Toulousain and the Lauragais were especially hurt by Imbert de Beaujeu.96 Finally, Raimon VII, badly in debt, starved of resources, and fighting a losing battle against the éclat of the French crown, was offered the chance for peace--which he gladly took in 1229. On Holy Thursday, 12 April 1229, the Peace of Paris, whose twenty-two articles had already been accepted by an ecclesiastical concilium at Meaux in January 1229, officially ended the Albigensian Crusade. The thirty- one-year-old Raimon VII swore submission to the Church and to the not yet fifteen-year-old Louis IX.99 He had to dismiss all mercenaries, remove any Jews in his service, and, from then on, confiscate the property of anyone who remained excommunicated for more than a year.100 This last clause particularly affected the numerous southern nobles, knights, and other persons exiled from their properties whom the northern French called faidits--rebel, heretical sympathizer, fugitive, and criminal all at once.101 The count of Toulouse, though no longer an ex-communicant or faidit himself, forfeited to the French crown over two- thirds of the lands formerly held by his father. Raimon VII, as a vassal of the French king, was permitted to keep most of the diocese of Toulouse, including the Lauragais, the Albigeois north of the Tarn, the Rouergue, Quercy (but not Cahors), and the Agenais. The marquisate of Provence, east of the Rhône, however, was surrendered to the Church (though it would be returned to Raimon VII in 1234). In Toulouse itself the Château Narbonnais was to be occupied by the French crown for ten years. Philip the Fair, who had inherited from his father all the rights of Alphonse de Poitiers, last Count of Toulouse, made them over to Charles II, King of Naples and Count of Provence (1290); it was on the strength of this donation that Queen Joan sold the city to Clement VI for 80,000 florins (9 June, 1348). Note - between 14 Sep 1239 and 1241: Amaury VI went on the Crusade of 1239 and never returned. Crusade: 14 September 1239 - 23 August 1244. Theobald [Thibaut] IV, Count of Champagne [He was also Teobaldo I, King of Navarre] and Richard, Earl of Cornwall [brother of King Henry III of England] organized a crusade in 1239, the Barons’ Crusade, against Ayyubid Sultans of Cairo (Egypt) and Damascus Falling between the Sixth and Seventh traditionally numbered crusades, are two expeditions, one arriving in the Levant in 1239, and the other in 1241. They overlap as to their impact in the Levant, but usually are not designated as a major 'crusade'. Combined, they can be seen as follow-on expeditions that merely extended, only partially, the achievements of Emperor Frederick II's Sixth Crusade. In France, Theobald, of Champagne was preparing to go on Crusade in 1229. Accompanying Theobald were the French nobles Hugh IV, Duke of Burgundy; Henry, Count of Bar; Amaury, de Montfort; and the lord of Clermont. The Pope wanted the crusade to go to the aid of troubled Latin kingdom at Constantinople. Theobald rejected going to Constantinople (With French assistance, another 'crusade' expedition was sent that sustained Latin Constantinople's existence a few years longer). His crusade reached Acre 14 September 1239. Theobald found division among the Latin communities in Palestine, and within the Muslim Ayyubid dynasty -- two factions, one at Damascus and one at Cairo were at war. Instead of taking advantage of the division among the Muslims, Theobald set out against both. As Theobald began to fortify Ascalon, his French nobles became restless for action and thought they could conduct some easy, low risk raids. Peter of Dreux led about 200 French knights in a successful ambush of a non- military Muslim convoy en route to Damascus. This encouraged other nobles to try the same. Henry of Bar led about 500 knights and some infantry in a raid on a Muslim camp near Gaza. This, however, was largely a military camp and had outposts that alerted the camp of the threat. The Muslims placed crossbowmen on sand dunes that surrounded the Crusaders. In the ensuing battle many of the Christians were killed or captured -- Henry of Bar and lord of Clermont was killed, Amaury de Montfort was captured (Amaury de Montfort was the son of the Simon of the Albigsian Crusade. After being freed from captivity, Amaury died in 1241, at Otranto, Italy, while returning to France). Soon after, a Muslim army attacked Jerusalem and stormed the Tower of David. Theobald and his French tried negotiating with Sultan As-Salih of Damascus. As-Salih was at odds with his nephew, the new ruler of Egypt, and was receptive to an alliance with the Christians. However, when a combined army met at Jaffa, the Muslim forces from Damascus "melted away" before any assault was launched on Egypt. Theobald then began negotiations with the Egyptians. In this, he managed to win a promise for the return of parts of Palestine. Then he departed with the King of Navarre and count of Brittany just little over a week before the arrival of the English Earl Richard of Cornwall. Richard, Earl of Cornwall arrived at Acre in October 1240 with 800 knights, and with the support of his brother-in-law, Emperor Frederick II, to make whatever agreement Richard thought best. Richard was joined by the duke of Burgundy and some of the French who remained. Richard immediately renounced the Crusaders' former treaty with Damascus, and began concentrated negotiations with the Sultan of Egypt. Richard essentially was able to confirm what Count Theobald had sought, and what was a slight extension of concessions that Frederick II had obtained in the earlier treaty. The Muslims agreed to return the remainder of Galilee, including Mount Tabor, and the castle and town of Tiberias. Richard was to make himself quite popular in Europe for also negotiating the release of the French knights taken captive at Gaza. Richard of Cornwall completed rebuilding the citadel at Ascalon, and departed in May 1241. The gains won by these two 'low-keyed crusades' were lost a few years later. The barons of the Latin domains in the Levant again formed an alliance with Damascus, and against the Sultan of Egypt. This time the allies of the Egyptian Sultan, the Khorezmian Turks, swept down from the north and broke through the walls of Jerusalem. The Latin garrison surrendered on 23 August 1244. In the same year the coalition army of Christian and Muslims of Damascus were disastrously beaten near the town of La Forbie, northeast of Gaza. It was as great a defeat as had been Hattin (1187). Died: in 1241 at Otranto, Italy, Dying on his return from the misgotten Crusade of 1239 after having been captured in the Gaza desert, Amaury never returned hom.

1.1.3.3.1.1.1.4 Simon, Count of Leicester (3208) (Paul Augé, Nouveau Larousse Universel (13 à 21 Rue Montparnasse et Boulevard Raspail 114: Librairie Larousse, 1948).). AKA: Simon, Earl of Leicester (3208). AKA: Simon VI de Montfort (3208). Note -: Simon was the step-brother of King Henry III of England, having married the king's sister Eleanor. He led the Baron's War against the king, and orchestrated a crushing victory at Lewes in 1264. He was killed by King Henry III's son (who was to become Edward I), at Evesham. Born: between 1208 and 1209, son of Simon IV/V, Count de Montfort (3203) and Alix de Montmorency (3207). Married on 7 Jan 1238 at Westminster, England: Eleanor, Princess of England (9096),, daughter of John, King of England (3933) and Isabelle, Comtesse d'Angoulême (1422) (Eleanor regretted her vow never to marry again when she laid eyes on Simon de Montfort, the tall, dark and handsome young Norman. The attraction between them soon turned into love which would continue throughout their lives. King Henry III realized the trouble a marriage between the young lovers would cause, but he decided they should marry anyway and to hold the services privately. King Henry entered the proceedings with a light heart. "Himself placed his sister's hand in the Earl's," and he knelt with the newlywed couple when the Mass was said over them. The news of the wedding spread throughout the country and there was almost universal dissent. The barons were on the verge of uprising. Henry was frightened and at the same time angry that he had been caught up in so much trouble. The bridegroom, Simon, was more realistic. He sought out Richard of Cornwall, his friend and Eleanor's brother, and convinced by showing him how much Eleanor's happiness depended upon the marriage. Richard withdrew his opposition to the marriage, and without his support, the barons were soon reconciled. Simon next went off to Rome where, by paying a huge amount of money, he secured a confirmation of the marriage by the Pope. The marriage between Simon and Eleanor is said to be one of the great romances of the Century. The princess was deeply in love with her commoner husband. She stood with him through thick and thin, through poverty and exile. Simon returned this love in great measure. Eleanor was had to resist. She was flirtatious, willful, capricious, and in all her moods charming. She had a passion for fine clothes, and spent much of her time tending her fine hair. It was the custom following the birth of a child that the mother, after time for purification, go publicly to church and give thanks. On 9 August 1239, Simon de Montfort and Princess Eleanor went to London for the ceremony of King Henry III's wife, Éléonore de Provence's, churching following the birth of the child who became King Edward I. Since, they were in the King's good graces, Simon, now Ear of Leicester, and Eleanore were lodged in high state in the Palace of the Bishop of Winchester. They were surprised and shocked to be received with angry looks when they appeared at Westminster the evening before the churching. The King began a tirade of reproach, declaring that Simon was excommunicated, and how did he dare to come into the King's presence?! After a while the issue became clear. A debt owed by Simon to the Duke of Bretagne had been transferred by the creditor to Thomas de Savoie, the Queen's uncle. Thus, pressure was put on the King and Queen to pay the debt. King Henry III was furious and ordered the surprised couple to leave. The Earl and his wife left by boat, and they were as angry as the King. They moved from the Bishop's palace into the smoky, cramped rooms of a tavern. They rode back to Westminster to demand an explanation. Henry met them with an even stronger blast of anger. In the presence of the court, he announced that they should not be allowed to attend the churching of the Queen. Henry's habit of saying anything that came into his head had been growing for years. He may not have been fully aware of the consequences that his accusations would have when he screamed that Simon had seduced his sister. Thus, with a few words, he blackened the name of the sister who had always been his favorite. The King threatened to put the couple in the Tower, but was restrained by Richard of Cornwall. Simon and Eleanor took their boat again to leave London. They went to France and took up resisdence there ). Died: on 4 Aug 1265 at Evesham, England.

1.1.3.3.1.1.1.5 Amice de Montfort (6436) (Paul Theroff, posts, Posted under Subject "Montfort" on 26 February 1994 at 23:13 Hours.). Married Name: de Joigny (6436). Born: before 1218 at France, daughter of Simon IV/V, Count de Montfort (3203) and Alix de Montmorency (3207). Married between 1222 and 1226 at France: Gaucher de Joigny (6437),, son of Renaud V, Count de Joigny (6438) and Adèle de Nevers (6439) (Gaucher and Amice were married before May 1226). Died: on 20 Feb 1253 at France.

1.1.3.3.1.1.2 Mathieu II, Lord de Marly (3439) (André Roux: Scrolls, 184, 227.) (Paul Theroff, posts, 11 February 1995 at

23:25 Hours.). AKA: Mathieu "Le Grand", Seigneur de Montmorency (3439) (Abbott, Page 49.). PaterAlter before 1155 Mathieu II, Lord de Marly (3439)/Mathieu I, Seigneur de Montmorency (3437) (an unknown value). MaterAlter: before 1155 Alice of England (3438)/Mathieu II, Lord de Marly (3439). Born: in 1155 at France, son of Bouchard V, Seigneur de Montmorency (2083) and Laurence de Hainaut (2082), Mathieu II is presumed to have been at least 14 years of age when he married Gertrude. André Roux indicates that Mathieu II was the son of Mathieu I by Alice illegitimate daughter of King Henry I. E.S. [via Paul Theroff] asserts that Mathieu II is the son of Bouchard IV [whom André Roux shows as Bouchard V] by Laurette de Hainaut. Abbott shows Mathieu II was the son of Bouchard V. Meuse's source(s) asserts Mathieu II was born in 1155 (Abbott, Page 49.) (Ancestry of Admiral Gaspard de Coligny, 23 Jan 2001, Listed at http://members.aol.com/netsanet1/netsanet1/Coligny.html.) (André Roux: Scrolls.). Married in 1193 at France: Gertrude de Nesle (14139),, daughter of Raoul III, Count de Nesle (4568) and Alix = Agnès de Dreux (1596) (Mathieu II was Gertrude's second husband). Note - in 1214: Commander-in-chief of the French military, Mathieu II took part in the Battle of Bouvines [King Philippe Auguste of France and Emperor Otto IV against the forces of the English King and the Comte de Flandre] which resulted in a decisive victory for the Capetian royalty. He became Constable de France, a position which increased in importance with the disappearance of the dapiferate (Abbott, Page 49.). Note - on 27 Jul 1214 at Bouvines, Languedoc, France: Mathieu II fought at the Battle of Bouvines. The most significant origins of the 'War' of Bouvines (27 July 1214) can be traced to the ascension of Henri, duc d'Anjou, duc de Normandie, and duc d'Aquitaine to the crown of England in 1154. Henri d'Anjou came into his extensive French ducal domains though inheritances from his father [Anjou], his mother [Normandie], and wife [Aquitaine]. His mother, Matilda also opened for her son a right to continue her claim to the Anglo-Norman crown of England. This latter had to be secured by military conquest. Though often characterized as a civil war in anglophone histories, the conflict was resolved by an Angevin invasion -- actually more than one military expedition -- which won for Henri d'Anjou the right to succeed Stephen as the king of England (reign:1135-1154). Henri II d'Anjou, became Henry II of England (reign:1154-1189). England became part of a much larger 'empire' that had its geographic and cultural center of balance in France. Though the Angevin dynastic line led back to the original house of Anjou established by Foulques [Fulk] Nerra (987-1040), many historians identify Henri's impressive 'Angevin empire' as a 'second house of Anjou', that ruled over an 'Anglo-Norman- Angevin Empire'. More uniquely and more enduring, Henri would be associated with the nickname of 'Plantagenêt' that was given to his father, Geoffroi. The name of 'Plantagenêt' would be associated directly with him and his heirs. It would be 'Plantagenêt' that remained with the dynasty on the English throne when the Angevin lands in France would be lost. As will be seen, the War of Bouvines begins the story of how the Angevin lands were lost to the 'Plantagenêts'. The dynastic, political arrangements were peculiar. Henry II was sovereign in 'Anglo' England, but as Henri II duc d'Anjou, he was just a vassal -- a duke in 'Norman-Angevin' France where he paid feudal homage to his suzerain, the king of France. The unusual situation was further exacerbated in that the size of just Henri II's French fiefs was more than triple the land that was directly a fief of the French king, Louis VII (1137-1180). In an era were land conveyed wealth and power, the situation presented a significant threat to the Capetian monarchy of France. The contest between the dynastic houses that ruled England and France became more intense. The comparative military strengths of the two domains definitely favored Henry II of England. The French king, Louis VII, resorted to intrigue, and inciting or assisting revolts among the French vassals of the English duke-king. In the initial so-called Anglo-French War of 1159-89, Henry I and his forces invaded from Normandy in order to press a claim to Toulouse, where the Comte resisted. Louis VII had positioned himself in the town of Toulouse before the arrival of Henry II's army. Henry II did not want to besiege 'his suzerain' and withdrew, vowing revenge. Louis VII, and his son, Philippe II Auguste (1165-1223) found a weakness in Henry II's family, and was able to persuaded Henry II's sons to rebel [Anglo-Norman rebellion of 1173-74]. Eleanor, jealous of her husband's spousal faithlessness, also conspired with her sons and reduced Henry II's authority. Henry II died in 1189. Henry II's most capable and eldest surviving son was Richard Coeur de Lion [Lionheart], already made duc d'Aquitaine by his mother, became Richard I, king of England (1189-1199). Philippe II and Richard I went on the Third Crusade (1189-1192). Relations between the two deteriorated due to a variety of incidents. After the only significant military accomplishment, the seizure of St. Jean d'Acre (12 July 1191), Philippe II returned to France. Richard I departed the Levant in 1192, only to be captured as he was traveling though the lands of duke Leopold, of Austria, whom Richard had antagonized during the Third Crusade. Leopold put Richard in prison, and later turned the English monarch over to the German Emperor, Henry VI. Richard I's brother, John Lackland, and Philippe II conspired to delay Richard's return to England and France. Philippe proceeded with a series of small conquests of the 'Norman-Angevin' lands in France. He made some progress in the north, but not in the south, where vassals remained loyal to their duke-king, Richard, and did not trust John Lackland anymore than the French king. Eventually, Richard I's mother managed to pay the ransom and Richard returned to England in 1194. Richard I's war with Philippe II (1194-1199). Richard I immediately resolved differences with his brother John Lackland, and then proceeded to undo the incursions upon 'Norman-Angevin' lands by Philippe II. Between May 1194 and April 1199, a war was conducted between Richard I and Philippe II that involved considerable use of mercenaries, such as Martin, Algais, Mercadier, and Cadoc. Their presence introduced "a more professional and ruthless element" in the fighting. Philippe II enjoyed a few minor victories. However, Richard I demonstrated the most military prowess. He won noted victories at Gisors (29 September 1186), and at Fréteval (3 July 1194) in eastern Vendômois. Philippe II took Aumâle (20 August 1196) after defeating a relief force led by Richard I. Richard I began the construction of Château-Gaillard in 1196, and sought to ally Raymond, Comte de Toulouse to his side by renouncing the Angevin claims to that domain. Richard I's mercenary captain captured Milly (19 May 1197), and gained a valuable captive -- Philippe de Dreux, the Bishop of Beauvais, a redoubtable warrior and first cousin of Philippe II. By threatening a trade embargo, Richard I coerced Baldwin, comte de Flandre, to attack the French king's lands in the north. Philippe II's defeat at Courcelles-les-Gisors (27 September 1198) was followed by the Truce of Vernon. However, Richard I's reconquest was not fully complete, and he had not gained any new territory. He continued with an expedition against the vicomte de Limoges, whom Philippe II had encouraged to rebel against his duke. In preparing to besiege the vicomte's castle at Châlus-Chabrol (26 March 1199), Richard I was wounded by a crossbow shot. Though he took the castle a few days later, an infection developed in Richard's wound and he died on 6 April 1199. Upon Richard's death, John Lackland became king of England. Philippe II immediately made incursions into Normandy, as if testing John's resolve. He further offended John by declaring that Arthur, John's nephew, as the duc de Bretagne and Normandie. Philippe II waited for an opportunity to make a major seizure of 'Norman-Angevin' lands. John I Lackland crossed la Manche [channel waters between England and France] to Aquitaine. Sailing from Portsmouth, he landed at La Rochelle on 15 February in 1214 with his mercenary army. He could not count on loyalty from the English barons, but called up his feudal levies from Guyenne [the term more commonly used for Aquitaine] and then marched into Poitou. Gathering more forces along the way, John I crossed the Loire and entered his family lands in Anjou. This had the desired result, as king Philippe II came south with his royal troops to meet the English king's troops. Philippe II marched via Samur and Chinon to cut John's line of retreat. John I abandoned Anjou and moved quickly back south to Limoges in April. At this point, John had succeeded in drawing Philip far south. Unfortunately for the allies, the emperor Otto and his forces were not ready to move. Aware of Otto's marshalling of forces, Philippe II realized the danger of following John I further south. Philippe II left his son, prince Louis, with 800 knights, 2,000 sergeants and 7,000 infantry to face John Lackland. Philippe II, himself, with a small force of his personal household knights, returned to Paris and prepared to meet the threatened invasion from the north. John I Lackland, possibly believing that the entire royal army had withdrawn toward Paris, immediately moved back into Poitou in May, crossed the Loire, and again invaded Anjou. John laid siege to La-Roche-aux-Moines in June. However, in July, when learning that prince Louis was approaching with a French army and levies from Anjou and Maine, John Lackland retired hastily, leaving much of his siege train. Meanwhile Otto moved toward the Netherlands in March. He lost time rounding up his German forces, and dallied at Aachen to marry (10 May 1214) the daughter of Henri de Brabant. When Otto finally began to campaign in June, he only had three of the principal German vassals with him plus his own Saxon troops. By 12 July he reached Nivelles, where he met with the dukes and other allies. These finally increased his forces to a reasonable size. However, by then it was too late to conduct a coordinated campaign according to John Lackland's plan. By late June, Philippe II had mobilized his forces in northern France and was well aware of Otto IV's plans. As it turned out, Otto's new father-in-law felt it in his own best interests to keep the French king secretly advised of the coalition's intentions. Otto IV had a very powerful army. The comte de Flandre brought a sizable cavalry unit. William Longsword, earl of Salisbury, and John Lackland's half brother, had a large contingent of mercenaries paid for with English money. These formed one division of the coalition army. It consisted of infantry and many hired knights. When he saw that the German invasion was near at hand, Philippe II called up all his vassals and allies, proclaiming the ban in eastern, central, and northern parts of France. He could not draw on the western territories that were either occupied by or threatened by John. Philippe II had great numbers of top quality knights, but most of the infantry would have been rather mediocre levies. Philippe II assembled his army at Péronne toward by early July, and took the offensive into Flanders, thinking the emperor was in front of him. Philippe II reached Tournai on 25 July, where he learned that Otto was to his south at Valenciennes. Philippe II decided to withdraw so as not to let Otto's army get behind the French line's of communications back toward Paris. About the same time, Otto learned of Philippe II's position, and moved north. On 26 July Otto was moving through Saint Amand, heading north toward Tournai, possibly intending to engaged Philippe to the west of the city. Hearing of the location of the French army from his spies, but not of its true size, Otto decided to attack rather than use the opportunity to capture Paris. Otto marched his army northwestward, reaching a point only nine miles south of Tournai as the French were abandoning the town. Otto pursued Philippe II, hoping to catch him with part of the French army on each side of the bridge at Bouvines. Reportedly, the duc de Brabant's secret messengers kept Philippe II alerted to emperor's plans. Still, what happened seemed to have caught the French king by surprise.

THE BATTLE

The morning of Sunday 27 July 1214 found Philippe II's force stretch out over a long distance to the west of Tournai. French engineers had been sent ahead to widen the bridge at Bouvines, so the army could cross it more rapidly. The French advanced section, of mainly infantry and baggage, had crossed the only bridge over the Marcq River in the area, at the hamlet of Bouvines. Philippe II, himself, stopped with his main force of heavy cavalry (knights and sergeants) on the east side of the bridge at Bouvines. It was late morning, when to the east, the French rearguard was attacked by the advance guard of the emperor's coalition army, which had marched rapidly from Mortagne, south of Tournai. The emperor was anticipating to find the French in retreat, and his host was moving in such an array as to engage quickly an unprepared enemy in march configuration. As the French rearguard fended off the attacks of the allied advanced elements, Otto IV was all the more convinced that he had the French at a disadvantage and in retreat. Philippe II's rearguard of mounted sergeants was under the command of Adam Vicomte de Melun. One of Philippe II's most experienced military leaders, the Hospitaller and bishop-elect Guérin de Senlis, rode in a position where he could monitor the rear of the French march column. When Guérin saw the imperial army rapidly approaching in full battle array, he hurried to report the to the king, who was watching his cavalry starting to cross the bridge at Bouvines. Philippe immediately recognized the potential for disaster, since there would be no way to get the rear third of his army across the bridge before it was destroyed. The French king ordered the entire army to turn around and form for battle, and directed the infantry to come back across the bridge at full speed. Meanwhile Otto's troops smashed into the Vicomte de Melun's detachment, forcing the French horse arbalesters and the Champenois sergeants to return to their aid. Then the duc de Bourgogne [Burgundy] departed from the main cavalry column, and threw his knights into the growing holding action. The enlarged French rearguard managed to delay the imperial army's vanguard for the necessary time it took for the main French cavalry to form up in battle array. Otto IV, who had thought that he was pursuing, was surprised to encounter the French army drawn up in order of battle. In turn, the emperor had to form his own army hastily for a pitch battle, because if he turned around or tried to retreat he would surely have been destroyed. The imperial army was forced to align itself in respect to the positions being taken by the French. Philippe II appears to have aligned his army at an angle across the road, on a bit of rolling terrain above the marshy river bank. He left his right flank area open so the retreating rearguard could form there. Remarkably, the French king seemed to have arranged for the orderly placement of each of the returning detachments. One after the other, he had them successively to extend his line northward, to the left. By the time the duc de Bourgogne approached the bridge in a fighting retreat he could see his suzerain's army completing its deployment into line of battle. For his part, Otto, ordered each of his arriving units off to the right, extending his lines to match the French. The eye witnesses attest to Otto's astonishment at finding a powerful fighting force rather than a column of stragglers before him. The deployment procedure took at least an hour, during which the French infantry managed to get across the bridge and hurriedly into line supporting the nobility. The duc de Bourgogne used the time to rest and refresh his sorely taxed knights, who now took up their honored place on the right of the French line. The time was around noon, or early afternoon. The sun was at the back of the French forces. Thus, two of the largest military forces in early thirteenth-century France came face-to-face, each in two lines about 2,000 yards wide. To get a picture of the scene one must recall that a medieval host was composed of a heterogeneous crowd of separate detachments raised by a wide variety of vassals and communities. Some minor barons might be liable to bring 10 or 20 mounted knights and twice the number in sergeants. Others would have private armies of 100 knights and their retainers. Various abbeys and bishops would have their mounted knights and foot troops under their own banners. Towns of all sizes would send their communal militia variously armed and experienced in combat. The French army was arrayed as the necessity of rushing from line of march back into line of battle dictated. The fully armored knights were across the entire field. [There is some interpretation that the French knights had to form in a single ranks, versus the preferred two so as to not be outflanked by the larger coalition army. The mounted, and more lightly armored, sergeants were in multiple ranks.] For command purposes, the medieval hosts grouped into the usual three 'battles' -- a center, with a right wing and a left wing. The French communal militia bands of crossbowmen arrived in time to pass through the cavalry, and take up a position in front of the center. The French levied pikemen formed behind the cavalry on each wing. The French nobility was arrayed from right to left as follows: first the knights from Champagne, the host of Eudes de Bourgogne, the knights from Champagne, the followings of the Counts of St. Pol, Beaumont, Montmorency, and Sancerre and smaller feudal contingents; in the center the seventy available Norman knights (the rest still deployed in the south, facing king John Lackland), and the vassals from the Isle-de-France; on the left the retainers of Robert, comte de Dreux; Guillaume, comte de Ponthieu; Pierre, comte d'Auxerre; the bishop of Beauvais; and Thomas de St. Valery; plus many units from northwest France. The king, himself, stood in the front, center under the oriflamme and his personal blue ensign with the golden lilies. The imperial army drew up with its main infantry body in the front line of the center, and the emperor's personal cavalry in the second. The imperial infantry in the center was composed of German and Netherlandish pikemen, considered the best in Europe. Beside his Saxon warriors the emperor placed the chivalry of Brabant, Limburg, Holland, and Namur. Behind his second line of infantry, Otto placed the great Iiperial silken dragon flying from the pole on which was a carved imperial eagle with golden wings. The entire imperial standard was mounted on a gold covered 'war chariot'. This he guarded with his personal retinue. On the left Otto deployed the knights of Flanders and Hainault, commanded by comte Ferdinand, in the first line with their regional infantry in support. On his right wing, Otto relied on the army of the comte de Boulogne, a small body of Flemish knights, and the mercenaries under William Longsword [earl of Salisbury. They also had infantry in support including crossbowmen as well as pikemen. The French opened the battle as Guérin led 300 horse sergeants from Soissons in a charge against the Flemish cavalry of noble knights. Gradually the Burgundy knights joined in. The entire French right and Imperial left wings became enmeshed in a general melée of mounted knights slashing at each other with sword and axe. The Comte de Flandre was captured. In the center, Otto sent his large body of pole-armed infantry forward. The assault was toward the position of Philippe II, among the French infantry of commune militia, which had formed in front. The German and Flemish pole-armed infantry soon disposed of the French militia and reached the line of French knights. Even though they greatly outnumbered the knights, such lightly armored urban militia were no match for the veteran knights in full armor. In the general struggle, king Philippe was pulled from his saddle and briefly threatened. However, seeing the distress signal executed by the king's banner carrier, the French knights in the center battle rapidly joined around Philippe II, who had remounted and continued the fight. The French knights slaughtered the hostile foot swarming about the French monarch. The Fleming foot melted away, and the French nobility reached the position held by Otto and the cavalry of Saxony, Brabant and Limburg. The knights on the French left wing detected an advantage as the coalition's right wing partly exposed their own right flank in the concentrated effort against the French center. Thus, an advance of the French left managed to deliver a decisive blow, destroying the coalition's heavy cavalry on the right and capturing it leader, the earl of Salisbury. One of the senior coalition leaders, Hugh de Boves, fled. The coalition's largely mercenary infantry, on the right, led by Renaud de Damartin, continued to fight as they expected no mercy from the French knights or Philippe II. Renaud continued to resist with a few knights executing sorties from a protective circle of pole-armed mercenary infantry. Eventually the French knights and infantry killed the mercenaries and Renaud surrendered. Back at the center, French cavalry reached the outnumbered but fresh Saxon and Brabantine knights, another wild melée ensued. Otto fought courageously among his retainers, wielding his war axe, while receiving multiple blows in return from a crowd of Frenchmen. Suddenly his horse was killed, throwing him to the ground. A few French knights nearly captured him before the Saxon guard surrounded their sovereign. A noble gave the emperor his horse, on which Otto fled the scene. Apparently he was so shaken up by the beating and near capture that he did not stop riding until he was back in Valenciennes. Emperor Otto's departure essentially destroyed the coalition's resolve. The Saxons and Westphalians manfully covered the retreat, until most of the remaining nobles were captured. On the imperial right, the Comte Renaud formed his pikemen into a tight circle, and sheltered his remaining knights inside until the whole Brabançon force was gradually worn down and Renaud captured. The Netherlanders rode off, along with the already flying mercenaries. The battle, fought on flat terrain favorable to cavalry action, lasted about 3 hours. Emperor battered imperial insignia was captured and taken to Paris. The earl of Salisbury was quickly exchanged for the son of the Comte de Dreux. Frederick of Hohenstaufen was crowned as emperor at Aachen in 1215. Ferrand remained in French prison until 1227, six years before his death. Renaud languished in prison for the rest of his life, which ended with suicide. John Lackland and Philippe agreed to a six-year truce at Chinon in 1214. For some time, Flanders would remain under the French orbit. Philippe II demonstrated experienced leadership throughout, as well as being served by fine commanders among his knights. The French cavalry demonstrated remarkable control of the tactical situation -- coming to their king's aid and striking the vulnerable flank of the coalition's right flank, and not loosing control in pursuit of early fleeing coalition troops. Bouvines was the most important battle from a political point of view for a century. Most historians cite the event as 'the battle that made France' and credit France's very existence to the victory of Philip II Auguste. It was a great pitched battle, the greatest of its age, in contrast to the many smaller and briefer engagements of the period. If the French monarch had lost, the Plantagenêts might have won back their lost Norman and Angevin territories, and the counts of Flanders might have won freedom from the French king, and the German emperor might have retained Lotharingian territories. Not until the time of the emperor Charles V did France have so many enemies allied against it. For England, Philippe II's victory of Bouvines more than confirmed the end of Plantagenêt claims to Angevin France. It brought king John Lackland to his lowest ebb, and certainly promoted the English barons to revolt and to force upon the monarch the Magna Carta. Further, the English nobles went so far as to invite Philippe II's son, prince Louis, to take the crown of England. Louis landed with a French army in May 1216. He was supported by many English [including the earl of Salisbury], Welsh, and Scot nobles. However, King John Lackland died in October 1216 and Louis returned to France in 1217 in an effort to get support from his father -- Philippe II was not interested in the project. With John Lackland's death, the majority of the English nobles changed their minds and threw their support to John Lackland's son, Henry III (1216-72). When Louis returned to England, he and his few English allies lost a land battle at Lincoln (20 May 1216), and reinforcements from France were lost in a naval battle off Sandwich soon after. Louis was forced to accept a small payment for abandoning his claim and returned to France, where he was later to rule briefly as Louis VIII (1223-1226).

Married circa 1218: Emma, Dame de Laval (13096),, daughter of Guy VI, Sire de Laval (14875) and Avoise, Dame de Craon (14874) (Mathieu II was Emma's second husband). Note - between 10 Jun 1226 and 13 Sep 1226: Mathieu II fought at Avignon. 10 June – 13 September 1226. Avignon, written in the form of Avennio in the ancient texts and inscriptions, takes its name from the House, or Clan, Avennius [d'Arbois de Jubainville, "Recherches sur l'origine de la propriété foncière et des noms des lieux habités en France" (Paris,1890), 518]. Founded by theCavari, who were of Celtic origin, it became the centre of an important Phocaean colony from Marseilles. Under the Roman occupation, it was one of the most flourishing cities of Gallia Narbonensis; later, and during the inroads of the barbarians, it belonged in turn to the Goths, the Burgundians, the Ostrogoths, and to the Frankish kings of Austrasia. In 736 it fell into the hands of the Saracens, who were driven out by Charles Martel. Boso having been proclaimed King of Provence, or of Arles, by the Synod of Mantaille, at the death of Louis the Stammerer (879), Avignon ceased to belong to the Frankish kings. In 1033, when Conrad II fell heir to the Kingdom of Arles, Avignon passed to the empire. The German rulers, however, being at a distance, Avignon took advantage of their absence to set up as a republic with a consular form of government, between 1135 and 1146. In addition to the emperor, the Counts of Forcalquier, Toulouse and Provence exercised a purely nominal sway over the city; on two occasions, in 1125, and in 1251, the two latter divided their rights in regard to it, while the Count of Forcalquier resigned any that he possessed to the bishops and consuls in 1135. On Sunday, 30 November 1225, at Bourges, in a scenario all too familiar, fourteen archbishops, one hundred and thirteen bishops, and one hundred and fifty abbots, all fretting about the persistence of heresy and the reinvigoration of the southern nobility, excommunicated Raimon VII and proclaimed the continuation of the crusade. Aimery de Montfort had, by this time, ceded all his (somewhat brittle) rights to the king of France, Louis VIII. So, with the financial and moral aid of the new papal legate to France, Roman Frangipani, Louis VIII prepared to invade the Midi for a third time. Royal prestige, and the efficient bureaucracy established by Philip II Augustus, sufficed to persuade enough barons of France to join their king at Lyon in June 1226 for what would be a majestic campaign of conquest. This royal host was easily twice the size of the crusading army of 1209. The king captured Avignon in September 1226, then proceeded to march toward Toulouse. During the crusade against the Albigenses the citizens refused to open the gates of Avignon to Louis VIII and the legate, but capitulated after a three months' siege (10 June - 13 September, 1226) and were forced to pull down the ramparts and fill up the moat of their city. Louis VIII, after his initial delay at Avignon, hastily occupied the possessions of the Trencavels along the Aude, but before he could strengthen his position, the thirty-nine-year-old king died (from an illness he caught during the Avignon siege) on Sunday, 8 November 1226, at Montpensier. "Rome, you killed good King Louis," no question about it, so the Toulousain troubadour Guilhem Figueira sang in his bitter and angry sirventes (an overtly satirical canso) a few years later, "because, with your false preaching, you lured him away from Paris." The death of Louis VIII did not end the war in the south. The king had installed sénéchaux and baillis, royal administrators, in his newly acquired lands and had reorganized (along northern French lines) the territories ceded to him by Aimery de Montfort as the sénéchaussées of Beaucaire-Nîmes and Carcassonne-Béziers. All this royal domain was placed firmly under the control of his cousin Imbert de Beaujeu and protected by five hundred northern French knights. The crusade, as undertaken by Imbert de Beaujeu, became an exercise in the gradual exhaustion of Raimon VII and the county of Toulouse. It was a campaign of one small atrocity after another, of a vineyard burnt here, of a field destroyed there, of hamlets razed, of men and women murdered. The castra of the Toulousain and the Lauragais were especially hurt by Imbert de Beaujeu. Finally, Raimon VII, badly in debt, starved of resources, and fighting a losing battle against the éclat of the French crown, was offered the chance for peace--which he gladly took in 1229. On Holy Thursday, 12 April 1229, the Peace of Paris, whose twenty-two articles had already been accepted by an ecclesiastical concilium at Meaux in January 1229, officially ended the Albigensian Crusade. The thirty-one-year-old Raimon VII swore submission to the Church and to the not yet fifteen-year-old Louis IX. He had to dismiss all mercenaries, remove any Jews in his service, and, from then on, confiscate the property of anyone who remained excommunicated for more than a year. This last clause particularly affected the numerous southern nobles, knights, and other persons exiled from their properties whom the northern French called faidits--rebel, heretical sympathizer, fugitive, and criminal all at once. The count of Toulouse, though no longer an ex- communicant or faidit himself, forfeited to the French crown over two- thirds of the lands formerly held by his father. Raimon VII, as a vassal of the French king, was permitted to keep most of the diocese of Toulouse, including the Lauragais, the Albigeois north of the Tarn, the Rouergue, Quercy (but not Cahors), and the Agenais. The marquisate of Provence, east of the Rhône, however, was surrendered to the Church (though it would be returned to Raimon VII in 1234). In Toulouse itself the Château Narbonnais was to be occupied by the French crown for ten years. Philip the Fair, who had inherited from his father all the rights of Alphonse de Poitiers, last Count of Toulouse, made them over to Charles II, King of Naples and Count of Provence (1290); it was on the strength of this donation that Queen Joan sold the city to Clement VI for 80,000 florins (9 June, 1348).

Died: on 20 Nov 1230 (Anc. of Gaspard de Coligny.).

1.1.3.3.1.1.2.1 Mathieu de Montmorency (17723) (Paul Theroff, posts, 11 February 1995 at 23:25 Hours.). Born: between 1193 and 1226, son of Mathieu II, Lord de Marly (3439) and Gertrude de Nesle (14139), Mathieu is presumed to have been at least 14 years of age when he married Marie. Married in 1243: Marie, Countess de Ponthieu (8075),, daughter of Guillaume II Talvas, Count de Ponthieu (8077) and Alice, Princess de France (8076) (By virtue of his marriage to Marie, Mathieu became Count de Ponthieu) (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties/Les_dynasties_celebres/Liste_alphabetique.htm.). Died: in 1250.

1.1.3.3.1.1.2.2 Bouchard V/VI de Montmorency (2012) (Paul Theroff, posts, 11 February 1995 at 23:20 Hours.). AKA: Bouchard, Sire d'Écouen (2012) (M. de La Chenaye-des-Bois, Dictionnaire de La Noblesse, Tome III (Volume 3), MDCCLXXI (1771), Page 207.). Born: between 1194 and 1206, son of Mathieu II, Lord de Marly (3439) and Gertrude de Nesle (14139), Bouchard VI is presumed to have been at least 14 years of age when he married Isabelle. Married before Aug 1220: Isabelle de Laval (2079),, daughter of Guy VI, Sire de Laval (14875) and Avoise, Dame de Craon (14874). Died: on 1 Jan 1243 (Anc. of Gaspard de Coligny.).

1.1.3.3.1.1.2.3 Guy VII, Seigneur de Laval (1978) (Paul Theroff, posts, 11 February 1995 at 23:20 Hours.).

AKA: Guy de Montmorency (1978). Born: circa 1218, son of Mathieu II, Lord de Marly (3439) and Emma, Dame de Laval (13096). Married in 1239: Philippa, Dame de Vitré (1980),, daughter of André III / IV, Sire de Vitré (17459) and Catherine de Bretagne (17458) (Philippa was Guy VII's first wife). Note - between 18 Sep 1248 and 24 Apr 1254: Guy VII participated in the Seventh Crusade. The Seventh Crusade was a crusade led by Louis IX of France from 18 September 1248 to 24 April 1254. Approximately 50,000 gold bezants (a sum equal to the entire annual revenue of France) was paid in ransom for King Louis who, along with thousands of his troops, were captured and defeated by the Egyptian army led by the Ayyubid Sultan Turanshah supported by the Bahariyya Mamluks led by Faris ad-Din Aktai, Baibars al-Bunduqdari, Qutuz , Aybak and Qalawun. France was perhaps the strongest state in Europe at the time, as the Albigensian Crusade had brought Provence into Parisian control. Poitou was ruled by Louis IX's brother Alphonse of Poitiers, who joined him on his crusade in 1245. Another brother, Charles I of Anjou, also joined Louis. For the next three years Louis collected an ecclesiastical tenth (mostly from church tithes), and in 1248 he and his approximately 15,000-strong army that included 3,000 knights, and 5,000 crossbowmen sailed on 36 ships from the ports of Aigues-Mortes, which had been specifically built to prepare for the crusade, and Marseille. Louis IX's financial preparations for this expedition were comparatively well organized, and he was able to raise approximately 1,500,000 livres tournois. However, many nobles who joined Louis on the expedition had to borrow money from the royal treasury, and the crusade turned out to be very expensive. The Seventh shares with the Sixth Crusade the attribute of being under the control of a particular monarch. Taken together, they show plainly that the papacy had lost control of the crusading movement and, equally, that the movement was no longer able to stir interest throughout Europe. The crusades were close to becoming the instrument of national policy. The King and Queen sailed to Cyprus, arriving at Limassol on 18 September 1248, where they were received by King Henry of Cyprus. They were joined there by the Grand Master of the Hospital, the Grand Master of the Temple, and many of the Palestinian barons. Louis called a council and there it was agreed to aim for Egypt. Both in the Latin West and in Outremer it was understood that Jerusalem could never be secure so long as Egypt was hostile. the Latin Empire set up after the Fourth Crusade asked for his help against the Byzantine Empire of Nicaea, and the Principality of Antioch and the Knights Templar wanted his help in Syria, where the Muslims had recently captured Sidon. Once the objective was decided, Louis wanted to set out at once, but the locals persuaded him that an attack on the Nile delta in winter would be too risky. There were few harbors along the delta; landing required calm seas and the winter storms made these unpredictable. Despite his eagerness, Louis agreed to wait until spring. Egypt would, Louis thought, provide a base from which to attack Jerusalem, and its wealth and supply of grain would keep the crusaders fed and equipped. During the winter, the king was distracted by various diplomatic maneuvers, including sending an expedition to the Mongols to seek an alliance there. Constantinople begged him to help in its struggle with the Emperor of Nicaea. Antioch asked for help. The Templars were engaged in some complex negotiations with Aleppo. Louis steadfastly refused to be distracted from his crusading goal and refused all these entanglements, except he did send six hundred archers to Bohémond at Antioch. In the spring, additional troops arrived from the Morea. Louis had arranged for supplies at Cyprus, but he had planned only for a stay of weeks, not months, and he now had far fewer stores than he had hoped. More time (and supplies) was wasted in trying to find ships, for Venice now refused to help at all, and Genoa was distracted by a war. When a fleet did assemble, it was promptly scattered in a storm. When Louis sailed in May 1249, he had with him only about a quarter of his army. The rest of the army was making its way toward Egypt as best it could, but Louis would not wait. He arrived off the coast of Egypt on 4 June 1249. The Egyptians knew Louis was coming and had dispatched a strong force to oppose him. His advisors all told Louis to wait until the rest of the army should come up, but he refused. On the morning of the 5th, the King landed, leading his troops personally. A fierce battle developed on the beach. John of Ibelin, Count of Jaffa, along with the King himself, distinguished themselves with their courage. The Egyptian commander, Fakhr ad-Din, withdrew under cover of darkness back to Damietta. While there was great elation at their victory, the Christians knew that the really hard fighting still lay ahead. During the night, Fakhr ad-Din found that the city lacked the resolve to fight. He made the tactical decision to abandon the city and to retreat up river. Most of the Muslim population, already in a panic over the prospect of a terrible siege, left with the Egyptian troops. In the morning, some Christians from the city came to the French camp to tell them that the city was undefended. Louis marched triumphantly into Damietta on 6 June 1249. The last time Damietta had fallen to the Christians, the Sultan had offered Jerusalem in exchange. Hopes among the Crusaders ran very high. Having won Damietta, the Crusaders now stopped. The Nile would begin to flood in another month, and everyone remembered the fate of the Fifth Crusade. Moreover, the greater part of the army had not yet arrived. Louis decided to wait out the flood season before considering a further advance up the Nile. The knights sat back and enjoyed the spoils of war. Louis was in his element here, dispensing justice and arrangement the affairs of government. But as the army grew and waiting, it consumed supplies at an alarming rate, and discipline grew slack. Once again the Sultan, who was old and dying of tuberculosis, offered Jerusalem for Damietta. Once again, the Crusaders refused, believing that they had the Egyptians on the run and would be able to win even more. Louis ignored the agreement made during the Fifth Crusade that Damietta should be given to the Kingdom of Jerusalem, now a rump state in Acre, but he did set up an archbishopric there (under the authority of the Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem) and used the city as a base to direct military operations against the Muslims of Syria. In Cairo, the political temperature rose rapidly. The Sultan, Ayub, was dying and everyone knew it. He had relied on his slave warriors, known as the Mamluks, for the defense of Damietta and they were now disgraced. They were advocating a palace revolution to restore their position, but Fakhr ad-Din would not lead them. Ayub did what he could. Al-Kamil had constructed a small town on the site of his victory over the Fifth Crusade, naming it al-Mansourah: the Victorious. Ayub had himself brought in a litter to Mansourah and turned the place into an armed camp. He sent Bedouin raiders out to harry any Christians who dared to venture beyond Damietta and the army camp set up outside it. September came and went, then October. The floodwaters receded and the way to Cairo opened. Louis received reinforcements from France, commanded by his brother Alfonso of Poitou. After some discussion, it was agreed to advance up the Nile toward Cairo, and the army set out on 20 November 1249. The King left his Queen behind in Damietta, along with the Patriarch of Jerusalem and a strong garrison. Louis IX sent a letter to as-Salih Ayyub that said : “ As you know that I am the ruler of the Christian nation I do know you are the ruler of the Muhammadan nation. The people of Andalusia give me money and gifts while we drive them like cattle. We kill their men and we make their women widows. We take the boys and the girls as prisoners and we make houses empty. I have told you enough and I have advised you to the end, so now if you make the strongest oath to me and if you go to christian priests and monks and if you carry kindles before my eyes as a sign of obeying the cross, all these will not persuade me from reaching you and killing you at your dearest spot on earth. If the land will be mine then it is a gift to me. If the land will be yours and you defeat me then you will have the upper hand. I have told you and I have warned you about my soldiers who obey me. They can fill open fields and mountains, their number like pebbles. They will be sent to you with swords of destruction.” In November 1249, Louis marched towards Cairo, and almost at the same time, the Ayyubid sultan of Egypt, as-Salih Ayyub, died. Sultan Ayub died on 23 November 1249 at Mansourah. With the Mamluks and other troops already restless, the Sultana managed to hide the fact of her husbands death long enough to recall her son, Turan-shah, from Syria and to make sure that she and Fakhr ad-Din were securely in power. She managed all this even as Louis and his army were advancing up the Nile toward her. Fakhr ad-Din kept most of his forces at Mansourah, securely protected by the joining of the Bahr as-Saghir with the Nile--exactly the same position occupied by al-Kamil about thirty years previously. He sent cavalry forces out to oppose the Christians, and some heavy fighting developed at Fariskur on 7 December, but Louis led his troops well and they were little delayed by these attacks. The Crusaders arrived on the banks of the Bahr as-Saghir on 21 December 1249, and the two armies dug in. The rivers protected the Christians as much as they did the Muslims. Fakhr ad-Din tried several times to find a way to attack the French, but each attempt was thwarted. For their part, the Christians were engaged in trying to build a dyke to bridge the river, but the Egyptians managed to thwart that in their turn. January 1250 passed in these activities. Then, at the beginning of February, the Crusaders got a break. A Coptic Christian offered to show them a ford across the river. They set out on 8 February 1250. The vanguard was led by the King's brother, Robert of Artois, accompanied by the Templars and the English. Louis gave strict orders that no one should attack until he himself gave the order. The crossing was difficult and took a long time. Once over, Artois decided to attack right away, fearing that the Egyptians might discover him there before the French could get across. The Templars reminded him of the King's orders, but he made the decision to attack anyway. Duke Robert was almost immediately successful. The Egyptians were just going about their morning business, unaware that the Christians had crossed the river, so the French were able to burst into the camp almost unopposed. The Egyptians were not formed up, many weren't even armored. Many fled immediately for Mansourah; those who stood and fought, including the Egyptian commander Fakhr ad-Din, were slaughtered. The Egyptian camp was now in Crusader hands, a very great triumph, but Robert of Artois wanted more. He wanted to pursue the fleeing Egyptians and to capture Mansourah; if that city fell, Cairo could not stand. With Cairo, so fell all of Egypt, and the future of the Holy Land would be assured. It was a crucial moment. But the Crusader forces were badly dispersed in and around the Egyptian camp, and in any case the superiority of the Latin cavalry would be lost in the narrow streets of a city. Both the Grand Master of the Temple, William of Sonnac, and the commander of the English contingent, the Earl of Salisbury, advised Robert to wait for the main Crusader force under King Louis. The Duke dismissed the others as cowards and urged his French forces forward. The Templars and the English reluctantly followed, knowing that Artois would be killed if he went on alone. King Louis and the bulk of the French army were still crossing the Bahr as-Saghir, unaware of what was happening. In Mansourah, the fleeing Mamluks were re-grouped under a new leader, Rukn ad-Din Baibars. He stationed his men around the city and allowed the Crusaders to charge into the city without opposition. Once they were all deep within the town, Baibars ordered the counter-attack. Even the people of the town took part, casting down stones and pulling riders from their horses. The Crusaders could not defend themselves; many, indeed, found themselves in alleys so narrow they could not even turn their horses around. Disaster fell on them. Two hundred and ninety Templar knights rode into Mansourah; five escaped. Robert of Artois was killed, overwhelmed when he tried to take refuge in a house. The Lord of Coucy and the Count of Brienne were killed. The Grand Master William lost one eye, but managed to get away. The Earl of Salisbury and almost all of the English knights were killed. Many who escaped the city drowned while trying to swim the river back to safety. Duke Peter of Brittany, severely wounded, managed to make it to the river crossing and it was he who told the King of the disaster. Louis knew what was coming. He quickly formed his army up to meet an attack, but his crossbowmen were still on the other side of the river. The king ordered a pontoon bridge to be built as quickly as possible so they could cross, knowing that their arrows would be needed. In the meantime, the Mamluks attacked. That afternoon saw hard fighting on both sides. More than once the Egyptian army was on the verge of success, but personal courage on the Christian side kept the French intact. Toward sundown, the bridge was at last completed and the bowmen hurried over. That was enough for the Egyptians, and they retired to the safety of Mansourah. Louis learned of his brother's death only after the fighting was done. He wept over his loss, but he could not hope for vengeance, for that same brother had been responsible for the loss of too many knights. The king ordered a retreat back to the Crusader camp. Louis was defeated as well, but he did not withdraw to Damietta for months, preferring to besiege Mansourah, which ended in starvation and death for the crusaders rather than the Muslims. In showing utter agony, a Templar knight lamented : “ Rage and sorrow are seated in my heart...so firmly that I scarce dare to stay alive. It seems that God wishes to support the Turks to our loss...ah, lord God...alas, the realm of the East has lost so much that it will never be able to rise up again. They will make a Mosque of Holy Mary's convent, and since the theft pleases her Son, who should weep at this, we are forced to comply as well...Anyone who wishes to fight the Turks is mad, for Jesus Christ does not fight them any more. They have conquered, they will conquer. For every day they drive us down, knowing that God, who was awake, sleeps now, and Muhammad waxes powerful.” The Egyptians soon tried to capitalize on their victory, attacking three days after the Battle of Mansourah. Hard fighting lasted all day, but in the end the Christians were able to withstand the attack and the Egyptians again withdrew. There followed a stalemate that lasted for several weeks, but always to the detriment of the Christians. After the death of the Sultan, the Sultana immediately summoned Turanshah to Cairo. He arrived on 28 February 1250 and soon tightened the noose around the Christians by implementing a successful blockade of the Nile. All though March, few supply ships managed to slip the blockade; at the end of the month, a whole fleet of thirty-two ships were seized. Famine and disease stalked the Christian camp, and King Louis realized that he must retreat or risk losing everything. He first tried to offer Turanshah an exchange: Damietta for Jerusalem; but the Sultan would have none of it. The Latin army set out under cover of darkness early on 5 April 1250. They managed to get across the Bahr as-Saghir via a pontoon bridge before the Egyptians noticed the movement, but the Christians neglected to destroy the bridge behind them and the Egyptians set out in pursuit. The King remained in the rear guard, leading the defense against the Egyptian attacks. That night, however, he fell ill and by morning could barely ride. The next day, the army tried to move on, but typhoid and dysentery were everywhere. By mid-day, the King could go no further and his bodyguard placed him in a house at Sharimshah. The Egyptians closed in. Although the King never ordered a surrender, and Philip of Montfort was negotiating with the Sultan, there was a confusion of orders and the army simply surrendered. It scarcely mattered; the army could not have fought. A little later, the Christian ships that had been sent down the Nile carrying the sick and wounded were likewise captured. The entire Crusader army, including the King of France and many of the barons of Outremer, was now captive. The only point of resistance was Damietta, still under the command of Queen Margaret of France. With her were only a handful of knights, a large contingent of Italians, and the Patriarch of Jerusalem. Her situation was complicated by the fact that she was nine months pregnant. The Egyptians had captured such a large army, they lacked enough men even to guard it. Every day, for the next seven days in succession, three hundred of the weakest were taken aside and decapitated. By these measures the number of Christian captives was reduced to a manageable size. King Louis was take to Mansourah, both for better security and for better medical care, for his was very sick. Even so, he was kept in chains, even while he was being nursed back to health. The King's health was very important to the Sultan, for he was the biggest bargaining chip. That there was a bargain to be made at all was due largely to Queen Margaret. Three days after hearing of the surrender of the army and the capture of her husband, Margaret gave birth to a son whom she named John Tristan (John Sorrow). That same day she heard that the Italians were planning to abandon Damietta as the city was threatened with a shortage of food. Summoning their leaders to her bedside, she persuaded them to stay by offering to buy sufficient food out of her own purse. Margaret and her son were soon sent to the safety of Acre, and negotiations with the Sultan were taken over by the Patriarch Robert, but the Queen's courage at a crucial moment had saved the city, giving the Patriarch something with which to bargain. Meanwhile, extraordinary events were transpiring at Fariskur, where the Sultan and the main Egyptian army were encamped. On 2 May 1250, Turanshah gave a great banquet. At the end of the feast, a faction of Mamluk soldiers rushed in and tried to kill him. These soldiers had been offended by Turanshah's treatment of them and, led by Baibars, decided to exact vengeance. The Sultan was wounded but managed to escape to a tower next to the Nile River. The Mamluks pursued him and set the tower on fire. Turanshah leaped into the river. His pursuers stood on the banks and shot at him with arrows, even as he begged for his life, offering to abdicate. Unable to kill him from the shore, Baibars himself waded out into the water and hacked the Sultan to death. A puppet Sultan was chosen, but he lasted only a few years. In reality, from that bloody night forward, Baibars Bundukdari was the ruler of Egypt. The Mamluks would rule here for almost three hundred years as the slave-sultans. The Patriarch of Jerusalem arrived in the immediate aftermath of these events. Despite some blood-curdling threats, the Mamluks chose to confirm the bargain made by Turanshah, mainly because of the enormous ransom of half a million pounds tournois. On May 6, Damietta was surrendered to the Egyptians, and King Louis was brought there and released the same day. He was required to pay half the ransom (now reduced to 400,000 pounds) immediately. With the reluctant help of the Templars, he managed to do this and to set sail the same day for Acre. A great many wounded soldiers had been left behind at Damietta; as soon as the Crusaders were gone, the Mamluks slaughtered all these. Louis arrived at Acre on 12 May 1250. Most of his army was dead and much of the rest of it was still captive. He was still obliged to raise the other half of the ransom money to free them, but his own financial reserves had been drained nearly dry. His mother wrote from France that he was sorely needed at home, but he decided to stay. His brothers and many others went home in July, leaving behind as much money as they could spare and about 1,400 men. Louis was now effectively the ruler of Outremer. Conrad of Germany was technically its monarch, but he obviously had no intention of coming to the East, and a commander was desperately needed. Some legal shuffling was done to give an appearance of legitimacy, but Louis' role was more pragmatic than legal. Fortunately, the Mamluk revolution that had led to a new split between Cairo and Damascus, for the Syrians resented the Mamluks and their murder of Turanshah. An-Nasr Yusuf of Aleppo, a great-grandson of Saladin, occupied Damascus and opened negotiations with Louis. He could not accept an open alliance with so many prisoners still in Egypt, but at least the King did not need to face an immediate Muslim offensive against the Crusader states. That winter, the Ayubites of Damascus invaded Egypt but were repulsed. In 1251, because of this rivalry between the Ayubites and the Mamluks, Louis was able to negotiate the return of all the Christian prisoners (about three thousand) in exchange for three hundred Muslim prisoners and no further money; in return, Louis promised to aid Cairo against Damascus. The King had learned a great deal about politics in Outremer. Louis spent 1252 repairing fortifications in various towns, working from Jaffa. Although there was some maneuvering of armies, the Mamluks chose not to leave the safety of Egypt and neither Louis nor an-Nasr Yusuf would risk an open battle. In 1253, Yusuf appealed to the Caliph at Baghdad to arbitrate between himself and Aibek, the puppet Sultan of Cairo. The Caliph was concerned to unite the Muslims against the invading Mongols and so took an uncharacteristically active hand. He negotiated a settlement acceptable to both Damascus and Cairo, and the alliance with the Christians was immediately forgotten. Louis' presence in Outremer had saved the Crusader states from the disaster at Mansourah. He did this not only by dealing effectively with the Ayubites at Damascus and the Mamluks at Cairo, but also by keeping good order among the barons of Outremer and by gaining their respect. Louis conducted himself with bravery in the battles in Egypt and with great dignity while in captivity. Once he arrived at Acre, he showed himself to be fair-minded, generous and impartial in his dealings with the barons. He arbitrated a dispute at Antioch and then some delicate issues of succession over the crown of Jerusalem itself. He could easily have made himself a partisan in this latter, and even have laid claim to the throne himself. Instead, he continued to administer the affairs of the kingdom in the name of its child-kings and respected the decisions of the High Court of Cyprus regarding the succession. Despite feeling that he was still needed in Outremer, Louis returned to France in 1254. His mother had died in November 1252. She had been the strong hand at the helm during his abscence, and trouble broke out soon after her death. By late 1253, with trouble in Flanders and with King Henry of England threatening, Louis knew he had to leave. He set out on 24 April 1254 and arrived in France in July. The immediate parallels with the Fifth Crusade are obvious: the capture of Damietta, a brave advance upriver followed by catastrophe. But the effects of the Seventh Crusade were perhaps even more profound. Louis was universally respected. There had been no internal rivalries within the Crusader camp. If God did not grant victory here, then perhaps victory belonged only to the early Crusaders, who had long since passed into legendary status. It would be long before there was again any enthusiasm for crusading; another generation, really. The loss of money and life was disastrous for the Crusader states themselves and especially for the Military Orders; they never fully recovered. Outremer was now faced with an aggressive military state in Egypt and only the ominous advance of the Mongols prolonged its life. Once the Mongols had been dealt with, the Crusader states fell quickly. Louis himself was deeply distressed over his failure. He lost a brother on the Crusade and many good friends besides. It is evident that he was haunted by this because at the end of his life, he undertook another crusade. In 1270, against the advice of counselors and family, Louis again fielded an army and headed east. His ultimate goal was again deflected by a brother: this time, by Charles of Anjou, now King of Sicily, who persuaded Louis to attack Tunis first. He did so, gained a victory, but died of a fever in August. As a final irony, he was preceeded in death at Tunis by his son, John Tristan, the boy born at Damietta amid disaster. The history of the Seventh Crusade was written by Jean de Joinville, who was also a participant, Matthew Paris and many Muslim historians.

Died: in 1268 (Abbott, Page 135.).

1.1.3.3.1.1.2.4 Avoise de Montmorency (1991) (Paul Theroff, posts, 11 February 1995 at 23:20 Hours.) (M. de La Chenaye-des-Bois, Dictionnaire de La Noblesse, Tome II (Volume 2), MDCCLXXI (1771), Page 292.) (M. de La Chenaye- des-Bois, Dictionnaire de La Noblesse, Tome II (Volume 2), MDCCLXXI (1771), Page 292.) (M. de La Chenaye-des-Bois, Dictionnaire de La Noblesse, Tome II (Volume 2), MDCCLXXI (1771), Page 292.). Married Name: de Château-Gontier (1991). Born: in 1218, daughter of Mathieu II, Lord de Marly (3439) and Emma, Dame de Laval (13096). Married in 1227: Jacques de Château-Gontier (1992),, son of Alard III, Seigneur de Château-Gontier (27766) and Emmé de Vitré (27767) (M. de La Chenaye-des-Bois, Dictionnaire de La Noblesse, Tome II (Volume 2), MDCCLXXI (1771), Page 292.). Died: after May 1270.

1.1.3.3.1.1.2.5 N? de Montmorency (2011) (Paul Theroff, posts, 11 February 1995 at 23:20 Hours.). Born: between 1220 and 1230, daughter of Mathieu II, Lord de Marly (3439) and Emma, Dame de Laval (13096).

1.1.3.3.1.1.3 Marie de Montmorency (29126) (M. de La Chenaye-des-Bois, Dictionnaire de La Noblesse, Tome IV (Volume 4), MDCCLXXII (1772), Page 582.) (M. de La Chenaye-des-Bois, Dictionnaire de La Noblesse, Tome IV (Volume 4), MDCCLXXII (1772), Page 582.). Married Name: de Clère (29126) (M. de La Chenaye-des-Bois, Dictionnaire de La Noblesse, Tome IV (Volume 4), MDCCLXXII (1772), Page 582.). Born: before 1178, daughter of Bouchard V, Seigneur de Montmorency (2083) and Laurence de Hainaut (2082), Marie is presumed to have been at least 15 years of age by the time she maried Mathieu II. Married before 1193: Mathieu II, Sire & Baron de Clere (29125),, son of Mathieu I Sire & Baron de Clere (29127) and Renée = Luce de Hangest (29128) (In 1193 Mathieu II and his wife Marie, ratified the gifts made by her father to the Priory of Saint- Sylvestre and Clère) (M. de La Chenaye-des-Bois, Dictionnaire de La Noblesse, Tome IV (Volume 4), MDCCLXXII (1772), Page 582.).

1.1.3.3.1.1.3.1 Jean I, Sire & Baron de Clere (29117) (M. de La Chenaye-des-Bois, Dictionnaire de La Noblesse, Tome IV (Volume 4), MDCCLXXII (1772), Page 583.) (M. de La Chenaye-des-Bois, Dictionnaire de La Noblesse, Tome IV (Volume 4), MDCCLXXII (1772), Page 583.) (M. de La Chenaye-des-Bois, Dictionnaire de La Noblesse, Tome IV (Volume 4), MDCCLXXII (1772), Page 582.). AKA: Jean I, Seigneur de Gruchy (29117) (M. de La Chenaye-des-Bois, Dictionnaire de La Noblesse, Tome IV (Volume 4), MDCCLXXII (1772), Page 583.). AKA: Jean I, Seigneur de Nézay (29117) (M. de La Chenaye-des-Bois, Dictionnaire de La Noblesse, Tome IV (Volume 4), MDCCLXXII (1772), Page 583.). AKA: Jean I, Baron de Hugleville (29117) (M. de La Chenaye-des-Bois, Dictionnaire de La Noblesse, Tome IV (Volume 4), MDCCLXXII (1772), Page 583.). Born: in 1200, son of Mathieu II, Sire & Baron de Clere (29125) and Marie de Montmorency (29126). Married in 1216: Jeanne Mathilde de Préaulx (29118),, daughter of Pierre II, Sire de Préaulx (29119) and Isabeau d'Estouteville (29120) (Jeanne brought to Jean I some of the lands of Hugleville) (M. de La Chenaye-des-Bois, Dictionnaire de La Noblesse, Tome IV (Volume 4), MDCCLXXII (1772), Page 583.). Died: circa 1241 In 1218, Jean and Jeanne made a donation to the Priory of Beaulieu which was founded by the Seigneurs of Préaulx. In 1222 he gave the fief of Gruchy with the Pastor of Notre-Dame-du-Tot to the Abbey of Sainte-Catherine-du-Mont, near Rouen (M. de La Chenaye-des-Bois, Dictionnaire de La Noblesse, Tome IV (Volume 4), MDCCLXXII (1772), Page 583.).

1.1.3.3.1.2 Mathieu I de Montmorency (18029) (Paul Theroff, posts, 11 February 1995 at 23:25 Hours.). AKA: Mathieu I, Sire de Marly (18029). Born: before 1160, son of Mathieu I, Seigneur de Montmorency (3437) and Alice of England (3438), Mathieu I is presumed to have been at least 20 years of age when he died. Note - between 27 Mar 1188 and 9 Oct 1192 at Holy Land: Mathieu I participated in the Thrid Crusade. After the failure of the Second Crusade, Nur ad-Din had control of Damascus and a unified Syria. Eager to expand his power, Nur ad-Din set his sights on the Fatimid dynasty of Egypt. In 1163, Nur ad-Din's most trusted general, Shirkuh set out on a military expedition to the Nile. Accompanying the general was his young nephew, Saladin. With Shirkuh's troops camped outside of Cairo, Egypt's sultan, Shawar called on King Amalric I of Jerusalem for assistance. In response, Amalric sent an army into Egypt and attacked Shirkuh's troops at Bilbeis in 1164. In an attempt to divert Crusader attention from Egypt, Nur ad-Din attacked Antioch, resulting in a massacre of Christian soldiers and the capture of several Crusader leaders, including Bohemond III, Prince of Antioch. Nur ad-Din sent the scalps of the Christian defenders to Egypt for Shirkuh to proudly display at Bilbeis for Amalric's soldiers to see. This action prompted both Amalric and Shirkuh to lead their armies out of Egypt. In 1167, Nur ad-Din once again sent Shirkuh to conquer the Fatimids in Egypt. Shawar also opted to once again call upon Amalric for the defence of his territory. The combined Egyptian-Christian forces pursued Shirkuh until he retreated to Alexandria. Amalric then breached his alliance with Shawar by turning his forces on Egypt and besieging the city of Bilbeis. Shawar pleaded with his former enemy, Nur ad-Din to save him from Amalric's treachery. Lacking the resources to maintain a prolonged siege of Cairo against the combined forces of Nur ad-Din and Shawar, Amalric retreated. This new alliance gave Nur ad-Din rule over virtually all of Syria and Egypt. Shawar was executed for his alliances with the Christian forces, and Shirkuh succeeded him as vizier of Egypt. In 1169, Shirkuh died unexpectedly after only weeks of rule. Shirkuh's successor was his nephew, Salah ad-Din Yusuf, commonly known as Saladin. Nur ad-Din died in 1174, leaving the new empire to his 11-year old son, As-Salih. It was decided that the only man competent enough to uphold the jihad against the Crusaders was Saladin, who became sultan of both Egypt and Syria, and the founder of the Ayyubid dynasty. Amalric also died in 1174, leaving Jerusalem to his 13-year old son, Baldwin IV. Although Baldwin suffered from leprosy, he was an effective and active military commander, defeating Saladin at the battle of Montgisard in 1177, with support from Raynald of Châtillon, who had been released from prison in 1176. Later, he forged an agreement with Saladin to allow free trade between Muslim and Christian territories. Raynald also raided caravans throughout the region. He expanded his piracy to the Red Sea by sending galleys not only to raid ships, but to assault the city of Mecca itself. These acts enraged the Muslim world, giving Raynald a reputation as the most hated man in the Middle East. Baldwin IV died in 1185 and the kingdom was left to his nephew Baldwin V, whom he had crowned as co-king in 1183. Raymond III of Tripoli again served as regent. The following year, Baldwin V died before his ninth birthday, and his mother Princess Sybilla, sister of Baldwin IV, crowned herself queen and her husband, Guy of Lusignan, king. It was at this time that Raynald, once again, raided a rich caravan and had its travelers thrown in prison. Saladin demanded that the prisoners and their cargo be released. The newly crowned King Guy appealed to Raynald to give in to Saladin's demands, but Raynald refused to follow the king's orders. It was this final act of outrage by Raynald which gave Saladin the opportunity he needed to take the offensive against the kingdom. He laid siege to the city of Tiberias in 1187. Raymond advised patience, but King Guy, acting on advice from Raynald, marched his army to the Horns of Hattin outside of Tiberias. The Crusader army, thirsty and demoralized, was destroyed in the ensuing battle. King Guy and Raynald were brought to Saladin's tent, where Guy was offered a goblet of water. Guy took a drink but was forbidden to pass the goblet to Raynald, because the Muslim rule of hospitality states that one who receives food or drink is under the protection of the host, and that anyone in need of water should be given an adequate amount. Saladin would not be forced to protect the treacherous Raynald by allowing him to drink. Raynald, who had not had a drop of water in days, grabbed the goblet out of Guy's hands. Upon seeing Raynald's disrespect for Muslim custom, Saladin beheaded Raynald for past betrayals. Saladin honored tradition with King Guy; Guy was sent to Damascus and eventually ransomed to his people, one of the few captive crusaders to avoid execution. By the end of the year, Saladin had taken Acre and Jerusalem. Pope Urban III is said to have collapsed and died upon hearing the news. However, at the time of his death, the news of the fall of Jerusalem could not yet have reached him, although he knew of the battle of Hattin and the fall of Acre.

The new pope, Gregory VIII proclaimed that the capture of Jerusalem was punishment for the sins of Christians across Europe. The cry went up for a new crusade to the Holy Land. Henry II of England and Philip II of France ended their war with each other, and both imposed a "Saladin tithe" on their citizens to finance the venture. In Britain, Baldwin of Exeter, the archbishop of Canterbury, made a tour through Wales, convincing 3,000 men-at-arms to take up the cross, recorded in the Itinerary of Giraldus Cambrensis. The elderly Holy Roman Emperor Frederick I Barbarossa responded to the call immediately. He took up the Cross at Mainz Cathedral on 27 March 1188 and was the first to set out for the Holy Land in May of 1189 with an army of about 100,000 men, including 20,000 knights. However, some historians believe that this is an exaggeration and that the true figure might be closer to 15,000 men, including 3,000 knights.

The Byzantine Emperor Isaac II Angelus made a secret alliance with Saladin to impede Frederick's progress in exchange for his empire's safety. On 18 May 1190, the German army captured Iconium, the capital of the Sultanate of Rüm. However, on 10 June 1190, Frederick was thrown from his horse in the crossing of the Saleph River and drowned. After this, much of his army returned to Germany. His son Frederick of Swabia led the remaining 5,000 men to Antioch. There, the emperor's body was boiled to remove the flesh, which was interred in the Church of St. Peter; his bones were put in a bag to continue the crusade. In Antioch, however, the German army was further reduced by fever. Young Frederick had to ask the assistance of his kinsman Conrad of Montferrat to lead him safely to Acre, by way of Tyre, where his father's bones were buried. Henry II of England died on 6 July 1189 following a defeat by his son Richard I (Lionheart) and Philip II. Richard inherited the crown and immediately began raising funds for the crusade. In July 1190, Richard and Philip set out jointly from Marseille, France for Sicily. Philip II had hired a Genoese fleet to transport his army which consisted of 650 knights, 1,300 horses, and 1,300 squires to the Holy Land. William II of Sicily had died the previous year, and was replaced by Tancred, who placed Joan of England—William's wife and Richard's sister—in prison. Richard captured the capital city of Messina on 4 October 1190 and Joan was released. Richard and Philip fell out over the issue of Richard's marriage, as Richard had decided to marry Berengaria of Navarre, breaking off his long- standing betrothal to Philip's half-sister Alys. Philip left Sicily directly for the Middle East on 30 March 1191, and arrived in Tyre in mid-May. He joined the siege of Acre on 20 May. Richard did not set off from Sicily until 10 April. Shortly after setting sail from Sicily, Richard's armada of 100 ships (carrying 8,000 men) was struck by a violent storm. Several ships ran aground, including one holding Joan, his new fiancée Berengaria, and a large amount of treasure that had been amassed for the crusade. It was soon discovered that Isaac Dukas Comnenus of Cyprus had seized the treasure. The young women were unharmed. Richard entered Limassol on 6 May, and met with Isaac, who agreed to return Richard's belongings and send 500 of his soldiers to the Holy Land. Once back at his fortress of Famagusta, Isaac broke his oath of hospitality and began issuing orders for Richard to leave the island. Isaac's arrogance prompted Richard to conquer the island within days.

In July 1188, Saladin gives in freedom Guy de Lusignan, king of Jerusalem captured the previous year with the Bataille of Hattin, after him to have made solemnly swear not to take the weapons against the Moslems any more. In August 1189, Guy de Lusignan, broke his word the seat in front of the port of Acre. It has modest forces, but each day of the ships charged combatants arrive from Occident in reinforcement (September)., which tries to take them out of clipper. He had attempted to take command of the Christian forces at Tyre, but Conrad of Montferrat held power there after his successful defense of the city from Muslim attacks. Guy turned his attention to the wealthy port of Acre. The city is doubly encircled: around the ramparts, the Francs form an arc. Guy amassed an army to besiege the city and received aid from Philip's newly-arrived French army. However, it was still not enough to counter Saladin's force, which besieged the besiegers. In summer 1190, in one of the numerous outbreaks of disease in the camp, Queen Sibylla and her young daughters died. Guy, although only king by right of marriage, endeavored to retain his crown, although the rightful heir was Sibylla's half-sister Isabella. After a hastily arranged divorce from Humphrey IV of Toron, Isabella was married to Conrad of Montferrat, who claimed the kingship in her name. During the winter of 1190-91, there were further outbreaks of dysentery and fever, which claimed the lives of Frederick of Swabia, Patriarch Heraclius of Jerusalem, and Thibauld V of Blois. When the sailing season began again in spring 1191, Leopold V of Austria arrived and took command of what remained of the imperial forces. Philippe of France arrived with his troops from Sicily in May. Richard arrived at Acre on 8 June 1191 and immediately began supervising the construction of siege weapons to assault the city. The city was captured on 12 July.

Richard, Philippe, and Leopold quarreled over the spoils of their victory. Richard cast down the German standard from the city, slighting Leopold. Also, in the struggle for the kingship of Jerusalem, Richard supported Guy, while Philip and Leopold supported Conrad, who was related to them both. It was decided that Guy would continue to rule, but that Conrad would receive the crown upon his death. Frustrated with Richard (and in Philip's case, in poor health), Philip and Leopold took their armies and left the Holy Land in August. Philip left 10,000 French crusaders in the Holy Land and 5,000 silver marks to pay them. When it became apparent that Saladin was not willing to pay the terms of the treaty at Acre, Richard had 2700 Muslim prisoners executed on 20 August outside of Acre in full view of Saladin's camp. In response, Saladin likewise executed the Christian prisoners which he had captured.

After the capture of Acre, Richard decided to march to the city of Jaffa, where he could launch an attack on Jerusalem but on 7 September 1191, at Arsuf, 30 miles (50 km) north of Jaffa, Saladin attacked Richard's army. Saladin attempted to lure Richard's forces out to be easily picked off, but Richard maintained his formation until the Hospitallers rushed in to take Saladin's right flank, while the Templars took the left. Richard then won the battle. Following his victory, Richard took Jaffa and established his new headquarters there. He offered to begin negotiations with Saladin, who sent his brother, Al-Adil to meet with Richard. Negotiations (which had included an attempt to marry Richard's sister Joan to Al-Adil) failed, and Richard marched to Ascalon. Richard called on Conrad to join him on campaign, but he refused, citing Richard's alliance with King Guy. He too had been negotiating with Saladin, as a defence against any attempt by Richard to wrest Tyre from him for Guy. However, in April, Richard was forced to accept Conrad as king of Jerusalem after an election by the nobles of the kingdom. Guy had received no votes at all, but Richard sold him Cyprus as compensation. Before he could be crowned, Conrad was stabbed to death by two Hashshashin in the streets of Tyre. Eight days later, Richard's nephew Henry II of Champagne married Queen Isabella, who was pregnant with Conrad's child. It was strongly suspected that the king's killers had acted on instructions from Richard. In July 1192, Saladin's army suddenly attacked and captured Jaffa with thousands of men, but Saladin had lost control of his army because of their anger for the massacre at Acre. It was believed that Saladin even told the Crusaders to shield themselves in the Citadel until he had regained control of his army. Later, Richard had arrived in ships, but did not land because he did not know the situation, until a priest swam to the ship and told him what happened. The city was then re-captured by Richard and a much smaller force of 55 men on 31 July. A final battle was fought on 5 August in which Richard once again emerged triumphant. On September 2, 1192, Richard and Saladin finalized a treaty by which Jerusalem would remain under Muslim control, but which also allowed unarmed Christian pilgrims to visit the city. Richard departed the Holy Land on 9 October.

Richard was arrested and imprisoned in December 1192 by Duke Leopold, who suspected him of murdering his cousin Conrad of Montferrat, and had been offended by Richard casting down his standard from the walls of Acre. He was later transferred to the custody of Henry VI, Holy Roman Emperor, and it took a ransom of one hundred fifty thousand marks to obtain his release. Richard returned to England in 1194 and died of a crossbow bolt wound in 1199 at the age of 41. In 1193, Saladin died of yellow fever, leaving behind only one piece of gold and forty-seven pieces of silver; he had given the rest away to charity. Henry of Champagne was killed in an accidental fall in 1197. Queen Isabella then married for a fourth time, to Amalric of Lusignan, who had succeeded his brother Guy, positioned as King of Cyprus. After their deaths in 1205, her eldest daughter Maria of Montferrat (born after her father's murder) succeeded to the throne of Jerusalem.

The failure of the Third Crusade would lead to the call for a Fourth Crusade six years after the third ended in 1192. Accounts of events surrounding the Third Crusade were written by the anonymous authors of the Itinerarium Peregrinorum et Gesta Regis Ricardi, the Old French Continuation of William of Tyre (parts of which are attributed to Ernoul), and by Ambroise, Roger of Howden, Ralph of Diceto, and Giraldus Cambrensis. Married before 1197: Mahaud de Garlande (3440),, daughter of Guillaume IV de Garlande (4275) and Idoine de Trie (4276). Died: on 27 Aug 1204 at Constantinople Mathieu I went on the Fourth Crusade and died in Constantinople. Fourth Crusade (Oct 1202 - 14 April 1205).

After the failure of the Third Crusade (1188–1192), there was little interest in Europe for another crusade against the Muslims. Jerusalem had now become controlled by the Ayyubid dynasty, which ruled all of Syria and Egypt, except for the few cities along the coast still controlled by the crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem, now centered on Acre. The Third Crusade had also established a kingdom on Cyprus. “Be it known to you that eleven hundred and ninety-seven years after the Incarnation of our Lord Jesus Christ, in the time of Innocent Pope of Rome, and Philip King of France, and Richard King of England, there was in France a holy man named Fulk of Neuilly - which Neuilly is between Lagni-sur-Marne and Paris - and he was a priest and held the cure of the village. And this said Fulk began to speak of God throughout the Isle-de-France, and the other countries round about; and you must know that by him the Lord wrought many miracles. Be it known to you further, that the fame of this holy man so spread, that it reached the Pope of Rome, Innocent; and the Pope sent to France, and ordered the right worthy man to preach the cross (the Crusade) by his authority. And afterwards the Pope sent a cardinal of his, Master Peter of Capua, who himself had taken the cross, to proclaim the Indulgence of which I now tell you, viz., that all who should take the cross and serve in the host for one year, would be delivered from all the sins they had committed, and acknowledged in confession. And because this indulgence was so great, the hearts of men were much moved, and many took the cross for the greatness of the pardon.” [note: Innocent III, elected Pope on the 8th January 1198, at the early age of thirty seven, Innocent III was one of the leading spirits of his time-in every sense a strong man and great Pope. From the beginning of his pontificate he turned his thoughts and policy to the recovery of Jerusalem. ] Geoffrey de Villehardouin [b.c.1160-d.c.1213]: Memoirs or Chronicle of The Fourth Crusade and The Conquest of Constantinople, trans. Frank T. Marzials, (London: J.M. Dent, 1908) The preaching of a new crusade became the goal of Pope Innocent III’s pontificate. His call was largely ignored by the European monarchs: the Germans were struggling against Papal power, and England and France were still engaged in warfare against each other. However, due to the preaching of Foulk of Neuilly, a crusading army was finally organized at a tournament held at Écry by Count Thibaut of Champagne in 1199. Thibaut was elected leader, but he died in 1200. Thus died the count; and no man in this world made a better end. And there were present at that time a very great assemblage of men of his lineage and of his vassals. But of the mourning and funeral pomp it is unmeet that I should here speak. Never was more honour paid to any man. And right well that it was so, for never was man of his age more beloved by his own men, nor by other folk. Buried he was beside his father in the church of our lord St. Stephen at Troyes. He left behind him the Countess, Ws wife, whose name was Blanche, very fair, very good, the daughter of the King of Navarre. She had borne him a little daughter, and was then about to bear a son. When the Count was buried, Matthew of Montmorency, Simon of Montfort, Geoffry of Joinville who was seneschal, and Geoffry the Marshal, went to Odo, Duke of Burgundy, and said to him, " Sire, your cousin is dead. You see what evil has befallen the land overseass We pray you by God that you take the cross, and succour the land overseas in his stead. And we will cause you to have all his treasure, and will swear on holy relics, and make the others swear also, to serve you in all good faith, even as we should have served him." Such was his pleasure that he refused. And be it known to you that he might have done much better. The envoys charged Geoffry of Joinville to make the self-same offer to the Count of Bar-le-Duc, Thibaut, who was cousin to the dead count, and he refused also. Very great was the discomfort of the pilgrims, and of all who were about to go on God's service, at the death of Count Thibaut of Champagne; and they held a parliament, at the beginning, of the month, at Soissons, to determine what they should do. There were present Count Baldwin of Flanders and Hainault, the Count Louis of Blois and Chartres, the Count Geoffry of Perche, the Count Hugh of Saint- Paul, and many other men of worth. Geoffry the Marshal spake to them and told them of the offer made to the Duke of Burgundy, and to the Count of Bar-le-Duc, and how they had refused it. " My lords," said he, " listen, I will advise you of somewhat if you will consent thereto. The Marquis of Montferrat* is very worthy and valiant, and one of the most highly prized of living men. If you asked him to come here, and take the sign of the cross and put himself in place of the Count of Champagne, and you gave him the lordship of the host, full soon would he accept thereof." Thibaud was replaced by an Italian count, Boniface of Montferrat. Boniface and the other leaders sent envoys to Venice, Genoa, and other city-states to negotiate a contract for transport to Egypt, the object of their crusade; one of the envoys was the future historian Geoffrey of Villehardouin. Genoa was uninterested, but in March 1201 negotiations were opened with Venice, which agreed to transport 33,500 crusaders, a very ambitious number. This agreement required a full year of preparation on the part of the Venetians to build numerous ships and train the sailors who would man them, all the while curtailing the city's commercial activities. The crusading army was expected to comprise 4,500 knights (as well as 4,500 horses), 9,000 squires, and 20,000 foot-soldiers. The majority of the crusading army that set out from Venice in October 1202 originated from areas within France. It included men from Blois, Champagne, Amiens, Saint-Pol, the Ile-de-France and Burgundy. Several other regions of Europe sent substantial contingents as well, such as Flanders and Montferrat. Other notable groups came from the Holy Roman Empire, including the men under Bishop Martin of Paris and Bishop Conrad of Halberstadt, together in alliance with the Venetian soldiers and sailors led by the doge Enrico Dandolo. The crusade was to make directly for the centre of the Muslim world, Cairo, ready to sail on June 24, 1202. This agreement was ratified by Pope Innocent, with a solemn ban on attacks on Christian states.

As there was no binding agreement among the crusaders that all should sail from Venice, many chose to sail from other ports, particularly Flanders, Marseilles, and Genoa. By 1201 the bulk of the crusader army was collected at Venice, though with far fewer troops than expected; 12,000 instead of 33,500. Venice had performed her part of the agreement: there lay war galleys, large transports, and horse transports - enough for three times the assembled army. The Venetians, under their aged and blind Doge, would not let the crusaders leave without paying the full amount agreed to, originally 85,000 silver marks. The crusaders could only pay some 51,000 silver marks, and that only by reducing themselves to extreme poverty. This was disastrous to the Venetians, who had halted their commerce for a great length of time to prepare this expedition. In addition to this 20-30,000 men (out of Venice's population of 60,000 people) were needed to man the entire fleet, placing further strain on the Venetian economy.

Dandolo and the Venetians succeeded in turning the crusading movement to their own purposes as a form of repayment. Following the 1182 massacres of all foreigners in Constantinople, the Venetian merchant population had been expelled by the ruling Angelus dynasty with the support of the Greek population. These events gave the Venetians a hostile attitude towards Byzantium. Dandolo, who joined the crusade during a public ceremony in the church of San Marco di Venezia, proposed that the crusaders pay their debts by attacking the port of Zara in Dalmatia (Hungary). The city had been dominated economically by Venice throughout the twelfth century, but had rebelled in 1181 and allied with King Emeric of Hungary and Croatia (the two were in a personal union). Subsequent Venetian attacks were repulsed, and by 1202 the city was economically independent, under the protection of the King. The Hungarian king was Catholic and had himself agreed to join this Crusade (though this was mostly for political reasons, and he had made no actual preparations to leave). Many of the Crusaders were opposed to attacking Zara, and some, including a force led by the elder Simon de Montfort, refused to participate altogether and returned home. While the Papal legate to the Crusade Peter Cardinal Capuano endorsed the move as necessary to prevent the crusade's complete failure, Pope Innocent was alarmed at this development and wrote a letter to the Crusading leadership threatening excommunication. Historian Geoffrey Hindley's “The Crusades: Islam and Christianity in the Struggle for World Supremacy” mentions that in 1202, Innocent III “forbade” the Crusaders of Western Christendom from committing any atrocious acts on their Christian neighbors, despite wanting to secure papal authority over Byzantium. This letter was concealed from the bulk of the army and the attack proceeded. The citizens of Zara made reference to the fact that they were fellow Catholics by hanging banners marked with crosses from their windows and the walls of the city, but nevertheless the city fell after a brief siege. Both the Venetians and the crusaders were immediately threatened with excommunication for this by Innocent III.

Boniface of Montferrat, meanwhile, had left the fleet before it sailed from Venice, to visit his cousin Philip of Swabia. The reasons for his visit are a matter of debate; he may have realized the Venetians' plans and left to avoid excommunication, or he may have wanted to meet with the Byzantine prince Alexius Angelus, Philip's brother-in-law and the son of the recently deposed Byzantine emperor Isaac II Angelus. Alexius had fled to Philip when his father was overthrown in 1195, but it is unknown whether or not Boniface knew he was at Philip's court. There, Alexius IV offered 200,000 silver marks, 10,000 men to help the Crusaders, the maintenance of 500 knights in the Holy Land, the service of the Byzantine navy to transport the Crusader Army to Egypt and the placement of the Greek Orthodox Church under the Roman Catholic Church if they would sail to Byzantium and topple the reigning emperor Alexius III Angelus. It was a tempting offer for an enterprise that was short on funds. Greco-Latin relationships had been complicated ever since the Great Schism of 1054. The Latins of the First, Second, and Third Crusade had gone from strained to hostile in Constantinople on their way to the Holy Land, whereas the Greeks had militarily abandoned the Crusaders on some occasions and engaged in open diplomacy with their enemies on others. A large number of Venetian merchants and other Latins were also attacked and deported during the massacre of the Latins in Constantinople in 1182. However, the Byzantine prince's proposal involved his restoration to the throne, not the sack of his capital city, which Count Boniface agreed to. Alexius IV returned with the Marquess to rejoin the fleet at Corfu after it had sailed from Zara. The rest of the Crusade's leaders eventually accepted the plan as well. There were many leaders, however, of the rank and file who wanted nothing to do with the proposal, and many deserted. The fleet of 60 war galleys, 100 horse transports, and 50 large transports (the entire fleet was manned by 10,000 Venetian oarsmen and marines) arrived at Constantinople in late June 1203. In addition, 300 siege engines were brought along on board the fleet. When the Fourth Crusade arrived at Constantinople early July 1203, the city had a population of 150,000 people, a garrison of 30,000 men (including 5,000 Varangians), and a fleet of 20 galleys. The Crusaders' initial motive was to restore Isaac II to the Byzantine throne so that they could receive the support that they were promised. Conon of Bethune delivered this message to the Lombard envoy who was sent by the reigning emperor Alexius III Angelus, who had deposed his brother Isaac. The citizens of Constantinople were not concerned with the deposed emperor and his exiled son; usurpations were frequent in Byzantine affairs, and this time the throne had even remained in the same family. The Crusaders sailed alongside Constantinople with 10 galleys to display Alexius IV, but from the walls of the city the Byzantines taunted the puzzled crusaders, who had been promised that Prince Alexius would be welcomed. “The barons consulted together on the morrow, and said that they would show the young Alexius, the son of the Emperor of Constantinople, to the people of the city. So they assembled all the galleys. The Doge of Venice and the Marquis of Montferrat entered into one, and took with them Alexius, the son of the Emperor Isaac; and into the other galleys entered the knights and barons, as many as would. They went thus quite close to the walls of Constantinople and showed the youth to the people of the Greeks, and said, "Behold your natural lord; and be it known to you that we have not come to do you harm, but have come to guard and defend you, if so be that you return to your duty. For he whom you now obey as your lord holds rule by wrong and wickedness, against God and reason. And you know full well that he has dealt treasonably with him who is your lord and his brother, that he has blinded his eyes and reft from him his empire by wrong and wickedness. Now behold the rightful heir. If you hold with him, you will be doing as you ought; and if not we will do to you the very worst that we can." But for fear and terror of the Emperor Alexius, not one person on the land or in the city made show as if he held for the prince. So all went back to the host, and each sought his quarters. On the morrow, when they had heard mass, they assembled in parliament, and the parliament was held on horseback in the midst of the fields. There might you have seen many a fine war-horse, and many a good knight thereon. And the council was held to discuss the order of the battalions, how many they should have, and of what strength. Many were the words said on one side and the other. But in the end it was settled that the advanced guard should be given to Baldwin of Flanders, because he had a very great number of good men, and archers and crossbowmen, more than any other chief that was in the host. And after, it was settled that Henry his brother, and Matthew of Wallincourt, and Baldwin of Beauvoir, and many other good knights of their land and country, should form the second division. The third division was formed by Count Hugh of St. Paul, Peter of Amiens his nephew, Eustace of Canteleu, Anseau of Cayeux, and many good knights of their land and country. The fourth division was formed by Count Louis of Blois and Chartres, and was very numerous and rich and redoubtable; for he had placed therein a great number of good knights and men of worth. The fifth division was formed by Matthew of Montmorency and the men of Champagne. Geoffry the Marshal of Champagne formed part of it, and Oger of Saint-Chéron, Manasses of l'Isle, Miles the Brabant, Macaire of Sainte-Menehould, John Foisnous, Guy of Chappes, Clerembaud his nephew, Robert of Ronsoi; all these people formed part of the fifth division. Be it known to you that there was many a good knight therein. The sixth division was formed by the people of Burgundy. In this division were Odo the Champenois of Champlitte, William his brother, Guy of Pesmes, Edmund his brother, Otho of la Roche, Richard of Dampierre, Odo his brother, Guy of Conflans, and the people of their land and country. The seventh division, which was very large, was under the command of the Marquis of Montferrat. In it were the Lombards and Tuscans and the Germans, and all the people who were from beyond Mont Cenis to Lyons on the Rhone. All these formed part of the division under the marquis, and it was settled that they should form the rearguard.” Geoffrey de Villehardouin [b.c.1160-d.c.1213]: Memoirs or Chronicle of The Fourth Crusade and The Conquest of Constantinople, trans. Frank T. Marzials, (London: J.M. Dent, 1908) First the crusaders captured and sacked the cities of Chalcedon and Chrysopolis, then they defeated 500 Byzantine cavalrymen in battle with just 80 Frankish knights. “By common consent of Franks and Greeks it was settled that the new emperor should be crowned on the feast of our Lord St. Peter (1 August 1203). So was it settled, and so it was done. He was crowned full worthily and with honour according to the use for Greek emperors at that time. Afterwards he began to pay the moneys due to the host; and such moneys were divided among the host, and each repaid what had been advanced in Venice for his passage. The new emperor went oft to see the barons in the camp, and did them great honor, as much as he could; and this was but fitting, seeing that they had served him right well. And one day he came to the camp, to see the barons privately in the quarters of Count Baldwin of Hainault and Flanders. Thither were summoned the Doge of Venice, and the great barons, and he spoke to them and said: " Lords, I am emperor by God's grace and yours, and you have done me the highest service that ever yet was done by any people to Christian man. Now be it known to you that there are folk enough who show me a fair seeming, and yet love me not; and the Greeks are full of despite because it is by your help that I have entered into my inheritance. Now the term of your departure is nigh, and your fellowship with the Venetians is timed only to last till the feast of St. Michael. And within so short a term I cannot fulfill our covenant. Be it known to you therefore, that, if you abandon me, the Greeks hate me because of you: I shall lose my land, and they will kill me. But now do this thing that I ask of you: remain here till March, and I will entertain your ships for one year from the feast of St. Michael (30 September), and bear the cost of the Venetians, and will give you such things as you may stand in need of till Easter. And within that term I shall have placed my land in such case that I cannot lose it again; and your covenant will be fulfilled, for I shall have paid such moneys as are due to you, obtaining them from all mi lands; and I shall be ready also with ships either to go with you myself, or to send others, as I have covenanted; and you will have the summer from end to end in which to carry on the war against the Saracens." The barons thereupon said they would consult together apart; knowing full well that what the young man said was sooth, and that it would be better, both for the emperor and for themselves, to consent unto him. But they replied that they could not so consent save with the common agreement of the host, and that they would therefore lay the matter before the host, and then give such answer as might be devised. So the Emperor Alexius departed from them, and went back to Constantinople. And they remained in the camp and assembled a parliament the next day. To this parliament were summoned all the barons and the chieftains of the host, and of the knights the greater part; and in their hearing were repeated all the words that the emperor had spoken. Then was there much discord in the host, as had been oft times before on the part of those who wished that the host should break up; for to them it seemed to be holding together too long. And the party that had raised the discord at Corfu reminded the others of their oaths, and said: " Give us ships as you swore to us, for we purpose to go to Syria." And the others cried to them for pity and said: " Lords, for God's sake, let us not bring to naught the great honour that God has given us. If we go to Syria at this present, we shall come thither at the beginning of winter and so not be able to make war, and the Lord's work will thus remain undone. But if we wait till March, we shall leave this emperor in good estate, and go hence rich in goods and in food. Thus shall we go to Syria, and over-run the land of Babylon. And the fleet will remain with us till Michaelmas, yes, and onwards from Michaelmas to Easter, seeing it will be unable to leave us because of the winter. So shall the land overseas fall into our hands." Those who wished the host to be broken up, cared not for reasons good or bad so long as the host fell to pieces. But those who wished to keep the host together, wrought so effectually, with the help of God, that in the end the Venetians made a new covenant to maintain the fleet for a year, reckoning from Michaelmas, the Emperor Alexius paying them for so doing; and the pilgrims, on their side, made a new covenant to remain in the same fellowship as theretofore, and for the same term. Thus were peace and concord established in the host. Then there befell a very great mischance in the host; for Matthew of Montmorency, who was one of the best knights in the kingdom of France, and of the most prized and most honored, took to his bed for sickness, and his sickness so increased upon him that he died. And much dole was made for him, for great was the loss- one of the greatest that had befallen the host by any man's death. He was buried in a church of my Lord St. John, of the Hospital of Jerusalem. Afterwards, by the advice of the Greeks and the French the Emperor Alexius issued from Constantinople, with a very great company, purposing to quiet the empire and subject it to his will. With him went a great part of the barons; and the others remained to guard the camp. The Marquis Boniface of Montferrat went with him, and Count Hugh of St. Paul, and Henry, brother to Count Baldwin of Flanders and Hainault, and James of Avesnes, and William of Champlitte, and Hugh of Colerni, and many others whom the book does not here mention by name. In the camp remained Count Baldwin of Flanders and Hainault, and Count Louis of Blois and Chartres, and the greater part of the pilgrims of lesser note. Almost none of the crusaders ever made it to the Holy Land, and the unstable Latin Empire siphoned off much of Europe's crusading energy. The legacy of the Fourth Crusade was the deep sense of betrayal the Latins had instilled in their Greek coreligionists. With the events of 1204, the schism between the Church in the West and East was complete. As an epilogue to the event, Pope Innocent III, the man who had launched the ill-fated expedition, thundered against the crusaders thus: "How, indeed, will the church of the Greeks, no matter how severely she is beset with afflictions and persecutions, return into ecclesiastical union and to a devotion for the Apostolic See, when she has seen in the Latins only an example of perdition and the works of darkness, so that she now, and with reason, detests the Latins more than dogs? As for those who were supposed to be seeking the ends of Jesus Christ, not their own ends, who made their swords, which they were supposed to use against the pagans, drip with Christian blood, they have spared neither religion, nor age, nor sex. They have committed incest, adultery, and fornication before the eyes of men. They have exposed both matrons and virgins, even those dedicated to God, to the sordid lusts of boys. Not satisfied with breaking open the imperial treasury and plundering the goods of princes and lesser men, they also laid their hands on the treasures of the churches and, what is more serious, on their very possessions. They have even ripped silver plates from the altars and have hacked them to pieces among themselves. They violated the holy places and have carried off crosses and relics." The Latin Empire was soon faced with a great number of enemies, which the crusaders had not taken into account. Besides the individual Byzantine Greek states in Epirus and Nicaea, the Empire received great pressure from the Seljuk Sultanate and the Bulgarian Empire. The Greek states were fighting for supremacy against both Latins and each other. Almost every Greek and Latin protagonist of the event was killed shortly after. Murtzuphlus' betrayal by Alexius III led to his capture by the Latins and his execution at Constantinople. Not long after, Alexius III was himself captured by Boniface and sent to exile in Southern Italy. One year after the conquest of the city, Emperor Baldwin was decisively defeated at the Battle of Adrianople on 14 April 1205 by the Bulgarians, and was captured and later executed by the Bulgarian Emperor Kaloyan. Two years after that, on 4 September 1207, Boniface himself was killed in an ambush by the Bulgarians, and his head was sent to Kaloyan. He was succeeded by his infant son Demetrius of Montferrat, who ruled until he reached adulthood, but was eventually defeated by Theodore I Ducas, the despot of Epirus and a relative of Murtzuphlus, and thus the Kingdom of Thessalonica was restored to Byzantine rule in 1224.

Various Latin-French lordships throughout Greece — in particular, the duchy of Athens and the principality of the Morea — provided cultural contacts with western Europe and promoted the study of Greek. There was also a French cultural work, notably the production of a collection of laws, the Assises de Romanie (Assizes of Greece). The Chronicle of Morea appeared in both French and Greek (and later Italian and Aragonese) versions. Impressive remains of crusader castles and Gothic churches can still be seen in Greece. Nevertheless, the Latin Empire always rested on shaky foundations. The city was re-captured by the Nicaean Greeks under Michael VIII Palaeologus in 1261, and commerce with Venice was re-established.

In an ironic series of events, during the middle of the 15th century, the Latin Church tried to organize a crusade which aimed at the restoration of the Byzantine Empire which was gradually being torn down by the Ottoman Turks. The attempt, however, failed, as the vast majority of the Byzantines refused to unite the churches. The Greek population found that the Byzantine civilization which revolved around the Orthodox faith would be more secure under Ottoman rule. Overall, religious-observant Byzantines preferred to sacrifice their political freedom in order to preserve their faith's traditions and rituals. In the late 14th and early 15th century, two kinds of crusades were finally organized by the Kingdoms of Hungary, Poland, Wallachia and Serbia. Both of them were checked by the Ottoman Empire. During the Ottoman siege of Constantinople in 1453, a significant band of Venetian and Genoese knights died in the defense of the city.

1.1.3.3.1.2.1 Mathieu de Marly (18030) (Paul Theroff, posts, 11 February 1995 at 23:26 Hours.). AKA: Mathieu, Seigneur de Layé (18030). Born: before 1198, son of Mathieu I de Montmorency (18029) and Mahaud de Garlande (3440), Mathieu is presumed to have been at least 14 years of age when he married Mabile. Married before 1212: Mabile de La Ferté (18031). Died: circa 1249. 1.1.3.3.1.2.2 Bouchard I, Seigneur de Marly (3441) (de Marly-le-Roi) (André Roux: Scrolls, 184.) (Paul Theroff, posts, 11

February 1995 at 23:25 Hours.). Born: before 1191 at France, son of Mathieu I de Montmorency (18029) and Mahaud de Garlande (3440), Bouchard I is presumed to have been at least 20 years of age when he took part in the Siege of Toulouse. Married before Jun 1209 at France: Mahaut de Châteaufort (3442),, daughter of Gasce de Poissy (9477) and Constance de Courtenay (2168). Note - between 16 Jun 1211 and 29 Jun 1211 at Toulouse, Languedoc, France: Bouchard I participated in the First Siege of Toulouse. In June 1211, the crusader army was coming nearby the city of Toulouse. The counts of Toulouse, Foix, Comminges accompanied by Navarrese troops intercepted them, 2.5 miles away, at the bridge of Montaudran. The first clash left 180 men on the ground. The fight was not conclusive. The crusaders put the siege under the walls of Toulouse. But the garrison was strong and made several sorties which made the crusaders leave the camp ending the first siege of Toulouse by Simon de Montfort, the zealot. The siege had lasted less than two weeks. Note - in Sep 1211 at Castelnaudary, Aude, Languedoc, France: Bouchard I took part in the Battle of Castelnaudary. Castelnaudary is a commune in the Aude département in Languedoc-Roussillon in southwestern France. September 1211, following the wise advice of Hugues de Lacy, the plan drawn up by the crusaders was more or less complete: meridional forces had besieged Castelnaudary where Simon de Montfort was contained. The meridional's encampment was strong and safe but did not entirely surround the walls of the town. Simon sent some knights, among them Guy de Lévis and Bouchard de Marly, to seek as many reinforcements as possible. Martin d'Algai and his mercenaries rode to reinforce them, but the Count of Foix planned to ambush them near the castle of Saint-Martin, 3 miles from Castelnaudary. When Simon got wind of this, he sent Guy de Lucy, Simon de Neauphle, Roard de Donges with 40 other knights to their rescue. The Count of Foix returned to Castelnaudary bringing more troops which, when the battle started, he organised in 3 battles (heavy cavalry at the centre, lighter cavalry on one wing, infantry on the other). It appears that Foix acted on his own, without support from the other lords. Outnumbered Martin d'Algai's mercenaries fled, which incited some of Foix's troops to plunder the baggage train and leave the battlefield whilst the fierce cavalry battle continued. Simon, who had watched the scene, dashed out of Castelnaudary with 60 knights leaving only 5 knights and the infantry to defend the castle against Mauléon's attacks. Now the Count of Foix was in real danger. Soon all his troops fled in disarray. Severe losses had been inflicted on both sides. The following day, Simon departed from Castelnaudary, leaving only a small garrison there. A few days later, meridionals raised the siege. Both sides claimed victory. Note - on 12 Sep 1213 at Muret, Languedoc, France: Bouchared I fought at Muret. The town of Muret had fallen into the hands of the Occitan lords. About 30 crusader knights remained entrenched within the castle. They knew they could not resist for long. They sent a message to Simon de Montfort who was at Fanjeaux to come to their rescue. Simon assembled as many knights as possible among the crusaders who had not yet gone back to France after their 40 days of annual duty and they rode hotfoot to Muret.à

Simon IV de Montfort was the leader of the Albigensian Crusade to destroy the Cathar known as Albigeois heresy and incidentally to join the Languedoc to the crown of France. He invaded Toulouse and exiled its count, Raymond VI. Count Raymond sought assistance from his brother-in-law, King Peter II of Aragon (and count of Barcelona), who felt threatened by Montfort's conquests in Languedoc. He decided to cross the Pyrenees and deal with Montfort at Muret. On 10 September, Peter's army arrived at Muret, and was joined by a Toulousain militia. The king of Aragon ordered his men to withdraw from the town to allow Simon's troop to enter the citadel. He chose to position his army so their right flank was protected by the Saudrune River, and the left protected by a marsh. He left the Toulousain militia to assault the walls of the city. Simon de Montfort led an army of 870 French Crusaders, along with a small contingent of knights brought by his ally, the viscount of Corbeil. Simon de Montfort's 870 mailed cavalry included 270 knights, making the small force of exceptional quality. King Peter of Aragon had brought 800 to 1,000 Aragonese cavalry, joined by a militia from Toulouse and armies brought by the counts of Comminges and Foix. King Peter of Aragon's combined forces possibly numbered 4000 cavalry, with thirty to forty thousand infantry. Montfort divided his army into three squadrons, and then led them across the Garonne to meet the Aragonese forces. Peter's ally and brother-in-law, Count Raymond, advised a defensive posture in order to weaken the advancing enemy with bowshot and javelins. Peter rejected this suggestion as unknightly and dishonorable. King Peter rode to the front line, forsaking his royal armor for the plain armor of a common soldier. His army was disorderly and confused. When Montfort's first squadron charged the field, the Aragonese cavalry was crushed and Peter himself was unhorsed. He cried out, "I am the king!" but was killed regardless. The Meridionals were not very well organized. Together with thousands Catalans, Aragoneses and Occitans, the king of Aragon died in the field of battle. With the realization that their king had been killed, the Aragonese forces broke in panic and fled, pursued by Montfort's Crusaders. Simon's victory was complete.

Note - between 13 Sep 1217 and 22 Jul 1218 at Toulouse, Languedoc, France: Bouchard I fought in Toulouse again in the Second Siege. 13 Sep 1217 – 22 Jul 1218 – Second Siege of Toulouse. Like most towns, Toulouse was defended by city walls with a seigniorial castle providing a second line of defence. The castle of the Counts of Toulouse was on the west side of the city, and known as the Château Narbonnais. The City was repeatedly besieged, and repeatedly withstood the Catholic Crusaders, though it had to be surrendered under treaties of surrender. William of Puylaurens covered events relating to the history of Languedoc from the twelfth century to the mid-1270s.àThe section below begins with the future Raymond VII, count of Toulouse, laying siege to the crusader-held fortress of Beaucaire in 1216.à Events seem to turn against Simon de Montfort, leader of the crusading forces, and he begins a siege of the city of Toulouse, which lasts from October 1217 to July 1218.à This siege ends with the death of Simon. This text is from The Chronicle of William of Puylaurens: The Albigensian Crusade and its Aftermath, trans. W.A. Sibly and M.D. Sibly (Boydell, 2003).à Simon first besieged Toulouse in 1211, but failed to take it. From 16 to 29 June 1211, Simon de Montfort besieges the City of Toulouse, without success. In May, 1215, the city of Toulouse surrendered to Simon de Montfort. September to October 1216: “So, after his reception by the citizens of Avignon and the people of Venaissin, the son of the Count of Toulouse entered the town of Beaucaire in strength, with the support of the inhabitants, and laid siege to the crusader garrison in the castle. He invested the castle from all sides, by land and from the river Rhone, so that no one could leave and no relief could reach the garrison from outside. Count Simon [de Montfort] rushed to besiege the besiegers, but after eating their horses and running completely out of supplies the garrison surrendered the castle to their enemies, having received guarantees that their lives would be spared. As his efforts had come to nothing Count Simon raised the siege of the town. As a consequence many who had concealed their opposition to him lifted up their horns, and numerous strongholds and towns at once joined his enemies. For the citizens of Toulouse, whose hostages had already returned home, as I reported above, refused to submit to masters whose rule was overweening and took refuge in a form of disobedience. They bore with difficulty the yoke which undermined the liberty to which they were accustomed. Accordingly Count Simon – fearful that if he took no steps to suppress them they would become as a swelling tumour, decided to oppose them with armed force and punish their arrogance severely.” 12th September 1217. Raymond VI of Toulouse re-enters the City of Toulouse over the Bazacle (the ancient ford over the Garonne) to the delight of the population. Simon de Montfort's family are trapped within the Château Narbonnais. “So, in the year 1216, the Count entered the Cité with a large armed force.à He started fires in several places hoping that the citizens would be put in dread by a double storm, of fire and sword, and thus be more readily thrown into confusion.à The Toulousians met force with force, they placed wooden beams and wine casks in the streets and repulsed the attackers.à All night long they had no rest from fighting fire or the enemy. In the morning the venerable father Bishop Fulk took with him some of the citizens, and in the hope of adverting the impending dangers, mediated between the two parties to secure an agreed peace and sought to blunt the sharp edge of steel with silver.à The Count's resources had been exhausted by the expenditure he had incurred at Beaucaire, and he had no money.à Seizing on this some of his associates, claiming that it would be of his advantage, urged him to claim compensation of thirty thousand marks, from the Cité and the Bourg – an amount they could well afford – as a means of enabling them to gain the Count's favor.à He willingly fell in with this counsel of Achitofel, and, blinded by money, did not see the dangers that might result.à For those who gave this advice well knew that levying this sum would result in much wrong being done, to the community as a whole and to individuals; this would drive the Toulousains to aspire to their erstwhile freedoms and recall their former lord. When the levy came to be collected it was exacted with a harsh and cruel pressure; not only were pledges demanded, but the doorways of houses were marked with signs.à There were many instances of this harsh treatment which it would take too long to describe in detail, as the people groaned under the yoke of servitude. Meanwhile the Toulousains engaged in secret discussion with their old Count [Raymond VI], who was travelling in Spain, concerning his possible return to Toulouse, so that their wishes might be fulfilled.” From 13 September 1217 to 22 July 1218. Second Siege of the City of Toulouse. Stung by the humiliation of losing Toulouse, Simon de Montfort besieges the city again, without success. He dies during the siege, on 25th June 1218, hit on the head by a stone from a trebuchet, to the great rejoicing of the besieged, and the whole of the Midi. “So in the year 1217, whilst Count Simon was engaged in a long struggle with Adhemar of Poitiers on the east side of the Rhone, the Count of Toulouse took advantage of the opportunity so created to cross the Pyrenees and enter Toulouse, not by bridge bit by the ford under the Bazacle.à This was in September.à He was accompanied by the Counts of Comminges and Palhars and a few knights.à Few people were aware of his arrival; some were pleased, others who judged the likely future turn of events by what had happened in the past, were displeased.à Some of the latter therefore retired to the Chateau Narbonnais with the French, others to the Bishop's house or the cloister of St. Stephen or the monastery of Saint-Sernin; the Count persuaded them to return to him after a few days, by threats or flattery.à The Count Guy, who was in the area, tried to suppress this latest insurrection by force but was repulsed and could not achieve his aims. In the meantime, whilst Count Simon, currently engaged in besieging Crest, was being apprised of these events, the citizens began to cut off access from the Chateau Narbonnais to the Cité, with pales and stakes, large wooden beams and ditches, starting at the rampart known as le Touzet and going as far as the rampart of St James.à Count Simon now arrived with Cardinal Bertrand, who had been sent as legate by the Supreme Pontiff Honorius, attacked the city with a strong force, but the citizens defended themselves courageously and his efforts were in vain.à Then siege-engines were erected on all sides of the city, and a bombardment of mill-stones and other heavy stones was begun. Meanwhile the legate sent Lord Fulk, the Bishop of Toulouse, to France to preach the cross; with him were others entrusted with the same mission including Master Jacques de Vitry, a man of outstanding honour, learning and eloquence, who later became Bishop of Acre and then a cardinal of the Church of Rome.à The lord Bishop of Toulouse once spoke to me of Master Jacques, who had told him that he had been enjoined in a dream by a vision of St. Saturnin, the first Bishop of Toulouse, to preach against his people; he referred the matter to the Bishop and asked him if there had at one time been a priest at Toulouse called Saturnin - he had not previously known this. The preaching mission resulted in a great many men taking up the cross; these came to take part in the siege of Toulouse in the following spring, and the Bishop returned to the army with them.à Count Simon now donated to the Bishop and his successors as bishops of Toulouse in perpetuity the castrum of Verfeil, with all the towns and forts which belonged to it and which contained twenty hearths of less; the count retained nothing, and imposed only one condition that if he were ever to become involved in warfare on open ground in the territory of Verfeil, the Bishop would provide him with one armed knight. The labour of battle oppressed the besieged and the besiegers alike throughout the winter, as they fought with siege-engines and the other instruments of war.à Count Simon, now strengthened by the presence of the newly arrived crusaders, harried his enemies, less by direct attacks on the walls of the town than by excursions around it (which the citizens hindered by erecting barriers and digging ditches).à At last it was decided to construct a wooden engine of the type known as a 'cat', which would enable his men to bring up earth and wood to fill up the ditches; once the ditches had been levelled they would be able to engage the enemy at close quarters and effect an entry into town after breaking up the wooden barriers opposing them. However the Count [Simon] was worn out by his labours, despondent and weakened and exhausted by the drain on his resources; nor did he easily bear the prick of constant accusations be the legate that he was unthinking and remiss.à Whence, it is said, he began to pray to God to give him peace by the remedy of death.à One day, the day after the feast of St John the Baptist, he went into the cat, and a stone thrown from an enemy mangonel fell on his head; he died at once.à The news reached the citizens inside Toulouse that day, and they did not hold back from showing their delight by shouts of rejoicing, whilst on the other side there was great sadness.à Indeed the citizens were in great distress through fear of an imminent attack; moreover they had few remaining supplies and little hope of gathering their harvest that summer. So, the man who inspired terror from the Mediterranean to the British sea fell by a blow from a single stone; at his fall those who had previously stood firm fell down.à In him who was a good man, the insolence of his subordinates was thrown down.à I affirm that later I heard the Count of Toulouse (the last of his line) generously praise him - even though he was his enemy - for his fidelity, his foresight, his energy and all the qualities which befit a leader.” 16th of June - 1st of August 1219. Third Siege of the City of Toulouse, this time by Prince Louis, the future French King Louis IX (Saint Louis), again without success. Note - between 10 Jun 1226 and 13 Sep 1226 at Avignon: Bouchard I participated in the Battle of Avignon. 10 June – 13 September 1226. Avignon, written in the form of Avennio in the ancient texts and inscriptions, takes its name from the House, or Clan, Avennius [d'Arbois de Jubainville, "Recherches sur l'origine de la propriété foncière et des noms des lieux habités en France" (Paris,1890), 518]. Founded by theCavari, who were of Celtic origin, it became the centre of an important Phocaean colony from Marseilles. Under the Roman occupation, it was one of the most flourishing cities of Gallia Narbonensis; later, and during the inroads of the barbarians, it belonged in turn to the Goths, the Burgundians, the Ostrogoths, and to the Frankish kings of Austrasia. In 736 it fell into the hands of the Saracens, who were driven out by Charles Martel. Boso having been proclaimed King of Provence, or of Arles, by the Synod of Mantaille, at the death of Louis the Stammerer (879), Avignon ceased to belong to the Frankish kings. In 1033, when Conrad II fell heir to the Kingdom of Arles, Avignon passed to the empire. The German rulers, however, being at a distance, Avignon took advantage of their absence to set up as a republic with a consular form of government, between 1135 and 1146. In addition to the emperor, the Counts of Forcalquier, Toulouse and Provence exercised a purely nominal sway over the city; on two occasions, in 1125, and in 1251, the two latter divided their rights in regard to it, while the Count of Forcalquier resigned any that he possessed to the bishops and consuls in 1135. On Sunday, 30 November 1225, at Bourges, in a scenario all too familiar, fourteen archbishops, one hundred and thirteen bishops, and one hundred and fifty abbots, all fretting about the persistence of heresy and the reinvigoration of the southern nobility, excommunicated Raimon VII and proclaimed the continuation of the crusade. Aimery de Montfort had, by this time, ceded all his (somewhat brittle) rights to the king of France, Louis VIII. So, with the financial and moral aid of the new papal legate to France, Roman Frangipani, Louis VIII prepared to invade the Midi for a third time. Royal prestige, and the efficient bureaucracy established by Philip II Augustus, sufficed to persuade enough barons of France to join their king at Lyon in June 1226 for what would be a majestic campaign of conquest. This royal host was easily twice the size of the crusading army of 1209. The king captured Avignon in September 1226 after a three-month siege and then proceeded to march toward Toulouse. During the crusade against the Albigenses the citizens refused to open the gates of Avignon to Louis VIII and the legate, but capitulated after a three months' siege (10 June - 13 September, 1226) and were forced to pull down the ramparts and fill up the moat of their city. Louis VIII, after his initial delay at Avignon, hastily occupied the possessions of the Trencavels along the Aude, but before he could strengthen his position, the thirty-nine-year-old king died (from an illness he caught during the Avignon siege) on Sunday, 8 November 1226, at Montpensier. "Rome, you killed good King Louis," no question about it, so the Toulousain troubadour Guilhem Figueira sang in his bitter and angry sirventes (an overtly satirical canso) a few years later, "because, with your false preaching, you lured him away from Paris." The death of Louis VIII did not end the war in the south. The king had installed sénéchaux and baillis, royal administrators, in his newly acquired lands and had reorganized (along northern French lines) the territories ceded to him by Aimery de Montfort as the sénéchaussées of Beaucaire-Nîmes and Carcassonne-Béziers. All this royal domain was placed firmly under the control of his cousin Imbert de Beaujeu and protected by five hundred northern French knights. The crusade, as undertaken by Imbert de Beaujeu, became an exercise in the gradual exhaustion of Raimon VII and the county of Toulouse. It was a campaign of one small atrocity after another, of a vineyard burnt here, of a field destroyed there, of hamlets razed, of men and women murdered. The castra of the Toulousain and the Lauragais were especially hurt by Imbert de Beaujeu.96 Finally, Raimon VII, badly in debt, starved of resources, and fighting a losing battle against the éclat of the French crown, was offered the chance for peace--which he gladly took in 1229. On Holy Thursday, 12 April 1229, the Peace of Paris, whose twenty-two articles had already been accepted by an ecclesiastical concilium at Meaux in January 1229, officially ended the Albigensian Crusade. The thirty-one-year-old Raimon VII swore submission to the Church and to the not yet fifteen-year-old Louis IX.99 He had to dismiss all mercenaries, remove any Jews in his service, and, from then on, confiscate the property of anyone who remained excommunicated for more than a year.100 This last clause particularly affected the numerous southern nobles, knights, and other persons exiled from their properties whom the northern French called faidits--rebel, heretical sympathizer, fugitive, and criminal all at once.101 The count of Toulouse, though no longer an ex-communicant or faidit himself, forfeited to the French crown over two- thirds of the lands formerly held by his father. Raimon VII, as a vassal of the French king, was permitted to keep most of the diocese of Toulouse, including the Lauragais, the Albigeois north of the Tarn, the Rouergue, Quercy (but not Cahors), and the Agenais. The marquisate of Provence, east of the Rhône, however, was surrendered to the Church (though it would be returned to Raimon VII in 1234). In Toulouse itself the Château Narbonnais was to be occupied by the French crown for ten years. Philip the Fair, who had inherited from his father all the rights of Alphonse de Poitiers, last Count of Toulouse, made them over to Charles II, King of Naples and Count of Provence (1290); it was on the strength of this donation that Queen Joan sold the city to Clement VI for 80,000 florins (9 June, 1348).

Died: on 13 Sep 1226 at Avignon, France, Bouchard I died on the last day of the Siege of Avignon.

1.1.3.3.1.2.2.1 Mabile de Marly (9504). Born: before 1226 at France, daughter of Bouchard I, Seigneur de Marly (3441) and Mahaut de Châteaufort (3442).

1.1.3.3.1.2.2.2 Bouchard II, Sire de Marly (3443) (André Roux: Scrolls, 184.). Born: before 1209 at France, son of Bouchard I, Seigneur de Marly (3441) and Mahaut de Châteaufort (3442), Bouchard II is presumed to have been at least 16 years of age by the time he married Agnès. Married before 1225 at France: Agnès de Beaumont (3444),, daughter of Guillaume dit Pié-de-Rat de Beaumont (7014) and N? N? (7015). Died: on 1 Jun 1250.

1.1.3.3.1.2.2.3 Mathieu II de Marly (9503). Born: before 1226 at France, son of Bouchard I, Seigneur de Marly (3441) and Mahaut de Châteaufort (3442). Died: on 7 Apr 1234.

1.1.3.3.1.2.2.4 Pierre, Sire de Marly (9479). Born: before 1226 at France, son of Bouchard I, Seigneur de Marly (3441) and Mahaut de Châteaufort (3442). Died: circa 1241 at France.

1.1.3.3.1.2.2.5 Thibaut, Abbott de Marly (9478). Born: before 1226 at France, son of Bouchard I, Seigneur de Marly (3441) and Mahaut de Châteaufort (3442). Died: in 1247 at France.

1.1.3.3.1.2.3 Marguerite de Marly (3114) (André Roux: Scrolls, 161, 184.). Married Name: de Narbonne (3114). AKA: Marguerite de Montmorency (3114). Born: before 1202 at Ile-de-France, France, daughter of Mathieu I de Montmorency (18029) and Mahaud de Garlande (3440), Marguerite is presumed to have been at least 15 years of age by the time her daughter, Ermengarde, was born. Married before 1216: Aimery I/III, Vicomte de Narbonne (3112),, son of Pierre, Vicomte de Narbonne (3110) and Sancha de Navarre (4071) (Marguerite was Aimery I's second wife). Died: circa 1230 at France.

1.1.3.3.1.2.3.1 Ermengarde de Narbonne (18387) (Paul Theroff, posts, "de Foix" posted on 21 March 1995 at 02:11 Hours.). Married Name: de Foix (18387). Born: before 1217, daughter of Aimery I/III, Vicomte de Narbonne (3112) and Marguerite de Marly (3114), Ermengarde is presumed to have been at least 15 years of age when she married Roger- Bernard II. Married circa 1232: Roger-Bernard II, Comte de Foix (2689),, son of Raymond-Roger, Count de Foix (2685) and Philippe de Moncade (2686) (Ermengarde was Roger-Bernard II's second wife).

1.1.3.3.1.2.3.2 Amalric=Aimeri II/IV/V, Vicomte de Narbonne (3115) (André Roux: Scrolls, 153, 161.) (Abbott, Page 394.) (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties/Les_dynasties_celebres/Liste_alphabetique.htm.). Born: before 1230, son of Aimery I/III, Vicomte de Narbonne (3112) and Marguerite de Marly (3114). Married before 1251: Philippe d'Anduse (3024),, daughter of Pierre Bermond II, Seigneur d'Anduze (3023) and Josserande de Poitiers (4179). Died: in 1270 (Abbott, Page 394.).

1.1.3.3.1.3 Alix de Montmorency (28797) (M. de La Chenaye-des-Bois, Dictionnaire de La Noblesse, Tome IV (Volume 4), MDCCLXXII (1772), Page 351.) (M. de La Chenaye-des-Bois, Dictionnaire de La Noblesse, Tome IV (Volume 4), MDCCLXXII (1772), Page 351.). Married Name: de Châtillon-sur-Marne (28797) (M. de La Chenaye-des-Bois, Dictionnaire de La Noblesse, Tome IV (Volume 4), MDCCLXXII (1772), Page 351.). Born: circa 1141, daughter of Mathieu I, Seigneur de Montmorency (3437) and Alix=Adélaïde de Maurienne (1288). Married before 1158: Guy II, Seigneur de Châtillon-sur-Marne (1598),, son of Gaucher II, Seigneur de Châtillon-sur-Marne (2619) and Adé de Roucy (2620) (Alix was Gui II's first wife) (M. de La Chenaye-des-Bois, Dictionnaire de La Noblesse, Tome IV (Volume 4), MDCCLXXII (1772), Page 352.).

1.1.3.3.2 Adélaïde de Montmorency (4356) (Stuart, Page 21, Line 34-29.). Married Name: de Guise (4356). Also Known As: "Machanie" (4356) (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://fabpedigree.com/s097/f049393.htm, 7 December 2008.). Born: before 1108, daughter of Bouchard IV, Lord de Montmorency (3435) and Agnès de Beaumont-sur-Oise (3436), Adélaïde is presumed to have been at least 15 years of age by the time her son Bernard was born. Married before 1122: Guy, Seigneur de Guise (4355),, son of Godfrey, Signeur de Guise (7666) and Ada N? (7667).

1.1.3.3.2.1 Bouchard=Bernard, Seigneur de Guise (4089) (André Roux: Scrolls.) (Stuart, Page 21, Line 34-28.). Born: before 1123, son of Guy, Seigneur de Guise (4355) and Adélaïde de Montmorency (4356), Bouchard is presumed to have been at least 17 years of age by the time his daughter Améline, was born. He became Seigneur in 1148 (Abbott, Page 119.). Married before 1139: Alix=Adélaïde N? (4090). Died: after 1185 Bouchard was alive in the year 1185.

1.1.3.3.2.1.1 Améline=Adèle, Dame de Guise (4091) (Stuart, Page 21, Line 34-27.) (André Roux: Scrolls, 208.) (Paul Theroff, posts, 22 April 1994 at 01:39 hours.). Married Name: d'Avesnes (4091). AKA: Adèle=Améline, Dame de Lesquilles (4091) (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://fabpedigree.com/s049/f012348.htm, 7 December 2008.). Born: before 1140 at Guise, Aisne, France, daughter of Bouchard=Bernard, Seigneur de Guise (4089) and Alix=Adélaïde N? (4090), Améline is presumed to have been at least 15 years of age when she married Jacques. Married in 1155 at France: Jacques, Seigneur d'Avesnes (4088),, son of Nicolas, Seigneur d'Avesnes (4084) and Mahaut, Dame de La Roche (4087) (Améline was the heiress of the Seigneuries of Guise and Lesquilles) (M. de La Chenaye-des-Bois, Dictionnaire de La Noblesse, Tome I (Volume 1), MDCCLXX (1770), Pages 539.). Died: after 1180 Améline and Jacques were still living together in 1180 (M. de La Chenaye-des-Bois, Dictionnaire de La Noblesse, Tome I (Volume 1), MDCCLXX (1770), Pages 539.).

1.1.3.3.2.1.1.1 Alix d'Avesnes (11345) (M. Lainé (Pub), Archives Généalogiques et Historiques de La Noblesse de France ou Receuil de Preuves, Mémoires et Notices Généalogiques in Imprimerie de Béthune, Rue Palatine, No. 5, 1 - 11 (No. 1, Rue du Paon-Saint-André-des-Arcs, Paris, France: M. Lainé, 1828 - 1850), Tome Neuvième (Volume 9), MDCCCXLIV (1844), De Briey d'Aspremont, Page 32.). Married Name: de Rosoy (11345) (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties/Les_dynasties_celebres/Liste_alphabetique.htm.). Married Name: de Rozoy (11345) (M. Lainé (Pub), Archives Généalogiques et Historiques, Tome Neuvième (Volume 9), MDCCCXLIV (1844), De Briey d'Aspremont, Page 32.). Born: before 1164, daughter of Jacques, Seigneur d'Avesnes (4088) and Améline=Adèle, Dame de Guise (4091), Alix is presumed to have been at least 16 years of age by the time she married with Roger II. Married before 1179: Roger II, Seigneur de Rozoy (25103),, son of Renaud, Seigneur de Rozoy (30124) and Juliane de Rumigny (30125) (M. Lainé (Pub), Archives Généalogiques et Historiques, Tome Neuvième (Volume 9), MDCCCXLIV (1844), De Briey d'Aspremont, Page 32.). Died: after May 1249 “Rogiers sires de Rosoy et de Chaumont” granted rights to the inhabitants of Rozoy, with the consent of “Aelis ma famme”, by charter dated May 1249 (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, Saige, G., Lacaille, H. and Labande, L. H. (1902) Trésor des chartes du comté de Rethel (Monaco) (“Chartes Rethel”), Tome I, Supplément, CCCCLXXXVIII, p. 763.).

1.1.3.3.2.1.1.2 Mathilde d'Avesnes (11344) (M. de La Chenaye-des-Bois, Dictionnaire de La Noblesse, Tome I (Volume 1), MDCCLXX (1770), Pages 539.). Married Name: de Chiny (11344) (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties/Les_dynasties_celebres/Liste_alphabetique.htm.). Born: either 1170 or 1180 at France, daughter of Jacques, Seigneur d'Avesnes (4088) and Améline=Adèle, Dame de Guise (4091). Married Name: de Rumigny (11344) (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties/Les_dynasties_celebres/Liste_alphabetique.htm.). Married in Jan 1205: Nicolas IV, Seigneur de Rumigny (25101),, son of Nicolas [III] de Rumigny (30122) and Eva de Chièvres (30123) (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties/Les_dynasties_celebres/Liste_alphabetique.htm.). Married circa 1207: Louis IV, Comte de Chiny (25102),, son of Louis III, Comte de Chiny (25235) and Sophia N? (25236) (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties/Les_dynasties_celebres/Liste_alphabetique.htm.). Died: after 5 Nov 1237 The necrology of Orval records the death “Non Nov” of “Matildis comitissa de Chiny uxor Ludovici junioris” and her donation of “molendinum de Tonelle et...prati ante Ivodium”.

1.1.3.3.2.1.1.3 Guillaume = Gui = Guy d'Avesnes (11314) (Paul Theroff, posts, 23 January 1995 at 02:40 Hours.) (M. de La Chenaye-des-Bois, Dictionnaire de La Noblesse, Tome I (Volume 1), MDCCLXX (1770), Pages 539.) (M. de La Chenaye- des-Bois, Dictionnaire de La Noblesse, Tome I (Volume 1), MDCCLXX (1770), Pages 539.). Born: between 1173 and 1191 at Carthage, Tunisia, son of Jacques, Seigneur d'Avesnes (4088) and Améline=Adèle, Dame de Guise (4091). Occupation: before 1219 Guillaume was a knight (M. de La Chenaye-des-Bois, Dictionnaire de La Noblesse, Tome I (Volume 1), MDCCLXX (1770), Pages 539.). Died: in 1219 Guy was killed by the Jeanne Comtesse de Flandres faction (M. de La Chenaye-des-Bois, Dictionnaire de La Noblesse, Tome I (Volume 1), MDCCLXX (1770), Pages 539.).

1.1.3.3.2.1.1.4 Bouchard d'Avesnes (2096) (Stuart, Page 32, Line 50-26.) (M. de La Chenaye-des-Bois, Dictionnaire de La

Noblesse, Tome I (Volume 1), MDCCLXX (1770), Pages 539.). AKA: Bouchard, Archdeacon of Laon (2096). AKA: Bouchard d'Avesnes, Canon of Saint-Pierre-de Lille (2096). AKA: Bouchard, Seigneur d'Étroën (2096). AKA: Bouchard, Bailli de Hainaut (2096) (Abbott, Page 560.). Born: circa 1180, son of Jacques, Seigneur d'Avesnes (4088) and Améline=Adèle, Dame de Guise (4091). Note - between 1205 and 1239: Bouchard held a Doctor Juris Degree. At first a Cleric, he returned to the lay world in 1205. He was knighted in 1239. Married before 23 Jul 1212: Marguerite (II), Comtesse de Flandre (1801),, daughter of Baudouin VI, Count de Hainaut (2092) and Marie de Champagne (2093) (Having left the ecclesiastical life to which he had been destined, Bouchard secretely married Marguerite. She was Bouchard's first wife. The Genealogica Comitum Flandriæ Bertiniana names "Buchardi Avenennsis" as brother of "Galteri comitis Blesensis", specifying that he married "Margareta" [Genealogica Comitum Flandriæ Bertiniana, Continuatio Leidensis et Divionensis (Cod. Divion. et Cisterc. addunt), MGH SS IX, p. 308]. After his marriage, which was arranged by Philippe II King of France, he demanded a share of his late father-in-law's inheritance. After his sister-in-law Jeanne Ctss of Flanders complained to Pope Innocent III, the marriage was annulled by the Fourth Lateran Council of 1215 on the basis that Bouchard had previously taken holy orders. The couple remained together until Bouchard was captured by his sister-in-law in 1219. He was released two years later on condition that he separated from his wife. Pope Gregory IX declared the marriage invalid 31 Mar 1237 and the children illegitimate. Pope Gregory IX declared the marriage invalid 31 Mar 1237 and the children illegitimate. He and his brother were legitimated by the Pope (Pope Innocent IV) in 1251, on the request of his mother) (M. de La Chenaye-des-Bois, Dictionnaire de La Noblesse, Tome I (Volume 1), MDCCLXX (1770), Pages 539 - 540.) (Information posted on the Internet, http://fmg.ac/Projects/MedLands/HAINAUT.htm#_ftn575.). Divorced Marguerite (II), Comtesse de Flandre (1801): in 1221. Died: in 1244 at Étraeungt, Nord, Artois, France, Bouchard is buried at the Abbey of Clairefontaine. 1.1.3.3.2.1.1.5 Jacques d'Avesnes (11313). AKA: Jacques, Seigneur de Landrèchies (11313). AKA: Jacques, Seigneur de Landrecies (11313). Born: between 1180 and 1191 at France, son of Jacques, Seigneur d'Avesnes (4088) and Améline=Adèle, Dame de Guise (4091). Married circa 1196: N? de Créqui (15554),, daughter of Baudouin IV, Seigneur de Créqui (15555) and Marguerite de Saint-Omer (15556). Died: between 1196 and 1210 Jacques was alive in the year 1196. Some sources claim he died that year.

1.1.3.3.2.1.1.6 Ide = Adélaïde d'Avesnes (11346) (Paul Theroff, posts, 22 April 1994 at 01:39 hours.). Married Name: d'Enghien (11346). Born: in 1181 at France, daughter of Jacques, Seigneur d'Avesnes (4088) and Améline=Adèle, Dame de Guise (4091). Married before 1223: Engelbert IV d'Enghien (11347),, son of Engelbert III d'Enghien (12567) and Élizabeth de Trazégnies (12568) (The late 13th century genealogy by Balduinus de Avennis names "Machtildem, Aelidem, Adeluyam et Agnetem" as the four daughters of "Nicolai Plukelli filius primogenitus Jacobus" and his wife, adding that "tertia…filia…Adeluya" married "domino de Enghien Engelberto" by whom she had one son and two daughters and naming their descendants [Balduinus DEAVENIS, vix. c. an. 1285. Ejus Genea-logice editcetorn. 7. Spicileg. pag. 560-561]). Died: in 1266 (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties/Les_dynasties_celebres/Liste_alphabetique.htm.).

1.1.3.3.2.1.1.7 Gauthier II, Seigneur d'Avesnes (2211) (André Roux: Scrolls, 208.) (Paul Theroff, posts, 23 January 1995 at 02:40 Hours.) (Abbott, Page 560.) (M. de La Chenaye-des-Bois, Dictionnaire de La Noblesse, Tome I (Volume 1), MDCCLXX (1770), Pages 539.) (M. de La Chenaye-des-Bois, Dictionnaire de La Noblesse, Tome I (Volume 1), MDCCLXX (1770), Pages 539.). AKA: Gautier II, Seigneur de Trélon (2211) (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties/Les_dynasties_celebres/Liste_alphabetique.htm.) (M. de La Chenaye-des-Bois, Dictionnaire de La Noblesse, Tome I (Volume 1), MDCCLXX (1770), Pages 539.). AKA: Gautier II, Seigneur de Landrecies (2211) (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties/Les_dynasties_celebres/Liste_alphabetique.htm.) (M. de La Chenaye-des-Bois, Dictionnaire de La Noblesse, Tome I (Volume 1), MDCCLXX (1770), Pages 539.). AKA: Gautier II, Seigneur de Leuse (2211) (M. de La Chenaye-des-Bois, Dictionnaire de La Noblesse, Tome I (Volume 1), MDCCLXX (1770), Pages 539.). AKA: Gauthier II, Seigneur de Condé (2211) (M. de La Chenaye-des-Bois, Dictionnaire de La Noblesse, Tome I (Volume 1), MDCCLXX (1770), Pages 539.). AKA: Gautier, Seigneur de Guise (2211) (Abbott, Page 119.) (M. de La Chenaye-des- Bois, Dictionnaire de La Noblesse, Tome I (Volume 1), MDCCLXX (1770), Pages 539.). AKA: Gautier, Seigneur de Condé- sur-l'Escaut (2211) (Abbott, Page 561.). Born: between 1181 and 1190 at France, son of Jacques, Seigneur d'Avesnes (4088) and Améline=Adèle, Dame de Guise (4091), Gauthier II is presumed to have been at least 15 years of age by the time his daughter Marie was born. Married in 1204 at France: Marguerite, Comtesse de Blois (2208),, daughter of Thibault, Count de Champagne (1301) and Alix, Princesse de France (1300) (Marguerite was the widow of two husbands when she married Gauthier II) (M. de La Chenaye-des-Bois, Dictionnaire de La Noblesse, Tome I (Volume 1), MDCCLXX (1770), Pages 539.). AKA: Gautier, Comte de Blois (2211) by right of his wife (Internet, http://fmg.ac/Projects/MedLands/HAINAUT.htm#_Toc441662067.). Note - between 23 Aug 1217 and 8 Sep 1221: Gauthier participated in the Fifth Crusade. The Fifth Crusade (23 August 1217 – 8 September 1221) was an attempt to take back Jerusalem and the rest of the Holy Land by first conquering the powerful Ayyubid state in Egypt. Pope Honorius III organized crusading armies led by Leopold VI of Austria and Andrew II of Hungary, and a foray against Jerusalem ultimately left the city in Muslim hands. Later in 1218 a German army led by Oliver of Cologne and a mixed army of Dutch, Flemish and Frisian soldiers led by William I, Count of Holland arrived. In order to attack Damietta in Egypt, they allied with the Seljuk Sultanate of Rûm in Anatolia, who attacked the Ayyubids in Syria in an attempt to free the Crusaders from fighting on two fronts. After occupying the port of Damietta, the Crusaders marched south towards Cairo in July of 1221, but were turned back after their dwindling supplies led to a forced retreat. A nighttime attack by Sultan Al-Kamil resulted in a great number of crusader losses and eventually in the surrender of the army. Al-Kamil agreed to an eight-year peace agreement with Europe. In spring 1213, Pope Innocent III issued the papal bull Quia maior, calling all of Christendom to join a new crusade. The kings and emperors of Europe, however, were preoccupied with fighting among themselves. At the same time, Pope Innocent III did not want their help, because a previous crusade led by kings had failed in the past. He ordered processions, prayers, and preaching to help organize the crusade, as these would involve the general population, the lower nobles, and knights. The message of the crusade was preached in France by Robert of Courçon; however, unlike other Crusades, not many French knights joined, as they were already fighting the Albigensian Crusade against the heretical Cathar sect in southern France. In 1215, Innocent III called the Fourth Lateran Council, where, along with the Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem, Raoul of Merencourt, he discussed the recovery of the Holy Land, among other church business. Innocent wanted this crusade to be under the full control of the papacy, as the First Crusade was supposed to have been, in order to avoid the mistakes of the Fourth Crusade, which had been taken over by the Venetians. Innocent planned for the crusaders to meet at Brindisi in 1216, and prohibited trade with the Muslims to ensure that the crusaders would have ships and weapons. Every crusader would receive an indulgence, including those who simply helped pay the expenses of a crusader but did not go on crusade themselves. Oliver of Cologne had preached the crusade in Germany, and Emperor Frederick II attempted to join in 1215. Frederick was the last monarch Innocent wanted to join, as he had challenged the Papacy (and would do so in the years to come). Innocent, however, died in 1216. He was succeeded by Pope Honorius III, who barred Frederick from participating, but organized crusading armies led by king Andrew II of Hungary and duke Leopold VI of Austria. Andrew had the largest royal army in the history of the crusades (20,000 knights and 12,000 castle-garrisons). Andrew of Hungary and his troops embarked on 23 August 1217 in Spalato. They landed on 9 October on Cyprus from where they sailed to Acre and joined John of Brienne, ruler of the Kingdom of Jerusalem, Hugh I of Cyprus, and Prince Bohemund IV of Antioch to fight against the Ayyubids in Syria. In Jerusalem, the walls and fortifications were demolished to prevent the Christians from being able to defend the city if they should reach it and take it. Muslims fled the city, afraid that there would be a repeat of the bloodbath of the First Crusade in 1099. Andrew's well-mounted army defeated sultan Al-Adil I at Bethsaida on the Jordan River on 10 November. Muslim forces retreated in their fortresses and towns. The catapults and trebuchets didn't arrive in time, so he had fruitless assaults on the fortresses of the Lebanon and on Mount Tabor. Afterwards, Andrew spent his time collecting alleged relics. Andrew and his army departed to Hungary in February 1218, and Bohemund and Hugh also returned home. Later in 1218, Oliver of Cologne arrived with a new German army and the count of Holland William I arrived with a mixed army consisting of Dutch, Flemish and Frisian soldiers. With Leopold and John they discussed attacking Damietta in Egypt. To accomplish this they allied with Keykavus I, the Seljuk Sultan of Rum in Anatolia, who attacked the Ayyubids in Syria in an attempt to free the Crusaders from fighting on two fronts. On 24 May 1218, the crusaders left Acre. On 27 May 1218, Under the leadership of Jean de Brienne, the crusaders began their siege of Damietta, and despite resistance from the unprepared sultan Al-Adil, the tower outside the city was taken on 25 August. They could not gain Damietta itself, and in the ensuing months diseases killed many of the crusaders, including Robert of Courçon. Al-Adil also died and was succeeded by Al-Kamil. Meanwhile, Honorius III sent Pelagius of Albano to lead the crusade in 1219 . Al-Kamil tried to negotiate peace with the crusaders. He offered to trade Damietta for Jerusalem, but Pelagius would not accept these offers. After hearing this Count William I of Holland left the crusade and sailed home. In August or September 1219, Francis of Assisi arrived in the crusader camp and crossed over to preach to Al-Kamil. By November, the crusaders had worn out the sultan's forces, and were finally able to occupy the port. Immediately the papal and secular powers fought for control of the town, with Jean of Brienne claiming it for himself in 1220, and the noble and pious crusaders only too happy to loot it for several days finding enough loot to inspire them to attack Cairo next, their only obstacle to a powerless Egypt and an open road to Jerusalem. Pelagius would not accept this and Jean returned to Acre later that year. Pelagius hoped Frederick II would arrive with a fresh army, but Frederick never arrived. But in May 1221 he sent much of his army, including Louis of Bavaria as his representative. Jean de Brienne also returned. Louis argued for an immediate offensive, and those present assumed he spoke for the Emperor, so it was agreed. Pelagius didn't have the Emperor, but he had an army and he at last had agreement. The Crusaders formed their army in their old camp on 29 June. King John arrived on 7 July still urging caution, but he was ignored. Everyone now was enthusiastic for a new enterprise. They were running low on funds, the prophetic book had predicted the fall of the Sultan, and the newcomers wanted battle. The army began preparations on 4 July and set out on 17 July. It was one of the largest Crusader armies, with an estimated five thousand knights and forty thousand foot soldiers, plus arches and a large number of unarmed pilgrims. The Egyptians had advanced to meet the Christians, but retreated from their forward position at Sharimshah when they saw the size of the army. Pelagius moved out in pursuit. The Egyptians took up a position behind the river Bahr as-Saghir, which runs from Lake Manzalah to the Nile. The Christians marched in right after them and set up camp. With much of the Muslim strength in the field, it was here that the battle for Egypt would be decided. The Christians were in a death trap. When they marched up into the angle formed by the Nile and the Bahr as-Saghir, the army had crossed a dry canal. No one thought to consider it a danger. Worse, Pelagius had neglected to bring adequate supplies, thinking to capture the enemy supplies quickly. A Christian fleet of about six hundred ships was in the Nile--enough to keep the army re-supplied at to support its advance. Once it was clear that Mansourah could not be taken quickly, fortifications were built on the other two sides of the triangle. There were plenty of locals to tell the Crusaders how easily the Muslims could trap them, but Pelagius would not listen. King John again urged acceptance of al-Kamil's terms, but rejecting his advice had become almost automatic by this time. A couple of weeks passed in this manner. It was August, and the Nile was rising a little every day. Soon, the waters were high enough and water flowed into the canal. Within a few days, the levels were high enough to send ships down it, cutting the Christians off from retreat and from being re-supplied from Damietta. The fleet was trapped, the army was trapped, and there was food enough for only twenty days. Many in the army urged immediate retreat, before their situation grew worse. At last awakening to the peril, Pelagius agreed. On the night of 26 August, without ever having fought a battle, the great army began its retreat. The first thing many of the common soldiers did was to get drunk. They evidently could not bear to leave behind them all of their wine, and since they could not bring it with them, they drank it. Consequently, many of them were in various stages of intoxication when the order came to move out. Falling under the heading of "seemed like a good idea at the time", the Teutonic Knights set fire to the supplies in order to deny them to the enemy. Having been alerted by the flames to the fact that the Christians were retreating, al-Kamil ordered the banks of the canal cut. Water flooded the very ground into which the Christians were retreating and the soldiers quickly found themselves wading through mud or falling into gullies now filled with water. Under these conditions, the Egyptians attacked. The military orders, and the knights under King John put up a valiant defense and saved what they could of the army. Many of the infantry perished, however, it being unusually difficult to fight at night in the mud when you're drunk. The remnant of the army withdrew to the camp, which now had no supplies thanks to the prompt action of the Teutonic Knights earlier in the evening. The fleet tried to escape, too. The Nile was running in flood now, so some ships managed to make it through the Egyptian blockade, including one which bore Cardinal Pelagius. From the safety of Damietta he now concluded that all was lost. He opened negotiations with al-Kamil two days later, on 28 August 1221. By the 30th, the terms were settled. The Sultan no longer needed to offer the return of Jerusalem, for he had the Crusader army, including King John, at his mercy. On the other hand, the Christians still held Damietta, which they had recently fortified, and another Christian fleet was on its way. Al-Kamil therefore asked only that the Christians leave Egypt. Damietta would be returned to the Muslims, and the Christians would observe a truce of eight years with Egypt. Both sides would return their prisoners, and al-Kamil would return the True Cross which he did not even have but didn’t bother telling the crusaders that. There was some inital fervent resistance to handing back Damietta. But with many of the leaders trapped at Sharimshah, there was little point in holding out. After a few days, the garrison agreed. The Sultan generously fed the army and entertained King John and the others. On 8 September, the Crusaders boarded their ships and al-Kamil took possession of Damietta. The failure of the Crusade caused an outpouring of anti-papal sentiment from the Occitan poet Guilhem Figueira. The more orthodox Gormonda de Monpeslier responded to Figueira's D'un sirventes far with a song of her own, Greu m'es a durar. Instead of blaming the Pelagius or the Papacy, she laid the blame on the "foolishness" of the wicked.

Note - between 10 Jun 1226 and 13 Sep 1226 at Avignon, Languedoc, France: Gauthier II fought at the Battle of Avignon. 10 June – 13 September 1226. Avignon, written in the form of Avennio in the ancient texts and inscriptions, takes its name from the House, or Clan, Avennius [d'Arbois de Jubainville, "Recherches sur l'origine de la propriété foncière et des noms des lieux habités en France" (Paris,1890), 518]. Founded by theCavari, who were of Celtic origin, it became the centre of an important Phocaean colony from Marseilles. Under the Roman occupation, it was one of the most flourishing cities of Gallia Narbonensis; later, and during the inroads of the barbarians, it belonged in turn to the Goths, the Burgundians, the Ostrogoths, and to the Frankish kings of Austrasia. In 736 it fell into the hands of the Saracens, who were driven out by Charles Martel. Boso having been proclaimed King of Provence, or of Arles, by the Synod of Mantaille, at the death of Louis the Stammerer (879), Avignon ceased to belong to the Frankish kings. In 1033, when Conrad II fell heir to the Kingdom of Arles, Avignon passed to the empire. The German rulers, however, being at a distance, Avignon took advantage of their absence to set up as a republic with a consular form of government, between 1135 and 1146. In addition to the emperor, the Counts of Forcalquier, Toulouse and Provence exercised a purely nominal sway over the city; on two occasions, in 1125, and in 1251, the two latter divided their rights in regard to it, while the Count of Forcalquier resigned any that he possessed to the bishops and consuls in 1135. On Sunday, 30 November 1225, at Bourges, in a scenario all too familiar, fourteen archbishops, one hundred and thirteen bishops, and one hundred and fifty abbots, all fretting about the persistence of heresy and the reinvigoration of the southern nobility, excommunicated Raimon VII and proclaimed the continuation of the crusade. Aimery de Montfort had, by this time, ceded all his (somewhat brittle) rights to the king of France, Louis VIII. So, with the financial and moral aid of the new papal legate to France, Roman Frangipani, Louis VIII prepared to invade the Midi for a third time. Royal prestige, and the efficient bureaucracy established by Philip II Augustus, sufficed to persuade enough barons of France to join their king at Lyon in June 1226 for what would be a majestic campaign of conquest. This royal host was easily twice the size of the crusading army of 1209. The king captured Avignon in September 1226, then proceeded to march toward Toulouse. During the crusade against the Albigenses the citizens refused to open the gates of Avignon to Louis VIII and the legate, but capitulated after a three months' siege (10 June - 13 September, 1226) and were forced to pull down the ramparts and fill up the moat of their city. Louis VIII, after his initial delay at Avignon, hastily occupied the possessions of the Trencavels along the Aude, but before he could strengthen his position, the thirty-nine-year-old king died (from an illness he caught during the Avignon siege) on Sunday, 8 November 1226, at Montpensier. "Rome, you killed good King Louis," no question about it, so the Toulousain troubadour Guilhem Figueira sang in his bitter and angry sirventes (an overtly satirical canso) a few years later, "because, with your false preaching, you lured him away from Paris." The death of Louis VIII did not end the war in the south. The king had installed sénéchaux and baillis, royal administrators, in his newly acquired lands and had reorganized (along northern French lines) the territories ceded to him by Aimery de Montfort as the sénéchaussées of Beaucaire-Nîmes and Carcassonne-Béziers. All this royal domain was placed firmly under the control of his cousin Imbert de Beaujeu and protected by five hundred northern French knights. The crusade, as undertaken by Imbert de Beaujeu, became an exercise in the gradual exhaustion of Raimon VII and the county of Toulouse. It was a campaign of one small atrocity after another, of a vineyard burnt here, of a field destroyed there, of hamlets razed, of men and women murdered. The castra of the Toulousain and the Lauragais were especially hurt by Imbert de Beaujeu. Finally, Raimon VII, badly in debt, starved of resources, and fighting a losing battle against the éclat of the French crown, was offered the chance for peace--which he gladly took in 1229. On Holy Thursday, 12 April 1229, the Peace of Paris, whose twenty-two articles had already been accepted by an ecclesiastical concilium at Meaux in January 1229, officially ended the Albigensian Crusade. The thirty- one-year-old Raimon VII swore submission to the Church and to the not yet fifteen-year-old Louis IX. He had to dismiss all mercenaries, remove any Jews in his service, and, from then on, confiscate the property of anyone who remained excommunicated for more than a year. This last clause particularly affected the numerous southern nobles, knights, and other persons exiled from their properties whom the northern French called faidits--rebel, heretical sympathizer, fugitive, and criminal all at once. The count of Toulouse, though no longer an ex-communicant or faidit himself, forfeited to the French crown over two- thirds of the lands formerly held by his father. Raimon VII, as a vassal of the French king, was permitted to keep most of the diocese of Toulouse, including the Lauragais, the Albigeois north of the Tarn, the Rouergue, Quercy (but not Cahors), and the Agenais. The marquisate of Provence, east of the Rhône, however, was surrendered to the Church (though it would be returned to Raimon VII in 1234). In Toulouse itself the Château Narbonnais was to be occupied by the French crown for ten years. Philip the Fair, who had inherited from his father all the rights of Alphonse de Poitiers, last Count of Toulouse, made them over to Charles II, King of Naples and Count of Provence (1290); it was on the strength of this donation that Queen Joan sold the city to Clement VI for 80,000 florins (9 June, 1348).

Died: either 11 Jul 1243 or 11 Jul 1246.

1.1.3.3.2.1.1.8 Agnès = Adé d'Avesnes (11348). Married Name: de Soissons (11348). Married Name: de Grandpré (11348). Married Name: de Nesle (11348). AKA: Agnès, Dame de Hans (11348) (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties/Les_dynasties_celebres/Liste_alphabetique.htm.). Born: between 1182 and 1190 at France, daughter of Jacques, Seigneur d'Avesnes (4088) and Améline=Adèle, Dame de Guise (4091). Married before 1211 at France: Henri III, Comte de Grandpré (16401),, son of Henri II, Comte de Grandpré (16982) and Liutgarde de Luxembourg (16983) (Henri III was Adé's first husband). Married between 1211 and 1215 at France: Raoul III, Count de Nesle (4568),, son of Raoul II de Nesle (4373) and Gertrude d'Alsace (4374) (Raoul III was Adé's second husband). Died: after 1249 (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties/Les_dynasties_celebres/Liste_alphabetique.htm.).

1.1.3.3.2.2 Adeline de Guise (4354) (André Roux: Scrolls, 235.). Married Name: de Roye (4354). Born: before 1153, daughter of Guy, Seigneur de Guise (4355) and Adélaïde de Montmorency (4356), Adeline is presumed to have been at least 15 years of age by the time her son Barthélémy was born. Married before 1167 at France: Roguès=Roricon, Seigneur de Roye (4353),, son of Albéric, Seigneur de Roye (4351) and Odette N? (4352).

1.1.3.3.2.2.1 Barthélémy de Roye (4357) (André Roux: Scrolls, 168, 235.). AKA: Barthélémy, Chambrier de France (4357) (Abbott, Page 126.). Born: before 1168, son of Roguès=Roricon, Seigneur de Roye (4353) and Adeline de Guise (4354). Note - between 1188 and 1195: Barthélémy participated in the Third Crusade (1188-1195). He also fought at the Battle of Bouvines (27 July 1214). Married before 1193: Pérronelle de Montfort (4358),, daughter of Simon IV, Count de Montfort (3197) and Amicie, Countess of Leicester (3200) (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties/Les_dynasties_celebres/Liste_alphabetique.htm.). Died: in 1237 (Abbott, Page 126.).

1.1.3.3.2.2.1.1 Adélaïde = Alix de Roye (13098) (Paul Theroff, posts, 20 July 1994 at 14:18 hours.) (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties/Les_dynasties_celebres/Liste_alphabetique.htm.) (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties/Les_dynasties_celebres/Liste_alphabetique.htm.) (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties/Les_dynasties_celebres/Liste_alphabetique.htm.). Married Name: de Nesle (13098). Married Name: d'Alençon (13098). AKA: Adèle de Roye (13098) (Paul Theroff, posts, 25 August 1994 at 01:43 Hours.). Born: before 1195 at France, daughter of Barthélémy de Roye (4357) and Pérronelle de Montfort (4358), Adélaïde is presumed to have been at least 10 years of age when she married Jean III. Married in May 1205 at France: Jean III, Count d'Alençon (13097),, son of Robert III, Count d'Alençon (13093) and Jeanne de Preuilly (13095). Married in 1214 at France: Raoul de Nesle (14123),, son of Jean I, Seigneur de Nesle (4375) and Élisabeth de Lambersart (4376) (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties/Les_dynasties_celebres/Liste_alphabetique.htm.). Died: circa 1223.

1.1.3.3.2.2.1.2 Amicie de Roye (4359) (André Roux: Scrolls, 235.). Married Name: de Crespin (4359) (André Roux: Scrolls.). Born: before 1208 at Picardie, France, daughter of Barthélémy de Roye (4357) and Pérronelle de Montfort (4358), Amicie is presumed to have been at least 15 years of age by the time her son Guillaume V was born. Married before 1223: Guillaume IV, Count de Crespin (4360),, son of Guillaume III de Crespin (4495) and Eve d'Harcourt (4496) (André Roux: Scrolls.).

1.1.3.3.2.2.2 Raoul, Seigneur de Roye (4361) (André Roux: Scrolls, 235.) (Abbott, Page 126.). Born: before 1190 at Picardie, France, son of Roguès=Roricon, Seigneur de Roye (4353) and Adeline de Guise (4354), Raoul was alive in the year 1190. Died: after 1190. Married before 1227 at France: N? N? (4362).

1.1.3.3.2.2.2.1 Raoul Jean, Seigneur de Roye (4363) (André Roux: Scrolls, 235, 264.) (Abbott, Page 122.). Born: before 1228 at Picardie, France, son of Raoul, Seigneur de Roye (4361) and N? N? (4362), Raoul is presumed to have been at least 15 years of age by the time his daughter Marie was born. Married before 1242 at France: Marie de Ville (4364),, daughter of Jean=Janin, Chevalier de Ville (4629) and N? de Ville (4630).

1.1.4 Josfredus, Comte de Beaumont-sur-Oise (20090) (Paul Theroff, posts, Posted on the Internet, at Uniform Resource Locator (URL) ftp://members.aol.com/ptheroff/Beaumont.txt, 20 June 1996 at 15:27 hours.) (Paul Theroff, posts, Posted on the Internet, at Uniform Resource Locator (URL) ftp://members.aol.com/ptheroff/Beaumont.txt, 20 June 1996 at 15:27 hours.) (Paul Theroff, posts, Posted on the Internet, at Uniform Resource Locator (URL) ftp://members.aol.com/ptheroff/Beaumont.txt, 20 June 1996 at 15:27 hours.). AKA: Geoffroy de Val d'Oise (20090) (Abbott, Page 31.). Born: before 1048, son of Yves I/II, Count de Beaumont-sur-Oise (4395) and Emma (--?--) (4396), Josfredus is presumed to have been at least 20 years of age when he died (Paul Theroff, posts, Posted on the Internet, at Uniform Resource Locator (URL) ftp://members.aol.com/ptheroff/Beaumont.txt, 20 June 1996 at 15:27 hours.). Died: between 1068 and 1070 (Paul Theroff, posts, Posted on the Internet, at Uniform Resource Locator (URL) ftp://members.aol.com/ptheroff/Beaumont.txt, 20 June 1996 at 15:27 hours.).

1.1.5 N? de Beaumont-sur-Oise (2885) (André Roux: Scrolls, 145, 239.). Married Name: de Mello (2885). Born: before 1059 at Beaumont- sur-Oise, Seine-et-Oise, France, daughter of Yves I/II, Count de Beaumont-sur-Oise (4395) and Emma (--?--) (4396). Married before 1086: Dreux I, Seigneur de Mello (2884).

1.1.5.1 Dreux II, Seigneur de Mello (2755) (André Roux: Scrolls, 140, 145.) (Stuart, Page 40, Line 56-32.). Born: before 1087 at France, son of Dreux I, Seigneur de Mello (2884) and N? de Beaumont-sur-Oise (2885), Dreux II is presumed to have been at least 14 years of age when he married Richilde. Married before 1101 at France: Richilde de Clermont-en-Beauvaisis (2753),, daughter of Hugues I, Comte de Clermont-en-Beauvaisis (2751) and Marguerite de Roucy (2752) (The Château de Mouchy or Monchy was brought to Deux II by Richilde. In order to discipline Dreux II, King Louis VI besieged and destroyed the Château. It was rebuilt , but in 1160 it was seized by King Louis VII) (Abbott, Page 50.). Died: circa 1140 (Abbott, Page 45.).

1.1.5.1.1 Dreux III de Mello (2886) (André Roux: Scrolls, 145.) (Paul Theroff, posts, 22 April 1995 at 15:38 Hours.). Born: before 1118 at France, son of Dreux II, Seigneur de Mello (2755) and Richilde de Clermont-en-Beauvaisis (2753), Dreux III is presumed to have been at least 20 years of age by the time his son Dreux IV was born. Married before 1133: Agnès de Toucy (2887) (The name of Dreux III's wife may have been Agnès de Toucy, but that is uncertain). Died: circa 1155 Dreux III was alive in the year 1153, according to André Roux, although some sources indicate he died in 1138. Abbott supports a date of 1155 (Abbott, Page 45.).

1.1.5.1.1.1 Dreux IV de Mello (2888) (André Roux: Scrolls, 145.) (Stuart, Page 41, Line 56-29.) (Paul Theroff, posts, 22 April 1995

at 15:38 Hours.). AKA: Dreux I, Seigneur de Baulche (2888). AKA: Dreux I, Seigneur de Saint-Bris (2888). Born: in 1138 at France, son of Dreux III de Mello (2886) and Agnès de Toucy (2887), Some sources list this Dreux as Dreux I. Married in 1162: Ermengarde de Mouchy-en-Beauvaisis (1791),, daughter of Dreux IV, Seigneur de Moucy-en-Beauvaisis (1792) and Adélaïde N? (1793). Note - between 1188 and 1192: Dreux IV and his brother, Guillaume I, participated in the Third Crusade.

Third Crusade (1188 – 1192).

After the failure of the Second Crusade, Nur ad-Din had control of Damascus and a unified Syria. Eager to expand his power, Nur ad-Din set his sights on the Fatimid dynasty of Egypt. In 1163, Nur ad-Din's most trusted general, Shirkuh set out on a military expedition to the Nile. Accompanying the general was his young nephew, Saladin. With Shirkuh's troops camped outside of Cairo, Egypt's sultan, Shawar called on King Amalric I of Jerusalem for assistance. In response, Amalric sent an army into Egypt and attacked Shirkuh's troops at Bilbeis in 1164. In an attempt to divert Crusader attention from Egypt, Nur ad-Din attacked Antioch, resulting in a massacre of Christian soldiers and the capture of several Crusader leaders, including Bohemond III, Prince of Antioch. Nur ad-Din sent the scalps of the Christian defenders to Egypt for Shirkuh to proudly display at Bilbeis for Amalric's soldiers to see. This action prompted both Amalric and Shirkuh to lead their armies out of Egypt. In 1167, Nur ad-Din once again sent Shirkuh to conquer the Fatimids in Egypt. Shawar also opted to once again call upon Amalric for the defence of his territory. The combined Egyptian-Christian forces pursued Shirkuh until he retreated to Alexandria. Amalric then breached his alliance with Shawar by turning his forces on Egypt and besieging the city of Bilbeis. Shawar pleaded with his former enemy, Nur ad-Din to save him from Amalric's treachery. Lacking the resources to maintain a prolonged siege of Cairo against the combined forces of Nur ad-Din and Shawar, Amalric retreated. This new alliance gave Nur ad-Din rule over virtually all of Syria and Egypt.

Shawar was executed for his alliances with the Christian forces, and Shirkuh succeeded him as vizier of Egypt. In 1169, Shirkuh died unexpectedly after only weeks of rule. Shirkuh's successor was his nephew, Salah ad-Din Yusuf, commonly known as Saladin. Nur ad-Din died in 1174, leaving the new empire to his 11-year old son, As-Salih. It was decided that the only man competent enough to uphold the jihad against the Crusaders was Saladin, who became sultan of both Egypt and Syria, and the founder of the Ayyubid dynasty. Amalric also died in 1174, leaving Jerusalem to his 13-year old son, Baldwin IV. Although Baldwin suffered from leprosy, he was an effective and active military commander, defeating Saladin at the battle of Montgisard in 1177, with support from Raynald of Châtillon, who had been released from prison in 1176. Later, he forged an agreement with Saladin to allow free trade between Muslim and Christian territories. Raynald also raided caravans throughout the region. He expanded his piracy to the Red Sea by sending galleys not only to raid ships, but to assault the city of Mecca itself. These acts enraged the Muslim world, giving Raynald a reputation as the most hated man in the Middle East. Baldwin IV died in 1185 and the kingdom was left to his nephew Baldwin V, whom he had crowned as co-king in 1183. Raymond III of Tripoli again served as regent. The following year, Baldwin V died before his ninth birthday, and his mother Princess Sybilla, sister of Baldwin IV, crowned herself queen and her husband, Guy of Lusignan, king. It was at this time that Raynald, once again, raided a rich caravan and had its travelers thrown in prison. Saladin demanded that the prisoners and their cargo be released. The newly crowned King Guy appealed to Raynald to give in to Saladin's demands, but Raynald refused to follow the king's orders

It was this final act of outrage by Raynald which gave Saladin the opportunity he needed to take the offensive against the kingdom. He laid siege to the city of Tiberias in 1187. Raymond advised patience, but King Guy, acting on advice from Raynald, marched his army to the Horns of Hattin outside of Tiberias. The Crusader army, thirsty and demoralized, was destroyed in the ensuing battle. King Guy and Raynald were brought to Saladin's tent, where Guy was offered a goblet of water. Guy took a drink but was forbidden to pass the goblet to Raynald, because the Muslim rule of hospitality states that one who receives food or drink is under the protection of the host, and that anyone in need of water should be given an adequate amount. Saladin would not be forced to protect the treacherous Raynald by allowing him to drink. Raynald, who had not had a drop of water in days, grabbed the goblet out of Guy's hands. Upon seeing Raynald's disrespect for Muslim custom, Saladin beheaded Raynald for past betrayals. Saladin honored tradition with King Guy; Guy was sent to Damascus and eventually ransomed to his people, one of the few captive crusaders to avoid execution. By the end of the year, Saladin had taken Acre and Jerusalem. Pope Urban III is said to have collapsed and died upon hearing the news. However, at the time of his death, the news of the fall of Jerusalem could not yet have reached him, although he knew of the battle of Hattin and the fall of Acre.

The new pope, Gregory VIII proclaimed that the capture of Jerusalem was punishment for the sins of Christians across Europe. The cry went up for a new crusade to the Holy Land. Henry II of England and Philip II of France ended their war with each other, and both imposed a "Saladin tithe" on their citizens to finance the venture. In Britain, Baldwin of Exeter, the archbishop of Canterbury, made a tour through Wales, convincing 3,000 men-at-arms to take up the cross, recorded in the Itinerary of Giraldus Cambrensis. The elderly Holy Roman Emperor Frederick I Barbarossa responded to the call immediately. He took up the Cross at Mainz Cathedral on March 27, 1188 and was the first to set out for the Holy Land in May of 1189 with an army of about 100,000 men, including 20,000 knights. However, some historians believe that this is an exaggeration and that the true figure might be closer to 15,000 men, including 3,000 knights.

The Byzantine Emperor Isaac II Angelus made a secret alliance with Saladin to impede Frederick's progress in exchange for his empire's safety. On May 18, 1190, the German army captured Iconium, the capital of the Sultanate of Rüm. However, on June 10, 1190, Frederick was thrown from his horse in the crossing of the Saleph River and drowned. After this, much of his army returned to Germany. His son Frederick of Swabia led the remaining 5,000 men to Antioch. There, the emperor's body was boiled to remove the flesh, which was interred in the Church of St. Peter; his bones were put in a bag to continue the crusade. In Antioch, however, the German army was further reduced by fever. Young Frederick had to ask the assistance of his kinsman Conrad of Montferrat to lead him safely to Acre, by way of Tyre, where his father's bones were buried. Henry II of England died on July 6, 1189 following a defeat by his son Richard I (Lionheart) and Philip II. Richard inherited the crown and immediately began raising funds for the crusade. In July 1190, Richard and Philip set out jointly from Marseille, France for Sicily. Philip II had hired a Genoese fleet to transport his army which consisted of 650 knights, 1,300 horses, and 1,300 squires to the Holy Land. William II of Sicily had died the previous year, and was replaced by Tancred, who placed Joan of England—William's wife and Richard's sister—in prison. Richard captured the capital city of Messina on October 4, 1190 and Joan was released. Richard and Philip fell out over the issue of Richard's marriage, as Richard had decided to marry Berengaria of Navarre, breaking off his long- standing betrothal to Philip's half-sister Alys. Philip left Sicily directly for the Middle East on March 30, 1191, and arrived in Tyre in mid-May. He joined the siege of Acre on May 20. Richard did not set off from Sicily until April 10. Shortly after setting sail from Sicily, Richard's armada of 100 ships (carrying 8,000 men) was struck by a violent storm. Several ships ran aground, including one holding Joan, his new fiancée Berengaria, and a large amount of treasure that had been amassed for the crusade. It was soon discovered that Isaac Dukas Comnenus of Cyprus had seized the treasure. The young women were unharmed. Richard entered Limassol on May 6, and met with Isaac, who agreed to return Richard's belongings and send 500 of his soldiers to the Holy Land. Once back at his fortress of Famagusta, Isaac broke his oath of hospitality and began issuing orders for Richard to leave the island. Isaac's arrogance prompted Richard to conquer the island within days.

Following his victory, Richard took Jaffa and established his new headquarters there. He offered to begin negotiations with Saladin, who sent his brother, Al-Adil to meet with Richard. Negotiations (which had included an attempt to marry Richard's sister Joan to Al-Adil) failed, and Richard marched to Ascalon. Richard called on Conrad to join him on campaign, but he refused, citing Richard's alliance with King Guy. He too had been negotiating with Saladin, as a defence against any attempt by Richard to wrest Tyre from him for Guy. However, in April, Richard was forced to accept Conrad as king of Jerusalem after an election by the nobles of the kingdom. Guy had received no votes at all, but Richard sold him Cyprus as compensation. Before he could be crowned, Conrad was stabbed to death by two Hashshashin in the streets of Tyre. Eight days later, Richard's nephew Henry II of Champagne married Queen Isabella, who was pregnant with Conrad's child. It was strongly suspected that the king's killers had acted on instructions from Richard. In July 1192, Saladin's army suddenly attacked and captured Jaffa with thousands of men, but Saladin had lost control of his army because of their anger for the massacre at Acre. It was believed that Saladin even told the Crusaders to shield themselves in the Citadel until he had regained control of his army. Later, Richard had arrived in ships, but did not land because he did not know the situation, until a priest swam to the ship and told him what happened. The city was then re-captured by Richard and a much smaller force of 55 men on July 31. A final battle was fought on August 5 in which Richard once again emerged triumphant. On September 2, 1192, Richard and Saladin finalized a treaty by which Jerusalem would remain under Muslim control, but which also allowed unarmed Christian pilgrims to visit the city. Richard departed the Holy Land on October 9.

Richard was arrested and imprisoned in December 1192 by Duke Leopold, who suspected him of murdering his cousin Conrad of Montferrat, and had been offended by Richard casting down his standard from the walls of Acre. He was later transferred to the custody of Henry VI, Holy Roman Emperor, and it took a ransom of one hundred fifty thousand marks to obtain his release. Richard returned to England in 1194 and died of a crossbow bolt wound in 1199 at the age of 41. In 1193, Saladin died of yellow fever, leaving behind only one piece of gold and forty-seven pieces of silver; he had given the rest away to charity. Henry of Champagne was killed in an accidental fall in 1197. Queen Isabella then married for a fourth time, to Amalric of Lusignan, who had succeeded his brother Guy, positioned as King of Cyprus. After their deaths in 1205, her eldest daughter Maria of Montferrat (born after her father's murder) succeeded to the throne of Jerusalem.

The failure of the Third Crusade would lead to the call for a Fourth Crusade six years after the third ended in 1192.

Accounts of events surrounding the Third Crusade were written by the anonymous authors of the Itinerarium Peregrinorum et Gesta Regis Ricardi, the Old French Continuation of William of Tyre (parts of which are attributed to Ernoul), and by Ambroise, Roger of Howden, Ralph of Diceto, and Giraldus Cambrensis. Note - on 7 Sep 1191: Dreux IV participated in the Battle of Arsouf. The Battle of Arsuf 7 September 1191 was a battle of the Third Crusade in which Richard I of England defeated Saladin at Arsuf. After capturing Acre in 1191, Richard fought many engagements with Saladin, whose main objective was to prevent the recapture of Jerusalem. Knowing he would need to control the port of Jaffa before making an attempt on Jerusalem, Richard began to march down the coast from Acre in August 1191. Richard organized the advance with attention to detail. Mindful of the lessons of the disaster at Hattin, he knew that his army's greatest need was water and heat exhaustion its greatest danger. Though pressed for time, he marched only in the morning before the heat of the day. He made frequent rest stops, always beside sources of water. The fleet sailed down the coast in close support, a source of supplies and a refuge for the wounded. Aware of the ever-present danger of enemy raiders and the possibility of hit- and-run attacks, he kept the column in tight formation with a core of twelve mounted regiments, each with a hundred knights. The infantry marched on the landward flank, covering the flanks of the horsemen. Tormented by Saladin's archers and by tarantulas, which came out at night, Richard's generalship ensured that order and discipline were maintained under the most difficult of circumstances. Baha ad-Din, the Muslim chronicler, describes the march thus: “ "The Muslims were shooting arrows on their flanks, trying to incite them to break ranks, while they controlled themselves severely and covered the route in this way, travelling very steadily as their ships moved along at sea opposite them, until they completed each stage and camped." As the Crusader army marched to the far side of the river at Caesarea, Saladin was making his own dispositions. He had planned to place his army by the old Roman roads further into the interior, allowing him to attack in any direction as the occasion presented itself. But the coastal advance of the Crusaders compelled him to follow on a parallel course. As the first light, harassing attacks failed to have the intended effect; these were stepped up in intensity, becoming mini-battles in the process. When Richard's army approached Caesarea on 30 August, the rear guard, commanded by Hugh III of Burgundy, came under serious onslaught, cutting it off from the rest of the army for a time. Richard managed to rally the troops, as the whole of the army cried Sanctum Sepulchrum adjuva ("Help us, Holy Sepulchre!").

Saladin, assessing the enemy line of advance, decided to make a stand at Arsuf near Jaffa, with his army facing west towards the Crusaders and the sea. His northern flank was protected by the Forest of Arsuf, with the marshy Rochetaillée river to the front. To the south, his left flank was secured by a series of wooded hills, going down to the ruins of the town of Arsuf itself. The plan was to draw the Crusaders out by a series of advances followed by feigned retreats, and destroy them by sustained attacks once their ranks were broken. Between the hills of Arsuf and the sea there was only a two-mile (3 km) gap, leaving Richard little room for manoeuvre, and restricting the possibility of a concentrated charge by the armored knights. Saladin saw this as the perfect trap; but Richard was quick to turn it into an opportunity. Day of battle At dawn on September 7, 1191, Richard's heralds travelled the camp, announcing that battle would be joined that day. The Knights Templar under Robert de Sablé were ordered to the fore, along with the Angevins and the Bretons, followed by Guy of Lusignan and the Poitevins. Next came the Anglo-Normans, and then the Flemings under James of Avesnes. After the Flemish came the French, and finally the Knights Hospitaller, headed by Fra' Garnier de Nablus. Under the leadership of Henry II of Champagne, a small troop was detached to scout the hills, and a squadron of knights under Hugh of Burgundy was detached to ride up and down the ranks ensuring that they were kept in order. The first Saracen attack came at nine o'clock in the morning. In an attempt to destroy the cohesion of the enemy and unsettle their resolve, the onslaught was accompanied by the clashing of cymbals and gongs, trumpets blowing and men screaming. The Itinerarium Regis Ricardi records that "So the unspeakable Turks fell on our army from all sides, from the direction of the sea and from dry land. There was not a space for two miles (3 km) around, not even a fistful, which was not covered with the hostile Turkish race." When this failed to have the desired effect, the attack was switched to the left flank of the Crusader army, with the Hospitallers coming under the greatest pressure. Bit by bit the onslaught extended across the rest of Richard's line. These incursions followed the same pattern: the Bedouins and Nubians launched arrows and javelins into the enemy lines, before parting to allow the mounted archers to advance, attack and wheel off, a well-practiced technique. Crusader crossbowmen responded, when this was possible, although the chief task among the Crusaders was simply to preserve their ranks in the face of sustained provocation. At several points along the line, the two armies were engaged in close hand-to-hand combat. ll Saladin's best efforts could not dislocate the Crusader column, or halt its advance in the direction of Arsuf. Richard was determined to hold his army together, forcing the enemy to exhaust themselves in repeated charges, with the intention of holding his knights for a concentrated counter-attack at just the right moment. There were risks in this, because the army was not only marching under severe enemy provocation, but the troops were suffering from heat and thirst. Just as serious, the Saracens were killing so many horses that some of Richard's own knights began to wonder if a counter-strike would be possible. Just as the vanguard entered Arsuf in the middle of the afternoon, the Hospitaller crossbowmen to the rear were having to load and fire walking backwards. Inevitably they lost cohesion, and the enemy was quick to take advantage of this opportunity, moving into the gap. For the Crusaders, the Battle of Arsuf had now entered a critical stage. Garnier de Nablus pleaded with Richard to be allowed to attack. He refused, ordering the Master to maintain position. This was more than the Hospitaller could endure. He charged into the Saracen ranks with a cry of St. George!, followed quickly by the rest of his knights. Moved by this example, the French followed. The hasty action of the Hospitallers could have caused Richard's whole strategy to unravel. But just as Garnier de Nablus began his attack, Saladin's archers had dismounted to direct their arrows more accurately, and were overwhelmed by the unexpected Hospitaller onslaught. Richard knew that if he did not support the Hospitallers, they would soon be cut down and slaughtered. But if he decided to send more knights after them, he might throw away his whole force. Muzaffar al-Din Gökböri, one of Saladin's commanders, managed to rally his men intending to attack the enemy bowmen. Before he was in a position to do so Richard regrouped his army and sent a second charge of Breton and Angevin knights towards Saladin's left flank. Richard himself led a third and final charge composed of Norman and English knights. Leading by example, the King was in the heart of the fighting, as the Itinerarium explains: King Richard pursued the Turks with singular ferocity, fell upon them and scattered them across the ground. No one escaped when his sword made contact with them; wherever he went his brandished sword cleared a wide path on all sides. Continuing his advance with untiring sword strokes, he cut down that unspeakable race as if he were reaping the harvest with a sickle, so that the corpses of Turks he had killed covered the ground everywhere for the space of half a mile."[4] In an attempt to restore the situation, Taqi al-Din, Saladin's nephew, led 700 men of the Sultan's own bodyguard against Richard's left flank. Alert to the danger presented to his scattered ranks, Richard regrouped his forces once more for a third and final charge. It was more pressure than the enemy could withstand; Saladin's army broke, closely pursued across the hills of Arsuf by the Crusader knights. The King's banner was set on Saladin's hill, while the Saracen camp was looted. With darkness closing in, Richard allowed no further pursuit. As always with medieval battles, losses are difficult to assess with any precision. The Christian chroniclers claim the Muslims lost 32 emirs and 7,000 men, but it is possible or likely that the true number may have been considerably less than this. Richard's own dead are said to have numbered no more than 700, which included James of Avesnes. Arsuf was an important victory; but unlike Saladin's early triumph at the Horns of Hattin, it was far from decisive. The enemy army was not destroyed. Saladin was able to regroup and resume skirmishing. With the Saracens still intact, Richard decided that the prudent action would be to secure his flank by taking and fortifying Jaffa, thus interrupting the advance on Jerusalem. The onset of the winter meant it could not be resumed. Arsuf had dented Saladin's reputation as an invincible warrior and proved Richard's courage as soldier and his skill as a commander; but in the long run, it was to be no more significant than that. Richard was able to take, defend and hold Jaffa. He was never to reach Jerusalem. In terms of the impact of Arsuf on the conduct of the rest of the conflict, the victory in a sense worked against the favor of the crusaders: the loss motivated Saladin to make an important shift in strategies. Saladin realized that Richard was a very capable commander and that it would be extremely difficult to defeat him in another pitched battle. From this point onward, Saladin shifted to a strategy of avoiding direct pitched battle with Richard's main forces in favor of harassing the crusader forces to wear down their strength, a strategy that ultimately succeeded. There are descriptions of the battle in the Itinerarium Regis Ricardi, the Old French continuation of William of Tyre called Estoire d'Eracles and, from the Kurdish and Arab side, in Baha ad-Din's Rare and Excellent History of Saladin, Abu Shama and Ibn al- Athir. Died: on 3 Mar 1218.

1.1.5.1.1.1.1 Guillaume I, Seigneur de Mello (2889) (André Roux: Scrolls, 145.) (Paul Theroff, posts, 22 April 1995 at 15:38 Hours.). AKA: Guillaume de Mello (2889) (Paul Theroff, posts, 22 April 1995 at 15:38 Hours.). AKA: Guillaume I, Seigneur de Saint-Bris (2889). Also Known As: Guillaume "Le Pacifique" (2889) (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties/Les_dynasties_celebres/Liste_alphabetique.htm.). AKA: Guillaume, Seigneur de Saint-Prisc (2889) (M. de La Chenaye-des-Bois, Dictionnaire de La Noblesse, Tome V (Volume 5), MDCCLXXII (1772), Page 254.). Also Known As: Guillaume "Le Jeune" (2889) (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties/Les_dynasties_celebres/Liste_alphabetique.htm.). Born: between 1163 and 1187 at France, son of Dreux IV de Mello (2888) and Ermengarde de Mouchy-en-Beauvaisis (1791), Guillaume I was alive in the year 1198 and was born before Dreux. Married before 1209 at France: Élizabeth, Dame d'Ancy-le-Franc (2891),, daughter of Guillaume, Seigneur de Mont-Saint-Jean (2893) and Buré, dite Duchesse N? (2894) (Some sources indicate uncertainty as to whether Guillaume I's wife was named Elizabeth d'Ancy-le-Franc [per André Roux] or Isabelle de Mont-Saint-Jean. Either name indicates the same person, and the name variance concerns that person's preference for a surname based on her paternal or maternal inheritance [and perhaps both]). Note - between 1217 and 1218: Guillaume I participated in the Battle of Toulouse.

Like most towns, Toulouse was defended by city walls with a seigniorial castle providing a second line of defence. The castle of the Counts of Toulouse was on the west side of the city, and known as the Château Narbonnais. The City was repeatedly besieged, and repeatedly withstood the Catholic Crusaders, though it had to be surrendered under treaties of surrender. William of Puylaurens covered events relating to the history of Languedoc from the twelfth century to the mid-1270s. The section below begins with the future Raymond VII, count of Toulouse, laying siege to the crusader-held fortress of Beaucaire in 1216. Events seem to turn against Simon de Montfort, leader of the crusading forces, and he begins a siege of the city of Toulouse, which lasts from October 1217 to July 1218. This siege ends with the death of Simon. This text is from The Chronicle of William of Puylaurens: The Albigensian Crusade and its Aftermath, trans. W.A. Sibly and M.D. Sibly (Boydell, 2003).

Simon first besieged Toulouse in 1211, but failed to take it. From 16 to 29 June 1211, Simon de Montfort besieges the City of Toulouse, without success. In May, 1215, the city of Toulouse surrendered to Simon de Montfort. September to October 1216: So, after his reception by the citizens of Avignon and the people of Venaissin, the son of the Count of Toulouse entered the town of Beaucaire in strength, with the support of the inhabitants, and laid siege to the crusader garrison in the castle. He invested the castle from all sides, by land and from the river Rhone, so that no one could leave and no relief could reach the garrison from outside. Count Simon [de Montfort] rushed to besiege the besiegers, but after eating their horses and running completely out of supplies the garrison surrendered the castle to their enemies, having received guarantees that their lives would be spared. As his efforts had come to nothing Count Simon raised the siege of the town. As a consequence many who had concealed their opposition to him lifted up their horns, and numerous strongholds and towns at once joined his enemies. For the citizens of Toulouse, whose hostages had already returned home, as I reported above, refused to submit to masters whose rule was overweening and took refuge in a form of disobedience. They bore with difficulty the yoke which undermined the liberty to which they were accustomed. Accordingly Count Simon – fearful that if he took no steps to suppress them they would become as a swelling tumour, decided to oppose them with armed force and punish their arrogance severely. 12th September 1217. Raymond VI of Toulouse re-enters the City of Toulouse over the Bazacle (the ancient ford over the Garonne) to the delight of the population. Simon de Montfort's family are trapped within the Château Narbonnais. So, in the year 1216, the Count entered the Cité with a large armed force. He started fires in several places hoping that the citizens would be put in dread by a double storm, of fire and sword, and thus be more readily thrown into confusion. The Toulousians met force with force, they placed wooden beams and wine casks in the streets and repulsed the attackers. All night long they had no rest from fighting fire or the enemy. In the morning the venerable father Bishop Fulk took with him some of the citizens, and in the hope of adverting the impending dangers, mediated between the two parties to secure an agreed peace and sought to blunt the sharp edge of steel with silver. The Count's resources had been exhausted by the expenditure he had incurred at Beaucaire, and he had no money. Seizing on this some of his associates, claiming that it would be of his advantage, urged him to claim compensation of thirty thousand marks, from the Cité and the Bourg – an amount they could well afford – as a means of enabling them to gain the Count's favor. He willingly fell in with this counsel of Achitofel, and, blinded by money, did not see the dangers that might result. For those who gave this advice well knew that levying this sum would result in much wrong being done, to the community as a whole and to individuals; this would drive the Toulousains to aspire to their erstwhile freedoms and recall their former lord. When the levy came to be collected it was exacted with a harsh and cruel pressure; not only were pledges demanded, but the doorways of houses were marked with signs. There were many instances of this harsh treatment which it would take too long to describe in detail, as the people groaned under the yoke of servitude. Meanwhile the Toulousains engaged in secret discussion with their old Count [Raymond VI], who was travelling in Spain, concerning his possible return to Toulouse, so that their wishes might be fulfilled. From 13 September 1217 to 22 July 1218. Second Siege of the City of Toulouse. Stung by the humiliation of losing Toulouse, Simon de Montfort besieges the city again, without success. He dies during the siege, on 25th June 1218, hit on the head by a stone from a trebuchet, to the great rejoicing of the besieged, and the whole of the Midi. So in the year 1217, whilst Count Simon was engaged in a long struggle with Adhemar of Poitiers on the east side of the Rhone, the Count of Toulouse took advantage of the opportunity so created to cross the Pyrenees and enter Toulouse, not by bridge bit by the ford under the Bazacle.à This was in September.à He was accompanied by the Counts of Comminges and Palhars and a few knights.à Few people were aware of his arrival; some were pleased, others who judged the likely future turn of events by what had happened in the past, were displeased.à Some of the latter therefore retired to the Chateau Narbonnais with the French, others to the Bishop's house or the cloister of St. Stephen or the monastery of Saint-Sernin; the Count persuaded them to return to him after a few days, by threats or flattery.à The Count Guy, who was in the area, tried to suppress this latest insurrection by force but was repulsed and could not achieve his aims. In the meantime, whilst Count Simon, currently engaged in besieging Crest, was being apprised of these events, the citizens began to cut off access from the Chateau Narbonnais to the Cite, with pales and stakes, large wooden beams and ditches, starting at the rampart known as le Touzet and going as far as the rampart of St James.à Count Simon now arrived with Cardinal Bertrand, who had been sent as legate by the Supreme Pontiff Honorius, attacked the city with a strong force, but the citizens defended themselves courageously and his efforts were in vain.à Then siege-engines were erected on all sides of the city, and a bombardment of mill-stones and other heavy stones was begun. Meanwhile the legate sent Lord Fulk, the Bishop of Toulouse, to France to preach the cross; with him were others entrusted with the same mission including Master Jacques de Vitry, a man of outstanding honour, learning and eloquence, who later became Bishop of Acre and then a cardinal of the Church of Rome.à The lord Bishop of Toulouse once spoke to me of Master Jacques, who had told him that he had been enjoined in a dream by a vision of St. Saturnin, the first Bishop of Toulouse, to preach against his people; he referred the matter to the Bishop and asked him if there had at one time been a priest at Toulouse called Saturnin - he had not previously known this. The preaching mission resulted in a great many men taking up the cross; these came to take part in the siege of Toulouse in the following spring, and the Bishop returned to the army with them.à Count Simon now donated to the Bishop and his successors as bishops of Toulouse in perpetuity the castrum of Verfeil, with all the towns and forts which belonged to it and which contained twenty hearths of less; the count retained nothing, and imposed only one condition that if he were ever to become involved in warfare on open ground in the territory of Verfeil, the Bishop would provide him with one armed knight. The labour of battle oppressed the besieged and the besiegers alike throughout the winter, as they fought with siege-engines and the other instruments of war.à Count Simon, now strengthened by the presence of the newly arrived crusaders, harried his enemies, less by direct attacks on the walls of the town than by excursions around it (which the citizens hindered by erecting barriers and digging ditches).à At last it was decided to construct a wooden engine of the type known as a 'cat', which would enable his men to bring up earth and wood to fill up the ditches; once the ditches had been levelled they would be able to engage the enemy at close quarters and effect an entry into town after breaking up the wooden barriers opposing them. However the Count [Simon] was worn out by his labours, despondent and weakened and exhausted by the drain on his resources; nor did he easily bear the prick of constant accusations be the legate that he was unthinking and remiss.à Whence, it is said, he began to pray to God to give him peace by the remedy of death.à One day, the day after the feast of St John the Baptist, he went into the cat, and a stone thrown from an enemy mangonel fell on his head; he died at once.à The news reached the citizens inside Toulouse that day, and they did not hold back from showing their delight by shouts of rejoicing, whilst on the other side there was great sadness.à Indeed the citizens were in great distress through fear of an imminent attack; moreover they had few remaining supplies and little hope of gathering their harvest that summer. So, the man who inspired terror from the Mediterranean to the British sea fell by a blow from a single stone; at his fall those who had previously stood firm fell down. In him who was a good man, the insolence of his subordinates was thrown down. I affirm that later I heard the Count of Toulouse (the last of his line) generously praise him - even though he was his enemy - for his fidelity, his foresight, his energy and all the qualities which befit a leader.

16th of June - 1st of August 1219. Third Siege of the City of Toulouse, this time by Prince Louis, the future French King Louis IX (Saint Louis), again without success. Died: in 1249.

1.1.5.1.1.1.1.1 Marguerite de Mello (16635) (Paul Theroff, posts, 23 April 1995 at 17:45 Hours.). AKA: Marguerite "l'Ainée" (16635). Born: before 1219 at France, daughter of Guillaume I, Seigneur de Mello (2889) and Élizabeth, Dame d'Ancy-le- Franc (2891). Died: after 1268 Marguerite was alive in the year 1268. She is thought to possibly have married Raoul III de Clermont, Seigneur de Nesle, but that is highly conjectural.

1.1.5.1.1.1.1.2 Isabelle de Mello (16636) (Paul Theroff, posts, 23 April 1995 at 17:45 Hours.). Married Name: de Châtillon- en-Bazois (16636). AKA: Isabelle de Mello (16636) (Internet, http://fmg.ac/Projects/MedLands/AUVERGNE.htm#_Toc389204247.). Born: before 1220 at France, daughter of Guillaume I, Seigneur de Mello (2889) and Élizabeth, Dame d'Ancy-le-Franc (2891). Married before Feb 1235: Hughes de Châtillon- en-Bazois (16637),, son of Eudes, Seigneur de Châtillon-en-Bazois (21318) and N? N? (21319) (Hughes was Isablle's first husband. Her second husband was Robert de Montgascon).

1.1.5.1.1.1.1.3 Agnès de Mello (16638) (Paul Theroff, posts, 23 April 1995 at 17:45 Hours.). Born: before 1221 at France, daughter of Guillaume I, Seigneur de Mello (2889) and Élizabeth, Dame d'Ancy-le-Franc (2891), Agnès married Hughes de Plancy.

1.1.5.1.1.1.1.4 Marguerite de Mello (2627) (André Roux: Scrolls, 135, 145.) (M. de La Chenaye-des-Bois, Dictionnaire de La Noblesse, Tome V (Volume 5), MDCCLXXII (1772), Page 254.) (M. de La Chenaye-des-Bois, Dictionnaire de La Noblesse, Tome V (Volume 5), MDCCLXXII (1772), Page 254.). Married Name: de Villehardouin (2627). Married Name: de Courtenay (2627). Born: before 1222 at Mello, Ile-de-France, France, daughter of Guillaume I, Seigneur de Mello (2889) and Élizabeth, Dame d'Ancy-le-Franc (2891), Marguerite is presumed to have been at least 15 years of age by the time her dauther, Mabile was born. Some sources indicate that this Marguerite was the daughter of Dreux de Mello rather than his grand-daughter. Married circa 1227: Robert de Courtenay (9451),, son of Guillaume de Courtenay (9448) and Adeline de Noyers (9449). Married before 1236 at France: Guillaume de Villehardouin (2626),, son of Érard I, Sire de Villehardouin (12590) and Mabile de Chappes (12591). Died: in 1254.

1.1.5.1.1.1.1.5 Dreux I/II de Mello (2892) (André Roux: Scrolls, 145.) (Paul Theroff, posts, 23 April 1995 at 17:45 Hours.).

AKA: Dreux II, Seigneur d'Époisses (2892). AKA: Dreux II, Seigneur de Saint-Bris (2892). AKA: Dreux I, Seigneur de Bréchard (2892). Born: before 1222 at France, son of Guillaume I, Seigneur de Mello (2889) and Élizabeth, Dame d'Ancy-le-Franc (2891), Dreux is presumed to have been at least 18 years of age by the time his son, Dreux III, was born. AKA: Dreux, Seigneur de Château-Chinon (2892) by marriage (Abbott, Page 185.). Married before 1239: Helvis, Dame de Château-Chinon (2895),, daughter of André Hugues, Sire de Château- Chinon (2897) and Helvis = Huguette, Dame d'Époisses (2898). Note - between 18 Sep 1248 and 1252: Dreux I / II participated and died in the Seventh Crusade. The Seventh Crusade was a crusade led by Louis IX of France from 18 September 1248 to 24 April 1254. Approximately 50,000 gold bezants (a sum equal to the entire annual revenue of France) was paid in ransom for King Louis who, along with thousands of his troops, were captured and defeated by the Egyptian army led by the Ayyubid Sultan Turanshah supported by the Bahariyya Mamluks led by Faris ad-Din Aktai, Baibars al-Bunduqdari, Qutuz , Aybak and Qalawun. France was perhaps the strongest state in Europe at the time, as the Albigensian Crusade had brought Provence into Parisian control. Poitou was ruled by Louis IX's brother Alphonse of Poitiers, who joined him on his crusade in 1245. Another brother, Charles I of Anjou, also joined Louis. For the next three years Louis collected an ecclesiastical tenth (mostly from church tithes), and in 1248 he and his approximately 15,000-strong army that included 3,000 knights, and 5,000 crossbowmen sailed on 36 ships from the ports of Aigues-Mortes, which had been specifically built to prepare for the crusade, and Marseille. Louis IX's financial preparations for this expedition were comparatively well organized, and he was able to raise approximately 1,500,000 livres tournois. However, many nobles who joined Louis on the expedition had to borrow money from the royal treasury, and the crusade turned out to be very expensive. The Seventh shares with the Sixth Crusade the attribute of being under the control of a particular monarch. Taken together, they show plainly that the papacy had lost control of the crusading movement and, equally, that the movement was no longer able to stir interest throughout Europe. The crusades were close to becoming the instrument of national policy. The King and Queen sailed to Cyprus, arriving at Limassol on 18 September 1248, where they were received by King Henry of Cyprus. They were joined there by the Grand Master of the Hospital, the Grand Master of the Temple, and many of the Palestinian barons. Louis called a council and there it was agreed to aim for Egypt. Both in the Latin West and in Outremer it was understood that Jerusalem could never be secure so long as Egypt was hostile. the Latin Empire set up after the Fourth Crusade asked for his help against the Byzantine Empire of Nicaea, and the Principality of Antioch and the Knights Templar wanted his help in Syria, where the Muslims had recently captured Sidon. Once the objective was decided, Louis wanted to set out at once, but the locals persuaded him that an attack on the Nile delta in winter would be too risky. There were few harbors along the delta; landing required calm seas and the winter storms made these unpredictable. Despite his eagerness, Louis agreed to wait until spring. Egypt would, Louis thought, provide a base from which to attack Jerusalem, and its wealth and supply of grain would keep the crusaders fed and equipped. During the winter, the king was distracted by various diplomatic maneuvers, including sending an expedition to the Mongols to seek an alliance there. Constantinople begged him to help in its struggle with the Emperor of Nicaea. Antioch asked for help. The Templars were engaged in some complex negotiations with Aleppo. Louis steadfastly refused to be distracted from his crusading goal and refused all these entanglements, except he did send six hundred archers to Bohémond at Antioch. In the spring, additional troops arrived from the Morea. Louis had arranged for supplies at Cyprus, but he had planned only for a stay of weeks, not months, and he now had far fewer stores than he had hoped. More time (and supplies) was wasted in trying to find ships, for Venice now refused to help at all, and Genoa was distracted by a war. When a fleet did assemble, it was promptly scattered in a storm. When Louis sailed in May 1249, he had with him only about a quarter of his army. The rest of the army was making its way toward Egypt as best it could, but Louis would not wait. He arrived off the coast of Egypt on 4 June 1249. The Egyptians knew Louis was coming and had dispatched a strong force to oppose him. His advisors all told Louis to wait until the rest of the army should come up, but he refused. On the morning of the 5th, the King landed, leading his troops personally. A fierce battle developed on the beach. John of Ibelin, Count of Jaffa, along with the King himself, distinguished themselves with their courage. The Egyptian commander, Fakhr ad-Din, withdrew under cover of darkness back to Damietta. While there was great elation at their victory, the Christians knew that the really hard fighting still lay ahead. During the night, Fakhr ad-Din found that the city lacked the resolve to fight. He made the tactical decision to abandon the city and to retreat up river. Most of the Muslim population, already in a panic over the prospect of a terrible siege, left with the Egyptian troops. In the morning, some Christians from the city came to the French camp to tell them that the city was undefended. Louis marched triumphantly into Damietta on 6 June 1249. The last time Damietta had fallen to the Christians, the Sultan had offered Jerusalem in exchange. Hopes among the Crusaders ran very high. Having won Damietta, the Crusaders now stopped. The Nile would begin to flood in another month, and everyone remembered the fate of the Fifth Crusade. Moreover, the greater part of the army had not yet arrived. Louis decided to wait out the flood season before considering a further advance up the Nile. The knights sat back and enjoyed the spoils of war. Louis was in his element here, dispensing justice and arrangement the affairs of government. But as the army grew and waiting, it consumed supplies at an alarming rate, and discipline grew slack. Once again the Sultan, who was old and dying of tuberculosis, offered Jerusalem for Damietta. Once again, the Crusaders refused, believing that they had the Egyptians on the run and would be able to win even more. Louis ignored the agreement made during the Fifth Crusade that Damietta should be given to the Kingdom of Jerusalem, now a rump state in Acre, but he did set up an archbishopric there (under the authority of the Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem) and used the city as a base to direct military operations against the Muslims of Syria. In Cairo, the political temperature rose rapidly. The Sultan, Ayub, was dying and everyone knew it. He had relied on his slave warriors, known as the Mamluks, for the defense of Damietta and they were now disgraced. They were advocating a palace revolution to restore their position, but Fakhr ad-Din would not lead them. Ayub did what he could. Al-Kamil had constructed a small town on the site of his victory over the Fifth Crusade, naming it al-Mansourah: the Victorious. Ayub had himself brought in a litter to Mansourah and turned the place into an armed camp. He sent Bedouin raiders out to harry any Christians who dared to venture beyond Damietta and the army camp set up outside it. September came and went, then October. The floodwaters receded and the way to Cairo opened. Louis received reinforcements from France, commanded by his brother Alfonso of Poitou. After some discussion, it was agreed to advance up the Nile toward Cairo, and the army set out on 20 November 1249. The King left his Queen behind in Damietta, along with the Patriarch of Jerusalem and a strong garrison. Louis IX sent a letter to as-Salih Ayyub that said : “ As you know that I am the ruler of the Christian nation I do know you are the ruler of the Muhammadan nation. The people of Andalusia give me money and gifts while we drive them like cattle. We kill their men and we make their women widows. We take the boys and the girls as prisoners and we make houses empty. I have told you enough and I have advised you to the end, so now if you make the strongest oath to me and if you go to christian priests and monks and if you carry kindles before my eyes as a sign of obeying the cross, all these will not persuade me from reaching you and killing you at your dearest spot on earth. If the land will be mine then it is a gift to me. If the land will be yours and you defeat me then you will have the upper hand. I have told you and I have warned you about my soldiers who obey me. They can fill open fields and mountains, their number like pebbles. They will be sent to you with swords of destruction.” In November 1249, Louis marched towards Cairo, and almost at the same time, the Ayyubid sultan of Egypt, as-Salih Ayyub, died. Sultan Ayub died on 23 November 1249 at Mansourah. With the Mamluks and other troops already restless, the Sultana managed to hide the fact of her husbands death long enough to recall her son, Turan-shah, from Syria and to make sure that she and Fakhr ad-Din were securely in power. She managed all this even as Louis and his army were advancing up the Nile toward her. Fakhr ad-Din kept most of his forces at Mansourah, securely protected by the joining of the Bahr as-Saghir with the Nile--exactly the same position occupied by al-Kamil about thirty years previously. He sent cavalry forces out to oppose the Christians, and some heavy fighting developed at Fariskur on 7 December, but Louis led his troops well and they were little delayed by these attacks. The Crusaders arrived on the banks of the Bahr as-Saghir on 21 December 1249, and the two armies dug in. The rivers protected the Christians as much as they did the Muslims. Fakhr ad-Din tried several times to find a way to attack the French, but each attempt was thwarted. For their part, the Christians were engaged in trying to build a dyke to bridge the river, but the Egyptians managed to thwart that in their turn. January 1250 passed in these activities. Then, at the beginning of February, the Crusaders got a break. A Coptic Christian offered to show them a ford across the river. They set out on 8 February 1250. The vanguard was led by the King's brother, Robert of Artois, accompanied by the Templars and the English. Louis gave strict orders that no one should attack until he himself gave the order. The crossing was difficult and took a long time. Once over, Artois decided to attack right away, fearing that the Egyptians might discover him there before the French could get across. The Templars reminded him of the King's orders, but he made the decision to attack anyway. Duke Robert was almost immediately successful. The Egyptians were just going about their morning business, unaware that the Christians had crossed the river, so the French were able to burst into the camp almost unopposed. The Egyptians were not formed up, many weren't even armored. Many fled immediately for Mansourah; those who stood and fought, including the Egyptian commander Fakhr ad-Din, were slaughtered. The Egyptian camp was now in Crusader hands, a very great triumph, but Robert of Artois wanted more. He wanted to pursue the fleeing Egyptians and to capture Mansourah; if that city fell, Cairo could not stand. With Cairo, so fell all of Egypt, and the future of the Holy Land would be assured. It was a crucial moment. But the Crusader forces were badly dispersed in and around the Egyptian camp, and in any case the superiority of the Latin cavalry would be lost in the narrow streets of a city. Both the Grand Master of the Temple, William of Sonnac, and the commander of the English contingent, the Earl of Salisbury, advised Robert to wait for the main Crusader force under King Louis. The Duke dismissed the others as cowards and urged his French forces forward. The Templars and the English reluctantly followed, knowing that Artois would be killed if he went on alone. King Louis and the bulk of the French army were still crossing the Bahr as-Saghir, unaware of what was happening. In Mansourah, the fleeing Mamluks were re-grouped under a new leader, Rukn ad-Din Baibars. He stationed his men around the city and allowed the Crusaders to charge into the city without opposition. Once they were all deep within the town, Baibars ordered the counter-attack. Even the people of the town took part, casting down stones and pulling riders from their horses. The Crusaders could not defend themselves; many, indeed, found themselves in alleys so narrow they could not even turn their horses around. Disaster fell on them. Two hundred and ninety Templar knights rode into Mansourah; five escaped. Robert of Artois was killed, overwhelmed when he tried to take refuge in a house. The Lord of Coucy and the Count of Brienne were killed. The Grand Master William lost one eye, but managed to get away. The Earl of Salisbury and almost all of the English knights were killed. Many who escaped the city drowned while trying to swim the river back to safety. Duke Peter of Brittany, severely wounded, managed to make it to the river crossing and it was he who told the King of the disaster. Louis knew what was coming. He quickly formed his army up to meet an attack, but his crossbowmen were still on the other side of the river. The king ordered a pontoon bridge to be built as quickly as possible so they could cross, knowing that their arrows would be needed. In the meantime, the Mamluks attacked. That afternoon saw hard fighting on both sides. More than once the Egyptian army was on the verge of success, but personal courage on the Christian side kept the French intact. Toward sundown, the bridge was at last completed and the bowmen hurried over. That was enough for the Egyptians, and they retired to the safety of Mansourah. Louis learned of his brother's death only after the fighting was done. He wept over his loss, but he could not hope for vengeance, for that same brother had been responsible for the loss of too many knights. The king ordered a retreat back to the Crusader camp. Louis was defeated as well, but he did not withdraw to Damietta for months, preferring to besiege Mansourah, which ended in starvation and death for the crusaders rather than the Muslims. In showing utter agony, a Templar knight lamented : “ Rage and sorrow are seated in my heart...so firmly that I scarce dare to stay alive. It seems that God wishes to support the Turks to our loss...ah, lord God...alas, the realm of the East has lost so much that it will never be able to rise up again. They will make a Mosque of Holy Mary's convent, and since the theft pleases her Son, who should weep at this, we are forced to comply as well...Anyone who wishes to fight the Turks is mad, for Jesus Christ does not fight them any more. They have conquered, they will conquer. For every day they drive us down, knowing that God, who was awake, sleeps now, and Muhammad waxes powerful.” The Egyptians soon tried to capitalize on their victory, attacking three days after the Battle of Mansourah. Hard fighting lasted all day, but in the end the Christians were able to withstand the attack and the Egyptians again withdrew. There followed a stalemate that lasted for several weeks, but always to the detriment of the Christians. After the death of the Sultan, the Sultana immediately summoned Turanshah to Cairo. He arrived on 28 February 1250 and soon tightened the noose around the Christians by implementing a successful blockade of the Nile. All though March, few supply ships managed to slip the blockade; at the end of the month, a whole fleet of thirty-two ships were seized. Famine and disease stalked the Christian camp, and King Louis realized that he must retreat or risk losing everything. He first tried to offer Turanshah an exchange: Damietta for Jerusalem; but the Sultan would have none of it. The Latin army set out under cover of darkness early on 5 April 1250. They managed to get across the Bahr as-Saghir via a pontoon bridge before the Egyptians noticed the movement, but the Christians neglected to destroy the bridge behind them and the Egyptians set out in pursuit. The King remained in the rear guard, leading the defense against the Egyptian attacks. That night, however, he fell ill and by morning could barely ride. The next day, the army tried to move on, but typhoid and dysentery were everywhere. By mid-day, the King could go no further and his bodyguard placed him in a house at Sharimshah. The Egyptians closed in. Although the King never ordered a surrender, and Philip of Montfort was negotiating with the Sultan, there was a confusion of orders and the army simply surrendered. It scarcely mattered; the army could not have fought. A little later, the Christian ships that had been sent down the Nile carrying the sick and wounded were likewise captured. The entire Crusader army, including the King of France and many of the barons of Outremer, was now captive. The only point of resistance was Damietta, still under the command of Queen Margaret of France. With her were only a handful of knights, a large contingent of Italians, and the Patriarch of Jerusalem. Her situation was complicated by the fact that she was nine months pregnant. The Egyptians had captured such a large army, they lacked enough men even to guard it. Every day, for the next seven days in succession, three hundred of the weakest were taken aside and decapitated. By these measures the number of Christian captives was reduced to a manageable size. King Louis was take to Mansourah, both for better security and for better medical care, for his was very sick. Even so, he was kept in chains, even while he was being nursed back to health. The King's health was very important to the Sultan, for he was the biggest bargaining chip. That there was a bargain to be made at all was due largely to Queen Margaret. Three days after hearing of the surrender of the army and the capture of her husband, Margaret gave birth to a son whom she named John Tristan (John Sorrow). That same day she heard that the Italians were planning to abandon Damietta as the city was threatened with a shortage of food. Summoning their leaders to her bedside, she persuaded them to stay by offering to buy sufficient food out of her own purse. Margaret and her son were soon sent to the safety of Acre, and negotiations with the Sultan were taken over by the Patriarch Robert, but the Queen's courage at a crucial moment had saved the city, giving the Patriarch something with which to bargain. Meanwhile, extraordinary events were transpiring at Fariskur, where the Sultan and the main Egyptian army were encamped. On 2 May 1250, Turanshah gave a great banquet. At the end of the feast, a faction of Mamluk soldiers rushed in and tried to kill him. These soldiers had been offended by Turanshah's treatment of them and, led by Baibars, decided to exact vengeance. The Sultan was wounded but managed to escape to a tower next to the Nile River. The Mamluks pursued him and set the tower on fire. Turanshah leaped into the river. His pursuers stood on the banks and shot at him with arrows, even as he begged for his life, offering to abdicate. Unable to kill him from the shore, Baibars himself waded out into the water and hacked the Sultan to death. A puppet Sultan was chosen, but he lasted only a few years. In reality, from that bloody night forward, Baibars Bundukdari was the ruler of Egypt. The Mamluks would rule here for almost three hundred years as the slave-sultans. The Patriarch of Jerusalem arrived in the immediate aftermath of these events. Despite some blood-curdling threats, the Mamluks chose to confirm the bargain made by Turanshah, mainly because of the enormous ransom of half a million pounds tournois. On May 6, Damietta was surrendered to the Egyptians, and King Louis was brought there and released the same day. He was required to pay half the ransom (now reduced to 400,000 pounds) immediately. With the reluctant help of the Templars, he managed to do this and to set sail the same day for Acre. A great many wounded soldiers had been left behind at Damietta; as soon as the Crusaders were gone, the Mamluks slaughtered all these. Louis arrived at Acre on 12 May 1250. Most of his army was dead and much of the rest of it was still captive. He was still obliged to raise the other half of the ransom money to free them, but his own financial reserves had been drained nearly dry. His mother wrote from France that he was sorely needed at home, but he decided to stay. His brothers and many others went home in July, leaving behind as much money as they could spare and about 1,400 men. Louis was now effectively the ruler of Outremer. Conrad of Germany was technically its monarch, but he obviously had no intention of coming to the East, and a commander was desperately needed. Some legal shuffling was done to give an appearance of legitimacy, but Louis' role was more pragmatic than legal. Fortunately, the Mamluk revolution that had led to a new split between Cairo and Damascus, for the Syrians resented the Mamluks and their murder of Turanshah. An-Nasr Yusuf of Aleppo, a great-grandson of Saladin, occupied Damascus and opened negotiations with Louis. He could not accept an open alliance with so many prisoners still in Egypt, but at least the King did not need to face an immediate Muslim offensive against the Crusader states. That winter, the Ayubites of Damascus invaded Egypt but were repulsed. In 1251, because of this rivalry between the Ayubites and the Mamluks, Louis was able to negotiate the return of all the Christian prisoners (about three thousand) in exchange for three hundred Muslim prisoners and no further money; in return, Louis promised to aid Cairo against Damascus. The King had learned a great deal about politics in Outremer. Louis spent 1252 repairing fortifications in various towns, working from Jaffa. Although there was some maneuvering of armies, the Mamluks chose not to leave the safety of Egypt and neither Louis nor an-Nasr Yusuf would risk an open battle. In 1253, Yusuf appealed to the Caliph at Baghdad to arbitrate between himself and Aibek, the puppet Sultan of Cairo. The Caliph was concerned to unite the Muslims against the invading Mongols and so took an uncharacteristically active hand. He negotiated a settlement acceptable to both Damascus and Cairo, and the alliance with the Christians was immediately forgotten. Louis' presence in Outremer had saved the Crusader states from the disaster at Mansourah. He did this not only by dealing effectively with the Ayubites at Damascus and the Mamluks at Cairo, but also by keeping good order among the barons of Outremer and by gaining their respect. Louis conducted himself with bravery in the battles in Egypt and with great dignity while in captivity. Once he arrived at Acre, he showed himself to be fair-minded, generous and impartial in his dealings with the barons. He arbitrated a dispute at Antioch and then some delicate issues of succession over the crown of Jerusalem itself. He could easily have made himself a partisan in this latter, and even have laid claim to the throne himself. Instead, he continued to administer the affairs of the kingdom in the name of its child-kings and respected the decisions of the High Court of Cyprus regarding the succession. Despite feeling that he was still needed in Outremer, Louis returned to France in 1254. His mother had died in November 1252. She had been the strong hand at the helm during his abscence, and trouble broke out soon after her death. By late 1253, with trouble in Flanders and with King Henry of England threatening, Louis knew he had to leave. He set out on 24 April 1254 and arrived in France in July. The immediate parallels with the Fifth Crusade are obvious: the capture of Damietta, a brave advance upriver followed by catastrophe. But the effects of the Seventh Crusade were perhaps even more profound. Louis was universally respected. There had been no internal rivalries within the Crusader camp. If God did not grant victory here, then perhaps victory belonged only to the early Crusaders, who had long since passed into legendary status. It would be long before there was again any enthusiasm for crusading; another generation, really. The loss of money and life was disastrous for the Crusader states themselves and especially for the Military Orders; they never fully recovered. Outremer was now faced with an aggressive military state in Egypt and only the ominous advance of the Mongols prolonged its life. Once the Mongols had been dealt with, the Crusader states fell quickly. Louis himself was deeply distressed over his failure. He lost a brother on the Crusade and many good friends besides. It is evident that he was haunted by this because at the end of his life, he undertook another crusade. In 1270, against the advice of counselors and family, Louis again fielded an army and headed east. His ultimate goal was again deflected by a brother: this time, by Charles of Anjou, now King of Sicily, who persuaded Louis to attack Tunis first. He did so, gained a victory, but died of a fever in August. As a final irony, he was preceeded in death at Tunis by his son, John Tristan, the boy born at Damietta amid disaster. The history of the Seventh Crusade was written by Jean de Joinville, who was also a participant, Matthew Paris and many Muslim historians. Died: in 1252 at Holy Land (Abbott, Page 185.).

1.1.5.1.1.1.1.6 Guillaume de Mello (16601) (Paul Theroff, posts, 23 April 1995 at 17:45 Hours.). AKA: Guillaume II, Seigneur de Saint-Bris (16601) (http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties, http://web.genealogie.free.fr/Les_dynasties/Les_dynasties_celebres/Liste_alphabetique.htm.). Born: before 1225 at France, son of Guillaume I, Seigneur de Mello (2889) and Élizabeth, Dame d'Ancy-le-Franc (2891), Guillaume is presumed to have been at least 20 years of age when he died. Married before 1244: N? N? (16602). Died: between 1245 and 1249 at Nicosia, Catana, Sicily, Italy, Guillaume participated in the Seventh Crusade. The Seventh Crusade was a crusade led by Louis IX of France from 1248 to 1254. Approximately 50,000 gold bezants (a sum equal to the entire annual revenue of France) was paid in ransom for King Louis who, along with thousands of his troops, were captured and defeated by the Egyptian army led by the Ayyubid Sultan Turanshah supported by the Bahariyya Mamluks led by Faris ad-Din Aktai, Baibars al-Bunduqdari, Qutuz , Aybak and Qalawun. France was perhaps the strongest state in Europe at the time, as the Albigensian Crusade had brought Provence into Parisian control. Poitou was ruled by Louis IX's brother Alphonse of Poitiers, who joined him on his crusade in 1245. Another brother, Charles I of Anjou, also joined Louis. For the next three years Louis collected an ecclesiastical tenth (mostly from church tithes), and in 1248 he and his approximately 15,000-strong army that included 3,000 knights, and 5,000 crossbowmen sailed on 36 ships from the ports of Aigues-Mortes, which had been specifically built to prepare for the crusade, and Marseille.[2] Louis IX's financial preparations for this expedition were comparatively well organized, and he was able to raise approximately 1,500,000 livres tournois. However, many nobles who joined Louis on the expedition had to borrow money from the royal treasury, and the crusade turned out to be very expensive. They sailed first to Cyprus and spent the winter on the island, negotiating with various other powers in the east; the Latin Empire set up after the Fourth Crusade asked for his help against the Byzantine Empire of Nicaea, and the Principality of Antioch and the Knights Templar wanted his help in Syria, where the Muslims had recently captured Sidon. Nonetheless, Egypt was the object of his crusade, and he landed in 1249 at Damietta on the Nile. Egypt would, Louis thought, provide a base from which to attack Jerusalem, and its wealth and supply of grain would keep the crusaders fed and equipped. On June 6 Damietta was taken with little resistance from the Egyptians, who withdrew further up the Nile. The flooding of the Nile had not been taken into account, however, and it soon grounded Louis and his army at Damietta for six months, where the knights sat back and enjoyed the spoils of war. Louis ignored the agreement made during the Fifth Crusade that Damietta should be given to the Kingdom of Jerusalem, now a rump state in Acre, but he did set up an archbishopric there (under the authority of the Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem) and used the city as a base to direct military operations against the Muslims of Syria. Louis IX sent a letter to as-Salih Ayyub that said : “ As you know that I am the ruler of the Christian nation I do know you are the ruler of the Muhammadan nation. The people of Andalusia give me money and gifts while we drive them like cattle. We kill their men and we make their women widows. We take the boys and the girls as prisoners and we make houses empty. I have told you enough and I have advised you to the end, so now if you make the strongest oath to me and if you go to christian priests and monks and if you carry kindles before my eyes as a sign of obeying the cross, all these will not persuade me from reaching you and killing you at your dearest spot on earth. If the land will be mine then it is a gift to me. If the land will be yours and you defeat me then you will have the upper hand. I have told you and I have warned you about my soldiers who obey me. They can fill open fields and mountains, their number like pebbles. They will be sent to you with swords of destruction.” In November, Louis marched towards Cairo, and almost at the same time, the Ayyubid sultan of Egypt, as-Salih Ayyub, died. A force led by Robert of Artois and the Templars attacked the Egyptian camp at Gideila and advanced to Al Mansurah where they were defeated at the Battle of Al Mansurah, and Robert was killed. Meanwhile, Louis' main force was attacked by the Mameluk Baibars, the commander of the army and a future sultan himself. Louis was defeated as well, but he did not withdraw to Damietta for months, preferring to besiege Mansourah, which ended in starvation and death for the crusaders rather than the Muslims. In showing utter agony, a Templar knight lamented : “ Rage and sorrow are seated in my heart...so firmly that I scarce dare to stay alive. It seems that God wishes to support the Turks to our loss...ah, lord God...alas, the realm of the East has lost so much that it will never be able to rise up again. They will make a Mosque of Holy Mary's convent, and since the theft pleases her Son, who should weep at this, we are forced to comply as well...Anyone who wishes to fight the Turks is mad, for Jesus Christ does not fight them any more. They have conquered, they will conquer. For every day they drive us down, knowing that God, who was awake, sleeps now, and Muhammad waxes powerful.” In March of 1250 Louis finally tried to return to Damietta, but he was taken captive at the of Battle of Fariskur where his army was annihilated. Louis fell ill with dysentery, and was cured by an Arab physician. In May he was ransomed for 50,000 gold bezants, and he immediately left Egypt for Acre, one of few remaining crusader possessions in Syria. In 1250, Turanshah, as-Salih's successor, was killed in Fariskur by the Mamluks whom they thought was making a distinction against them. Louis made an alliance with the Mamluks, who at the time were rivals of the Sultan of Damascus, and from his new base in Acre began to rebuild the other crusader cities, particularly Jaffa and Saida. Although the Kingdom of Cyprus claimed authority there, Louis was the de facto ruler. Louis also negotiated with the Mongols, who had begun to appear in the east and who the Christians, encouraged by legends of a Nestorian kingdom among them (cf. Prester John), hoped would help them fight the Muslims and restore the Crusader States. They, like the Muslims who were similarly negotiating with the Mongols against the Christians, were unaware that the Mongols were not interested in helping either side and would eventually be disastrous for both. Two envoys from the Mongols, named David and Marc visited Louis in Cyprus. In response, Louis sent an embassy by André de Longjumeau, and later by William of Rubruck. The Khan rejected Louis' invitation to convert to Christianity, and instead suggested Louis submit to him. In 1254 Louis' money ran out, and his presence was needed in France where his mother and regent Blanche of Castile had recently died. Before leaving he established a standing French garrison at Acre, the capital of the Kingdom of Jerusalem after the lost of Jerusalem, at the expense of the French crown, it remained there until the fall of Acre in 1291. His crusade was a failure, but he was considered a saint by many, and his fame gave him an even greater authority in Europe than the Holy Roman Emperor. In 1270 he attempted another crusade, though it too would end in failure.The history of the Seventh Crusade was written by Jean de Joinville, who was also a participant, Matthew Paris and many Muslim historians.

1.1.5.1.1.1.1.7 Guy de Mello (16634) (Paul Theroff, posts, 23 April 1995 at 17:45 Hours.). Born: before 1238 at France, son of Guillaume I, Seigneur de Mello (2889) and Élizabeth, Dame d'Ancy-le-Franc (2891). Died: in 1270 at France Guy was the Papal Legate and the Bishop of Auxerre and of Verdun.

1.1.5.1.1.1.2 Agnès de Mello (16640) (Paul Theroff, posts, 23 April 1995 at 17:45 Hours.). AKA: Agnès, Dame de Voisines (16640). Married Name: de Trainel (16640). Born: between 1163 and 1188 at France, daughter of Dreux IV de Mello (2888) and Ermengarde de Mouchy-en-Beauvaisis (1791), Agnès is presumed to have been born before her father was 50 years of age. Married in 1195: Garnier III, Seigneur de Trainel (20915),, son of Garnier II, Sire de Trainel (2547) and N? N? (2548). Died: after 1196.

1.1.5.1.1.1.2.1 Garnier IV, Seigneur de Trainel (16641) (Paul Theroff, posts, 23 April 1995 at 17:45 Hours.) (Abbott, Page 87.) (Abbott, Page 87.). AKA: Garnier, Sire de Marigny (16641). Born: between 1196 and 1211 at France, son of Garnier III, Seigneur de Trainel (20915) and Agnès de Mello (16640), Garnier is presumed to have been at least 14 years of age when he married Hélissende (Abbott, Page 87.). Married before Jun 1225 at France: Hélissende de Rethel (14715),, daughter of Hughes II, Count de Rethel (11537) and Félicité de Broyes (11538) (Hélissende and Garnier were mutual second spouses). Died: circa 1255.

1.1.5.1.1.1.2.2 Alix de Traînel (22127). Born: circa 1197, daughter of Garnier III, Seigneur de Trainel (20915) and Agnès de Mello (16640). Married on 22 Oct 1223: Pons [IV], Vicomte de Polignac (22126),, son of Héracle III, Vicomte de Polignac (22128) and Bélissende d'Auvergne (30073). Married Name: de Polignac (22127).

1.1.5.1.1.1.3 Dreux de Mello (16639) (Paul Theroff, posts, 23 April 1995 at 17:45 Hours.).

AKA: Dreux, Seigneur de Saint-Maurice-Thizouaille (16639). AKA: Dreux, Seigneur de Loches (16639). Born: between 1164 and 1188 at France, son of Dreux IV de Mello (2888) and Ermengarde de Mouchy-en-Beauvaisis (1791), Dreux is presumed to have been born before his father was 50 years of age. Note - between 13 Sep 1217 and 22 Jul 1218 at Toulouse, Languedoc, France: Dreux fought at the Second Siege of Touloouse. 13 Sep 1217 – 22 Jul 1218 – Second Siege of Toulouse. Like most towns, Toulouse was defended by city walls with a seigniorial castle providing a second line of defence. The castle of the Counts of Toulouse was on the west side of the city, and known as the Château Narbonnais. The City was repeatedly besieged, and repeatedly withstood the Catholic Crusaders, though it had to be surrendered under treaties of surrender. William of Puylaurens covered events relating to the history of Languedoc from the twelfth century to the mid-1270s.àThe section below begins with the future Raymond VII, count of Toulouse, laying siege to the crusader-held fortress of Beaucaire in 1216.à Events seem to turn against Simon de Montfort, leader of the crusading forces, and he begins a siege of the city of Toulouse, which lasts from October 1217 to July 1218.à This siege ends with the death of Simon. This text is from The Chronicle of William of Puylaurens: The Albigensian Crusade and its Aftermath, trans. W.A. Sibly and M.D. Sibly (Boydell, 2003).à Simon first besieged Toulouse in 1211, but failed to take it. From 16 to 29 June 1211, Simon de Montfort besieges the City of Toulouse, without success. In May, 1215, the city of Toulouse surrendered to Simon de Montfort. September to October 1216: “So, after his reception by the citizens of Avignon and the people of Venaissin, the son of the Count of Toulouse entered the town of Beaucaire in strength, with the support of the inhabitants, and laid siege to the crusader garrison in the castle. He invested the castle from all sides, by land and from the river Rhone, so that no one could leave and no relief could reach the garrison from outside. Count Simon [de Montfort] rushed to besiege the besiegers, but after eating their horses and running completely out of supplies the garrison surrendered the castle to their enemies, having received guarantees that their lives would be spared. As his efforts had come to nothing Count Simon raised the siege of the town. As a consequence many who had concealed their opposition to him lifted up their horns, and numerous strongholds and towns at once joined his enemies. For the citizens of Toulouse, whose hostages had already returned home, as I reported above, refused to submit to masters whose rule was overweening and took refuge in a form of disobedience. They bore with difficulty the yoke which undermined the liberty to which they were accustomed. Accordingly Count Simon – fearful that if he took no steps to suppress them they would become as a swelling tumour, decided to oppose them with armed force and punish their arrogance severely.” 12th September 1217. Raymond VI of Toulouse re-enters the City of Toulouse over the Bazacle (the ancient ford over the Garonne) to the delight of the population. Simon de Montfort's family are trapped within the Château Narbonnais. “So, in the year 1216, the Count entered the Cité with a large armed force.à He started fires in several places hoping that the citizens would be put in dread by a double storm, of fire and sword, and thus be more readily thrown into confusion.à The Toulousians met force with force, they placed wooden beams and wine casks in the streets and repulsed the attackers.à All night long they had no rest from fighting fire or the enemy. In the morning the venerable father Bishop Fulk took with him some of the citizens, and in the hope of adverting the impending dangers, mediated between the two parties to secure an agreed peace and sought to blunt the sharp edge of steel with silver.à The Count's resources had been exhausted by the expenditure he had incurred at Beaucaire, and he had no money.à Seizing on this some of his associates, claiming that it would be of his advantage, urged him to claim compensation of thirty thousand marks, from the Cité and the Bourg – an amount they could well afford – as a means of enabling them to gain the Count's favor.à He willingly fell in with this counsel of Achitofel, and, blinded by money, did not see the dangers that might result.à For those who gave this advice well knew that levying this sum would result in much wrong being done, to the community as a whole and to individuals; this would drive the Toulousains to aspire to their erstwhile freedoms and recall their former lord. When the levy came to be collected it was exacted with a harsh and cruel pressure; not only were pledges demanded, but the doorways of houses were marked with signs.à There were many instances of this harsh treatment which it would take too long to describe in detail, as the people groaned under the yoke of servitude. Meanwhile the Toulousains engaged in secret discussion with their old Count [Raymond VI], who was travelling in Spain, concerning his possible return to Toulouse, so that their wishes might be fulfilled.” From 13 September 1217 to 22 July 1218. Second Siege of the City of Toulouse. Stung by the humiliation of losing Toulouse, Simon de Montfort besieges the city again, without success. He dies during the siege, on 25th June 1218, hit on the head by a stone from a trebuchet, to the great rejoicing of the besieged, and the whole of the Midi. “So in the year 1217, whilst Count Simon was engaged in a long struggle with Adhemar of Poitiers on the east side of the Rhone, the Count of Toulouse took advantage of the opportunity so created to cross the Pyrenees and enter Toulouse, not by bridge bit by the ford under the Bazacle.à This was in September.à He was accompanied by the Counts of Comminges and Palhars and a few knights.à Few people were aware of his arrival; some were pleased, others who judged the likely future turn of events by what had happened in the past, were displeased.à Some of the latter therefore retired to the Chateau Narbonnais with the French, others to the Bishop's house or the cloister of St. Stephen or the monastery of Saint-Sernin; the Count persuaded them to return to him after a few days, by threats or flattery.à The Count Guy, who was in the area, tried to suppress this latest insurrection by force but was repulsed and could not achieve his aims. In the meantime, whilst Count Simon, currently engaged in besieging Crest, was being apprised of these events, the citizens began to cut off access from the Chateau Narbonnais to the Cité, with pales and stakes, large wooden beams and ditches, starting at the rampart known as le Touzet and going as far as the rampart of St James.à Count Simon now arrived with Cardinal Bertrand, who had been sent as legate by the Supreme Pontiff Honorius, attacked the city with a strong force, but the citizens defended themselves courageously and his efforts were in vain.à Then siege-engines were erected on all sides of the city, and a bombardment of mill-stones and other heavy stones was begun. Meanwhile the legate sent Lord Fulk, the Bishop of Toulouse, to France to preach the cross; with him were others entrusted with the same mission including Master Jacques de Vitry, a man of outstanding honour, learning and eloquence, who later became Bishop of Acre and then a cardinal of the Church of Rome.à The lord Bishop of Toulouse once spoke to me of Master Jacques, who had told him that he had been enjoined in a dream by a vision of St. Saturnin, the first Bishop of Toulouse, to preach against his people; he referred the matter to the Bishop and asked him if there had at one time been a priest at Toulouse called Saturnin - he had not previously known this. The preaching mission resulted in a great many men taking up the cross; these came to take part in the siege of Toulouse in the following spring, and the Bishop returned to the army with them.à Count Simon now donated to the Bishop and his successors as bishops of Toulouse in perpetuity the castrum of Verfeil, with all the towns and forts which belonged to it and which contained twenty hearths of less; the count retained nothing, and imposed only one condition that if he were ever to become involved in warfare on open ground in the territory of Verfeil, the Bishop would provide him with one armed knight. The labour of battle oppressed the besieged and the besiegers alike throughout the winter, as they fought with siege-engines and the other instruments of war.à Count Simon, now strengthened by the presence of the newly arrived crusaders, harried his enemies, less by direct attacks on the walls of the town than by excursions around it (which the citizens hindered by erecting barriers and digging ditches).à At last it was decided to construct a wooden engine of the type known as a 'cat', which would enable his men to bring up earth and wood to fill up the ditches; once the ditches had been levelled they would be able to engage the enemy at close quarters and effect an entry into town after breaking up the wooden barriers opposing them. However the Count [Simon] was worn out by his labours, despondent and weakened and exhausted by the drain on his resources; nor did he easily bear the prick of constant accusations be the legate that he was unthinking and remiss.à Whence, it is said, he began to pray to God to give him peace by the remedy of death.à One day, the day after the feast of St John the Baptist, he went into the cat, and a stone thrown from an enemy mangonel fell on his head; he died at once.à The news reached the citizens inside Toulouse that day, and they did not hold back from showing their delight by shouts of rejoicing, whilst on the other side there was great sadness.à Indeed the citizens were in great distress through fear of an imminent attack; moreover they had few remaining supplies and little hope of gathering their harvest that summer. So, the man who inspired terror from the Mediterranean to the British sea fell by a blow from a single stone; at his fall those who had previously stood firm fell down.à In him who was a good man, the insolence of his subordinates was thrown down.à I affirm that later I heard the Count of Toulouse (the last of his line) generously praise him - even though he was his enemy - for his fidelity, his foresight, his energy and all the qualities which befit a leader.” 16th of June - 1st of August 1219. Third Siege of the City of Toulouse, this time by Prince Louis, the future French King Louis IX (Saint Louis), again without success.

Married before 1218: Élizabeth de Mayenne (16642). Note - between 18 Sep 1248 and Apr 1249: Dreux participated and died in the Seventh Crusade. The Seventh Crusade was a crusade led by Louis IX of France from 18 September 1248 to 24 April 1254. Approximately 50,000 gold bezants (a sum equal to the entire annual revenue of France) was paid in ransom for King Louis who, along with thousands of his troops, were captured and defeated by the Egyptian army led by the Ayyubid Sultan Turanshah supported by the Bahariyya Mamluks led by Faris ad-Din Aktai, Baibars al-Bunduqdari, Qutuz , Aybak and Qalawun. France was perhaps the strongest state in Europe at the time, as the Albigensian Crusade had brought Provence into Parisian control. Poitou was ruled by Louis IX's brother Alphonse of Poitiers, who joined him on his crusade in 1245. Another brother, Charles I of Anjou, also joined Louis. For the next three years Louis collected an ecclesiastical tenth (mostly from church tithes), and in 1248 he and his approximately 15,000-strong army that included 3,000 knights, and 5,000 crossbowmen sailed on 36 ships from the ports of Aigues-Mortes, which had been specifically built to prepare for the crusade, and Marseille. Louis IX's financial preparations for this expedition were comparatively well organized, and he was able to raise approximately 1,500,000 livres tournois. However, many nobles who joined Louis on the expedition had to borrow money from the royal treasury, and the crusade turned out to be very expensive. The Seventh shares with the Sixth Crusade the attribute of being under the control of a particular monarch. Taken together, they show plainly that the papacy had lost control of the crusading movement and, equally, that the movement was no longer able to stir interest throughout Europe. The crusades were close to becoming the instrument of national policy. The King and Queen sailed to Cyprus, arriving at Limassol on 18 September 1248, where they were received by King Henry of Cyprus. They were joined there by the Grand Master of the Hospital, the Grand Master of the Temple, and many of the Palestinian barons. Louis called a council and there it was agreed to aim for Egypt. Both in the Latin West and in Outremer it was understood that Jerusalem could never be secure so long as Egypt was hostile. the Latin Empire set up after the Fourth Crusade asked for his help against the Byzantine Empire of Nicaea, and the Principality of Antioch and the Knights Templar wanted his help in Syria, where the Muslims had recently captured Sidon. Once the objective was decided, Louis wanted to set out at once, but the locals persuaded him that an attack on the Nile delta in winter would be too risky. There were few harbors along the delta; landing required calm seas and the winter storms made these unpredictable. Despite his eagerness, Louis agreed to wait until spring. Egypt would, Louis thought, provide a base from which to attack Jerusalem, and its wealth and supply of grain would keep the crusaders fed and equipped. During the winter, the king was distracted by various diplomatic maneuvers, including sending an expedition to the Mongols to seek an alliance there. Constantinople begged him to help in its struggle with the Emperor of Nicaea. Antioch asked for help. The Templars were engaged in some complex negotiations with Aleppo. Louis steadfastly refused to be distracted from his crusading goal and refused all these entanglements, except he did send six hundred archers to Bohémond at Antioch. In the spring, additional troops arrived from the Morea. Louis had arranged for supplies at Cyprus, but he had planned only for a stay of weeks, not months, and he now had far fewer stores than he had hoped. More time (and supplies) was wasted in trying to find ships, for Venice now refused to help at all, and Genoa was distracted by a war. When a fleet did assemble, it was promptly scattered in a storm. When Louis sailed in May 1249, he had with him only about a quarter of his army. The rest of the army was making its way toward Egypt as best it could, but Louis would not wait. He arrived off the coast of Egypt on 4 June 1249. The Egyptians knew Louis was coming and had dispatched a strong force to oppose him. His advisors all told Louis to wait until the rest of the army should come up, but he refused. On the morning of the 5th, the King landed, leading his troops personally. A fierce battle developed on the beach. John of Ibelin, Count of Jaffa, along with the King himself, distinguished themselves with their courage. The Egyptian commander, Fakhr ad-Din, withdrew under cover of darkness back to Damietta. While there was great elation at their victory, the Christians knew that the really hard fighting still lay ahead. During the night, Fakhr ad-Din found that the city lacked the resolve to fight. He made the tactical decision to abandon the city and to retreat up river. Most of the Muslim population, already in a panic over the prospect of a terrible siege, left with the Egyptian troops. In the morning, some Christians from the city came to the French camp to tell them that the city was undefended. Louis marched triumphantly into Damietta on 6 June 1249. The last time Damietta had fallen to the Christians, the Sultan had offered Jerusalem in exchange. Hopes among the Crusaders ran very high. Having won Damietta, the Crusaders now stopped. The Nile would begin to flood in another month, and everyone remembered the fate of the Fifth Crusade. Moreover, the greater part of the army had not yet arrived. Louis decided to wait out the flood season before considering a further advance up the Nile. The knights sat back and enjoyed the spoils of war. Louis was in his element here, dispensing justice and arrangement the affairs of government. But as the army grew and waiting, it consumed supplies at an alarming rate, and discipline grew slack. Once again the Sultan, who was old and dying of tuberculosis, offered Jerusalem for Damietta. Once again, the Crusaders refused, believing that they had the Egyptians on the run and would be able to win even more. Louis ignored the agreement made during the Fifth Crusade that Damietta should be given to the Kingdom of Jerusalem, now a rump state in Acre, but he did set up an archbishopric there (under the authority of the Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem) and used the city as a base to direct military operations against the Muslims of Syria. In Cairo, the political temperature rose rapidly. The Sultan, Ayub, was dying and everyone knew it. He had relied on his slave warriors, known as the Mamluks, for the defense of Damietta and they were now disgraced. They were advocating a palace revolution to restore their position, but Fakhr ad-Din would not lead them. Ayub did what he could. Al-Kamil had constructed a small town on the site of his victory over the Fifth Crusade, naming it al-Mansourah: the Victorious. Ayub had himself brought in a litter to Mansourah and turned the place into an armed camp. He sent Bedouin raiders out to harry any Christians who dared to venture beyond Damietta and the army camp set up outside it. September came and went, then October. The floodwaters receded and the way to Cairo opened. Louis received reinforcements from France, commanded by his brother Alfonso of Poitou. After some discussion, it was agreed to advance up the Nile toward Cairo, and the army set out on 20 November 1249. The King left his Queen behind in Damietta, along with the Patriarch of Jerusalem and a strong garrison. Louis IX sent a letter to as-Salih Ayyub that said : “ As you know that I am the ruler of the Christian nation I do know you are the ruler of the Muhammadan nation. The people of Andalusia give me money and gifts while we drive them like cattle. We kill their men and we make their women widows. We take the boys and the girls as prisoners and we make houses empty. I have told you enough and I have advised you to the end, so now if you make the strongest oath to me and if you go to christian priests and monks and if you carry kindles before my eyes as a sign of obeying the cross, all these will not persuade me from reaching you and killing you at your dearest spot on earth. If the land will be mine then it is a gift to me. If the land will be yours and you defeat me then you will have the upper hand. I have told you and I have warned you about my soldiers who obey me. They can fill open fields and mountains, their number like pebbles. They will be sent to you with swords of destruction.” In November 1249, Louis marched towards Cairo, and almost at the same time, the Ayyubid sultan of Egypt, as-Salih Ayyub, died. Sultan Ayub died on 23 November 1249 at Mansourah. With the Mamluks and other troops already restless, the Sultana managed to hide the fact of her husbands death long enough to recall her son, Turan-shah, from Syria and to make sure that she and Fakhr ad-Din were securely in power. She managed all this even as Louis and his army were advancing up the Nile toward her. Fakhr ad-Din kept most of his forces at Mansourah, securely protected by the joining of the Bahr as-Saghir with the Nile--exactly the same position occupied by al-Kamil about thirty years previously. He sent cavalry forces out to oppose the Christians, and some heavy fighting developed at Fariskur on 7 December, but Louis led his troops well and they were little delayed by these attacks. The Crusaders arrived on the banks of the Bahr as-Saghir on 21 December 1249, and the two armies dug in. The rivers protected the Christians as much as they did the Muslims. Fakhr ad-Din tried several times to find a way to attack the French, but each attempt was thwarted. For their part, the Christians were engaged in trying to build a dyke to bridge the river, but the Egyptians managed to thwart that in their turn. January 1250 passed in these activities. Then, at the beginning of February, the Crusaders got a break. A Coptic Christian offered to show them a ford across the river. They set out on 8 February 1250. The vanguard was led by the King's brother, Robert of Artois, accompanied by the Templars and the English. Louis gave strict orders that no one should attack until he himself gave the order. The crossing was difficult and took a long time. Once over, Artois decided to attack right away, fearing that the Egyptians might discover him there before the French could get across. The Templars reminded him of the King's orders, but he made the decision to attack anyway. Duke Robert was almost immediately successful. The Egyptians were just going about their morning business, unaware that the Christians had crossed the river, so the French were able to burst into the camp almost unopposed. The Egyptians were not formed up, many weren't even armored. Many fled immediately for Mansourah; those who stood and fought, including the Egyptian commander Fakhr ad-Din, were slaughtered. The Egyptian camp was now in Crusader hands, a very great triumph, but Robert of Artois wanted more. He wanted to pursue the fleeing Egyptians and to capture Mansourah; if that city fell, Cairo could not stand. With Cairo, so fell all of Egypt, and the future of the Holy Land would be assured. It was a crucial moment. But the Crusader forces were badly dispersed in and around the Egyptian camp, and in any case the superiority of the Latin cavalry would be lost in the narrow streets of a city. Both the Grand Master of the Temple, William of Sonnac, and the commander of the English contingent, the Earl of Salisbury, advised Robert to wait for the main Crusader force under King Louis. The Duke dismissed the others as cowards and urged his French forces forward. The Templars and the English reluctantly followed, knowing that Artois would be killed if he went on alone. King Louis and the bulk of the French army were still crossing the Bahr as-Saghir, unaware of what was happening. In Mansourah, the fleeing Mamluks were re-grouped under a new leader, Rukn ad-Din Baibars. He stationed his men around the city and allowed the Crusaders to charge into the city without opposition. Once they were all deep within the town, Baibars ordered the counter-attack. Even the people of the town took part, casting down stones and pulling riders from their horses. The Crusaders could not defend themselves; many, indeed, found themselves in alleys so narrow they could not even turn their horses around. Disaster fell on them. Two hundred and ninety Templar knights rode into Mansourah; five escaped. Robert of Artois was killed, overwhelmed when he tried to take refuge in a house. The Lord of Coucy and the Count of Brienne were killed. The Grand Master William lost one eye, but managed to get away. The Earl of Salisbury and almost all of the English knights were killed. Many who escaped the city drowned while trying to swim the river back to safety. Duke Peter of Brittany, severely wounded, managed to make it to the river crossing and it was he who told the King of the disaster. Louis knew what was coming. He quickly formed his army up to meet an attack, but his crossbowmen were still on the other side of the river. The king ordered a pontoon bridge to be built as quickly as possible so they could cross, knowing that their arrows would be needed. In the meantime, the Mamluks attacked. That afternoon saw hard fighting on both sides. More than once the Egyptian army was on the verge of success, but personal courage on the Christian side kept the French intact. Toward sundown, the bridge was at last completed and the bowmen hurried over. That was enough for the Egyptians, and they retired to the safety of Mansourah. Louis learned of his brother's death only after the fighting was done. He wept over his loss, but he could not hope for vengeance, for that same brother had been responsible for the loss of too many knights. The king ordered a retreat back to the Crusader camp. Louis was defeated as well, but he did not withdraw to Damietta for months, preferring to besiege Mansourah, which ended in starvation and death for the crusaders rather than the Muslims. In showing utter agony, a Templar knight lamented : “ Rage and sorrow are seated in my heart...so firmly that I scarce dare to stay alive. It seems that God wishes to support the Turks to our loss...ah, lord God...alas, the realm of the East has lost so much that it will never be able to rise up again. They will make a Mosque of Holy Mary's convent, and since the theft pleases her Son, who should weep at this, we are forced to comply as well...Anyone who wishes to fight the Turks is mad, for Jesus Christ does not fight them any more. They have conquered, they will conquer. For every day they drive us down, knowing that God, who was awake, sleeps now, and Muhammad waxes powerful.” The Egyptians soon tried to capitalize on their victory, attacking three days after the Battle of Mansourah. Hard fighting lasted all day, but in the end the Christians were able to withstand the attack and the Egyptians again withdrew. There followed a stalemate that lasted for several weeks, but always to the detriment of the Christians. After the death of the Sultan, the Sultana immediately summoned Turanshah to Cairo. He arrived on 28 February 1250 and soon tightened the noose around the Christians by implementing a successful blockade of the Nile. All though March, few supply ships managed to slip the blockade; at the end of the month, a whole fleet of thirty-two ships were seized. Famine and disease stalked the Christian camp, and King Louis realized that he must retreat or risk losing everything. He first tried to offer Turanshah an exchange: Damietta for Jerusalem; but the Sultan would have none of it. The Latin army set out under cover of darkness early on 5 April 1250. They managed to get across the Bahr as-Saghir via a pontoon bridge before the Egyptians noticed the movement, but the Christians neglected to destroy the bridge behind them and the Egyptians set out in pursuit. The King remained in the rear guard, leading the defense against the Egyptian attacks. That night, however, he fell ill and by morning could barely ride. The next day, the army tried to move on, but typhoid and dysentery were everywhere. By mid-day, the King could go no further and his bodyguard placed him in a house at Sharimshah. The Egyptians closed in. Although the King never ordered a surrender, and Philip of Montfort was negotiating with the Sultan, there was a confusion of orders and the army simply surrendered. It scarcely mattered; the army could not have fought. A little later, the Christian ships that had been sent down the Nile carrying the sick and wounded were likewise captured. The entire Crusader army, including the King of France and many of the barons of Outremer, was now captive. The only point of resistance was Damietta, still under the command of Queen Margaret of France. With her were only a handful of knights, a large contingent of Italians, and the Patriarch of Jerusalem. Her situation was complicated by the fact that she was nine months pregnant. The Egyptians had captured such a large army, they lacked enough men even to guard it. Every day, for the next seven days in succession, three hundred of the weakest were taken aside and decapitated. By these measures the number of Christian captives was reduced to a manageable size. King Louis was take to Mansourah, both for better security and for better medical care, for his was very sick. Even so, he was kept in chains, even while he was being nursed back to health. The King's health was very important to the Sultan, for he was the biggest bargaining chip. That there was a bargain to be made at all was due largely to Queen Margaret. Three days after hearing of the surrender of the army and the capture of her husband, Margaret gave birth to a son whom she named John Tristan (John Sorrow). That same day she heard that the Italians were planning to abandon Damietta as the city was threatened with a shortage of food. Summoning their leaders to her bedside, she persuaded them to stay by offering to buy sufficient food out of her own purse. Margaret and her son were soon sent to the safety of Acre, and negotiations with the Sultan were taken over by the Patriarch Robert, but the Queen's courage at a crucial moment had saved the city, giving the Patriarch something with which to bargain. Meanwhile, extraordinary events were transpiring at Fariskur, where the Sultan and the main Egyptian army were encamped. On 2 May 1250, Turanshah gave a great banquet. At the end of the feast, a faction of Mamluk soldiers rushed in and tried to kill him. These soldiers had been offended by Turanshah's treatment of them and, led by Baibars, decided to exact vengeance. The Sultan was wounded but managed to escape to a tower next to the Nile River. The Mamluks pursued him and set the tower on fire. Turanshah leaped into the river. His pursuers stood on the banks and shot at him with arrows, even as he begged for his life, offering to abdicate. Unable to kill him from the shore, Baibars himself waded out into the water and hacked the Sultan to death. A puppet Sultan was chosen, but he lasted only a few years. In reality, from that bloody night forward, Baibars Bundukdari was the ruler of Egypt. The Mamluks would rule here for almost three hundred years as the slave-sultans. The Patriarch of Jerusalem arrived in the immediate aftermath of these events. Despite some blood-curdling threats, the Mamluks chose to confirm the bargain made by Turanshah, mainly because of the enormous ransom of half a million pounds tournois. On May 6, Damietta was surrendered to the Egyptians, and King Louis was brought there and released the same day. He was required to pay half the ransom (now reduced to 400,000 pounds) immediately. With the reluctant help of the Templars, he managed to do this and to set sail the same day for Acre. A great many wounded soldiers had been left behind at Damietta; as soon as the Crusaders were gone, the Mamluks slaughtered all these. Louis arrived at Acre on 12 May 1250. Most of his army was dead and much of the rest of it was still captive. He was still obliged to raise the other half of the ransom money to free them, but his own financial reserves had been drained nearly dry. His mother wrote from France that he was sorely needed at home, but he decided to stay. His brothers and many others went home in July, leaving behind as much money as they could spare and about 1,400 men. Louis was now effectively the ruler of Outremer. Conrad of Germany was technically its monarch, but he obviously had no intention of coming to the East, and a commander was desperately needed. Some legal shuffling was done to give an appearance of legitimacy, but Louis' role was more pragmatic than legal. Fortunately, the Mamluk revolution that had led to a new split between Cairo and Damascus, for the Syrians resented the Mamluks and their murder of Turanshah. An-Nasr Yusuf of Aleppo, a great-grandson of Saladin, occupied Damascus and opened negotiations with Louis. He could not accept an open alliance with so many prisoners still in Egypt, but at least the King did not need to face an immediate Muslim offensive against the Crusader states. That winter, the Ayubites of Damascus invaded Egypt but were repulsed. In 1251, because of this rivalry between the Ayubites and the Mamluks, Louis was able to negotiate the return of all the Christian prisoners (about three thousand) in exchange for three hundred Muslim prisoners and no further money; in return, Louis promised to aid Cairo against Damascus. The King had learned a great deal about politics in Outremer. Louis spent 1252 repairing fortifications in various towns, working from Jaffa. Although there was some maneuvering of armies, the Mamluks chose not to leave the safety of Egypt and neither Louis nor an-Nasr Yusuf would risk an open battle. In 1253, Yusuf appealed to the Caliph at Baghdad to arbitrate between himself and Aibek, the puppet Sultan of Cairo. The Caliph was concerned to unite the Muslims against the invading Mongols and so took an uncharacteristically active hand. He negotiated a settlement acceptable to both Damascus and Cairo, and the alliance with the Christians was immediately forgotten. Louis' presence in Outremer had saved the Crusader states from the disaster at Mansourah. He did this not only by dealing effectively with the Ayubites at Damascus and the Mamluks at Cairo, but also by keeping good order among the barons of Outremer and by gaining their respect. Louis conducted himself with bravery in the battles in Egypt and with great dignity while in captivity. Once he arrived at Acre, he showed himself to be fair-minded, generous and impartial in his dealings with the barons. He arbitrated a dispute at Antioch and then some delicate issues of succession over the crown of Jerusalem itself. He could easily have made himself a partisan in this latter, and even have laid claim to the throne himself. Instead, he continued to administer the affairs of the kingdom in the name of its child-kings and respected the decisions of the High Court of Cyprus regarding the succession. Despite feeling that he was still needed in Outremer, Louis returned to France in 1254. His mother had died in November 1252. She had been the strong hand at the helm during his abscence, and trouble broke out soon after her death. By late 1253, with trouble in Flanders and with King Henry of England threatening, Louis knew he had to leave. He set out on 24 April 1254 and arrived in France in July. The immediate parallels with the Fifth Crusade are obvious: the capture of Damietta, a brave advance upriver followed by catastrophe. But the effects of the Seventh Crusade were perhaps even more profound. Louis was universally respected. There had been no internal rivalries within the Crusader camp. If God did not grant victory here, then perhaps victory belonged only to the early Crusaders, who had long since passed into legendary status. It would be long before there was again any enthusiasm for crusading; another generation, really. The loss of money and life was disastrous for the Crusader states themselves and especially for the Military Orders; they never fully recovered. Outremer was now faced with an aggressive military state in Egypt and only the ominous advance of the Mongols prolonged its life. Once the Mongols had been dealt with, the Crusader states fell quickly. Louis himself was deeply distressed over his failure. He lost a brother on the Crusade and many good friends besides. It is evident that he was haunted by this because at the end of his life, he undertook another crusade. In 1270, against the advice of counselors and family, Louis again fielded an army and headed east. His ultimate goal was again deflected by a brother: this time, by Charles of Anjou, now King of Sicily, who persuaded Louis to attack Tunis first. He did so, gained a victory, but died of a fever in August. As a final irony, he was preceeded in death at Tunis by his son, John Tristan, the boy born at Damietta amid disaster. The history of the Seventh Crusade was written by Jean de Joinville, who was also a participant, Matthew Paris and many Muslim historians. Died: in 1249 at Cyprus.

1.1.5.1.1.2 Guillaume I, Comte de Mello (20697) (Abbott, Page 45.) (Abbott, Page 45.) (Abbott, Page 45.).

Born: circa 1134 at France, son of Dreux III de Mello (2886) and Agnès de Toucy (2887) (Abbott, Page 45.). Note - between 1188 and 1192: Guillaume participated with his brother, Dreux IV, and died in the Third Crusade.

Third Crusade (1188 – 1192).

After the failure of the Second Crusade, Nur ad-Din had control of Damascus and a unified Syria. Eager to expand his power, Nur ad-Din set his sights on the Fatimid dynasty of Egypt. In 1163, Nur ad-Din's most trusted general, Shirkuh set out on a military expedition to the Nile. Accompanying the general was his young nephew, Saladin. With Shirkuh's troops camped outside of Cairo, Egypt's sultan, Shawar called on King Amalric I of Jerusalem for assistance. In response, Amalric sent an army into Egypt and attacked Shirkuh's troops at Bilbeis in 1164. In an attempt to divert Crusader attention from Egypt, Nur ad-Din attacked Antioch, resulting in a massacre of Christian soldiers and the capture of several Crusader leaders, including Bohemond III, Prince of Antioch. Nur ad-Din sent the scalps of the Christian defenders to Egypt for Shirkuh to proudly display at Bilbeis for Amalric's soldiers to see. This action prompted both Amalric and Shirkuh to lead their armies out of Egypt. In 1167, Nur ad-Din once again sent Shirkuh to conquer the Fatimids in Egypt. Shawar also opted to once again call upon Amalric for the defence of his territory. The combined Egyptian-Christian forces pursued Shirkuh until he retreated to Alexandria. Amalric then breached his alliance with Shawar by turning his forces on Egypt and besieging the city of Bilbeis. Shawar pleaded with his former enemy, Nur ad-Din to save him from Amalric's treachery. Lacking the resources to maintain a prolonged siege of Cairo against the combined forces of Nur ad-Din and Shawar, Amalric retreated. This new alliance gave Nur ad-Din rule over virtually all of Syria and Egypt.

Shawar was executed for his alliances with the Christian forces, and Shirkuh succeeded him as vizier of Egypt. In 1169, Shirkuh died unexpectedly after only weeks of rule. Shirkuh's successor was his nephew, Salah ad-Din Yusuf, commonly known as Saladin. Nur ad-Din died in 1174, leaving the new empire to his 11-year old son, As-Salih. It was decided that the only man competent enough to uphold the jihad against the Crusaders was Saladin, who became sultan of both Egypt and Syria, and the founder of the Ayyubid dynasty. Amalric also died in 1174, leaving Jerusalem to his 13-year old son, Baldwin IV. Although Baldwin suffered from leprosy, he was an effective and active military commander, defeating Saladin at the battle of Montgisard in 1177, with support from Raynald of Châtillon, who had been released from prison in 1176. Later, he forged an agreement with Saladin to allow free trade between Muslim and Christian territories. Raynald also raided caravans throughout the region. He expanded his piracy to the Red Sea by sending galleys not only to raid ships, but to assault the city of Mecca itself. These acts enraged the Muslim world, giving Raynald a reputation as the most hated man in the Middle East. Baldwin IV died in 1185 and the kingdom was left to his nephew Baldwin V, whom he had crowned as co-king in 1183. Raymond III of Tripoli again served as regent. The following year, Baldwin V died before his ninth birthday, and his mother Princess Sybilla, sister of Baldwin IV, crowned herself queen and her husband, Guy of Lusignan, king. It was at this time that Raynald, once again, raided a rich caravan and had its travelers thrown in prison. Saladin demanded that the prisoners and their cargo be released. The newly crowned King Guy appealed to Raynald to give in to Saladin's demands, but Raynald refused to follow the king's orders

It was this final act of outrage by Raynald which gave Saladin the opportunity he needed to take the offensive against the kingdom. He laid siege to the city of Tiberias in 1187. Raymond advised patience, but King Guy, acting on advice from Raynald, marched his army to the Horns of Hattin outside of Tiberias. The Crusader army, thirsty and demoralized, was destroyed in the ensuing battle. King Guy and Raynald were brought to Saladin's tent, where Guy was offered a goblet of water. Guy took a drink but was forbidden to pass the goblet to Raynald, because the Muslim rule of hospitality states that one who receives food or drink is under the protection of the host, and that anyone in need of water should be given an adequate amount. Saladin would not be forced to protect the treacherous Raynald by allowing him to drink. Raynald, who had not had a drop of water in days, grabbed the goblet out of Guy's hands. Upon seeing Raynald's disrespect for Muslim custom, Saladin beheaded Raynald for past betrayals. Saladin honored tradition with King Guy; Guy was sent to Damascus and eventually ransomed to his people, one of the few captive crusaders to avoid execution. By the end of the year, Saladin had taken Acre and Jerusalem. Pope Urban III is said to have collapsed and died upon hearing the news. However, at the time of his death, the news of the fall of Jerusalem could not yet have reached him, although he knew of the battle of Hattin and the fall of Acre.

The new pope, Gregory VIII proclaimed that the capture of Jerusalem was punishment for the sins of Christians across Europe. The cry went up for a new crusade to the Holy Land. Henry II of England and Philip II of France ended their war with each other, and both imposed a "Saladin tithe" on their citizens to finance the venture. In Britain, Baldwin of Exeter, the archbishop of Canterbury, made a tour through Wales, convincing 3,000 men-at-arms to take up the cross, recorded in the Itinerary of Giraldus Cambrensis. The elderly Holy Roman Emperor Frederick I Barbarossa responded to the call immediately. He took up the Cross at Mainz Cathedral on March 27, 1188 and was the first to set out for the Holy Land in May of 1189 with an army of about 100,000 men, including 20,000 knights. However, some historians believe that this is an exaggeration and that the true figure might be closer to 15,000 men, including 3,000 knights.

The Byzantine Emperor Isaac II Angelus made a secret alliance with Saladin to impede Frederick's progress in exchange for his empire's safety. On May 18, 1190, the German army captured Iconium, the capital of the Sultanate of Rüm. However, on June 10, 1190, Frederick was thrown from his horse in the crossing of the Saleph River and drowned. After this, much of his army returned to Germany. His son Frederick of Swabia led the remaining 5,000 men to Antioch. There, the emperor's body was boiled to remove the flesh, which was interred in the Church of St. Peter; his bones were put in a bag to continue the crusade. In Antioch, however, the German army was further reduced by fever. Young Frederick had to ask the assistance of his kinsman Conrad of Montferrat to lead him safely to Acre, by way of Tyre, where his father's bones were buried. Henry II of England died on July 6, 1189 following a defeat by his son Richard I (Lionheart) and Philip II. Richard inherited the crown and immediately began raising funds for the crusade. In July 1190, Richard and Philip set out jointly from Marseille, France for Sicily. Philip II had hired a Genoese fleet to transport his army which consisted of 650 knights, 1,300 horses, and 1,300 squires to the Holy Land. William II of Sicily had died the previous year, and was replaced by Tancred, who placed Joan of England—William's wife and Richard's sister—in prison. Richard captured the capital city of Messina on October 4, 1190 and Joan was released. Richard and Philip fell out over the issue of Richard's marriage, as Richard had decided to marry Berengaria of Navarre, breaking off his long- standing betrothal to Philip's half-sister Alys. Philip left Sicily directly for the Middle East on March 30, 1191, and arrived in Tyre in mid-May. He joined the siege of Acre on May 20. Richard did not set off from Sicily until April 10. Shortly after setting sail from Sicily, Richard's armada of 100 ships (carrying 8,000 men) was struck by a violent storm. Several ships ran aground, including one holding Joan, his new fiancée Berengaria, and a large amount of treasure that had been amassed for the crusade. It was soon discovered that Isaac Dukas Comnenus of Cyprus had seized the treasure. The young women were unharmed. Richard entered Limassol on May 6, and met with Isaac, who agreed to return Richard's belongings and send 500 of his soldiers to the Holy Land. Once back at his fortress of Famagusta, Isaac broke his oath of hospitality and began issuing orders for Richard to leave the island. Isaac's arrogance prompted Richard to conquer the island within days.

Following his victory, Richard took Jaffa and established his new headquarters there. He offered to begin negotiations with Saladin, who sent his brother, Al-Adil to meet with Richard. Negotiations (which had included an attempt to marry Richard's sister Joan to Al-Adil) failed, and Richard marched to Ascalon. Richard called on Conrad to join him on campaign, but he refused, citing Richard's alliance with King Guy. He too had been negotiating with Saladin, as a defence against any attempt by Richard to wrest Tyre from him for Guy. However, in April, Richard was forced to accept Conrad as king of Jerusalem after an election by the nobles of the kingdom. Guy had received no votes at all, but Richard sold him Cyprus as compensation. Before he could be crowned, Conrad was stabbed to death by two Hashshashin in the streets of Tyre. Eight days later, Richard's nephew Henry II of Champagne married Queen Isabella, who was pregnant with Conrad's child. It was strongly suspected that the king's killers had acted on instructions from Richard. In July 1192, Saladin's army suddenly attacked and captured Jaffa with thousands of men, but Saladin had lost control of his army because of their anger for the massacre at Acre. It was believed that Saladin even told the Crusaders to shield themselves in the Citadel until he had regained control of his army. Later, Richard had arrived in ships, but did not land because he did not know the situation, until a priest swam to the ship and told him what happened. The city was then re-captured by Richard and a much smaller force of 55 men on July 31. A final battle was fought on August 5 in which Richard once again emerged triumphant. On September 2, 1192, Richard and Saladin finalized a treaty by which Jerusalem would remain under Muslim control, but which also allowed unarmed Christian pilgrims to visit the city. Richard departed the Holy Land on October 9.

Richard was arrested and imprisoned in December 1192 by Duke Leopold, who suspected him of murdering his cousin Conrad of Montferrat, and had been offended by Richard casting down his standard from the walls of Acre. He was later transferred to the custody of Henry VI, Holy Roman Emperor, and it took a ransom of one hundred fifty thousand marks to obtain his release. Richard returned to England in 1194 and died of a crossbow bolt wound in 1199 at the age of 41. In 1193, Saladin died of yellow fever, leaving behind only one piece of gold and forty-seven pieces of silver; he had given the rest away to charity. Henry of Champagne was killed in an accidental fall in 1197. Queen Isabella then married for a fourth time, to Amalric of Lusignan, who had succeeded his brother Guy, positioned as King of Cyprus. After their deaths in 1205, her eldest daughter Maria of Montferrat (born after her father's murder) succeeded to the throne of Jerusalem.

The failure of the Third Crusade would lead to the call for a Fourth Crusade six years after the third ended in 1192.

Accounts of events surrounding the Third Crusade were written by the anonymous authors of the Itinerarium Peregrinorum et Gesta Regis Ricardi, the Old French Continuation of William of Tyre (parts of which are attributed to Ernoul), and by Ambroise, Roger of Howden, Ralph of Diceto, and Giraldus Cambrensis. Died: in 1190.

1.1.6 Aubry de Beaumont-sur-Oise (20091) (Paul Theroff, posts, Posted on the Internet, at Uniform Resource Locator (URL) ftp://members.aol.com/ptheroff/Beaumont.txt, 20 June 1996 at 15:27 hours.) (Paul Theroff, posts, Posted on the Internet, at Uniform Resource Locator (URL) ftp://members.aol.com/ptheroff/Beaumont.txt, 20 June 1996 at 15:27 hours.) (Paul Theroff, posts, Posted on the Internet, at Uniform Resource Locator (URL) ftp://members.aol.com/ptheroff/Beaumont.txt, 20 June 1996 at 15:27 hours.). Born: before 1059, son of Yves I/II, Count de Beaumont-sur-Oise (4395) and Emma (--?--) (4396) (Paul Theroff, posts, Posted on the Internet, at Uniform Resource Locator (URL) ftp://members.aol.com/ptheroff/Beaumont.txt, 20 June 1996 at 15:27 hours.).

Printed on: 10 Jan 2018 Prepared by: Michael J.M. Raffin, Ph.D. USA [email protected] http://Doc5thMech.com

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